Author: Emmanuel Oladesu

  • Supreme Court verdicts not military decrees, says Lagos APC

    Supreme Court verdicts not military decrees, says Lagos APC

    Lagos State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has said it finds it necessary to respond to the reckless and misleading assertion credited to one Mr. Okonkwo, in which he insinuates that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu ‘’can now rule Nigeria with the military” following a Supreme Court verdict relating to Rivers State.

    The party’s spokesman, Seye Oladejo, in a statement yesterday in Ogba, said: ‘’Such a claim is not only false, but also intellectually dishonest.’’

    He added: ‘’A Supreme Court judgment is the highest expression of constitutional authority in a democracy. It is neither a military fiat nor an executive directive. To deliberately conflate a judicial verdict with military rule is to either misunderstand the basic workings of democracy or to wilfully mislead the public for partisan ends.

    ‘’The Supreme Court did not suspend democracy in Rivers State; it merely interpreted the law as empowered by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In a constitutional democracy, court decisions may disappoint political actors, but they are binding on all. That is the essence of the rule of law.’’

    Oladejo said President Tinubu, contrary to the alarmist narrative being peddled, had neither sought nor exercised extra-constitutional powers.

    He noted that his democratic credentials were well established, adding that he was a frontline opponent of military dictatorship, a victim of repression and a contributor to the restoration of civil rule in Nigeria.

    READ ALSO: Turaki-led PDP begs Nigerians for another chance

    The statement said: ‘’The suggestion that such a leader will now govern by military proxy is as absurd as it is insulting.

    ‘’What is evident from Mr. Okonkwo’s commentary is a familiar opposition reflex: when the courts do not validate their political expectations, they attempt to delegitimise the judiciary and sow fear among the populace. This pattern of crying dictatorship at every unfavourable verdict is irresponsible and dangerous.

    ‘’More troubling, however, is the fact that this brand of anti-democratic rhetoric and the sheer promotion of anarchy now appear to be the default response of the opposition to constitutional setbacks. This constitutes the single greatest danger to our nascent democracy. When political actors deliberately undermine confidence in the courts and demonise lawful authority, they weaken the very foundations of the republic they claim to defend.

    ‘’Nigeria remains a constitutional democracy governed by laws, institutions and separation of powers. The military is under civilian control as prescribed by the Constitution, and there has been no action, directive or policy under President Tinubu that suggests otherwise.

    ‘’Lagos APC therefore calls on all well-meaning Nigerians, democrats and patriots to condemn this new low from the opposition in its entirety. Democracy is sustained by respect for the rule of law, not by incendiary commentary designed to provoke chaos and score cheap political points.

    Supreme Court verdicts are instruments of justice, not instruments of tyranny. They strengthen democracy; they do not destroy it.’’

  • ISSUE OF THE YEAR (1) 2025: The defection epidemic

    ISSUE OF THE YEAR (1) 2025: The defection epidemic

    Political survival, dissatisfaction arising from intra-party rifts and tensions, the pursuit of legitimate ambitions, the quest for relevance by diverse politicians are factors underlying allegiance shifts ahead of the 2027 polls. 

    The first party to be hit by defection this outgoing year was the All Progressives Congress (APC). On March 10, Nasir El-Rufai, former governor of Kaduna State who dropped out as a ministerial nominee, fought back. He announced his exit from the ruling party, citing misalignment between his personal values and the current direction of the APC.

    El-Rufai alerted Nigerians to an impending explosion in the ruling party, urging people to brace up for an opposition coalition that would challenge the APC. Former Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, also left APC for the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    But the first critical step towards the re-grouping of opposition was the exit of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and his group from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to ADC. A strange bedfellow, Rauf Aregbesola, who had been expelled from APC, became the revived party’s interim national secretary.

    Although the coalition has been at a standstill since then, the APC leadership became sensitive to its initial strong propaganda machinery. The table started turning against the platform, following high profile defections from PDP, Labour Party (LP) and New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the ruling party.

    While there was no uproar when APC was deserted by few notable politicians, critics who flayed the ruling party for accepting defectors from the opposition parties complained that the country was sliding into a one-party state.

    READ ALSO: Benin Republic demons

    This claim lacks justification. The 1999 Constitution guarantees freedom of association. It also spells out the conditions for defection from one party to another. According Section 109 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), lawmakers can leave their party if there is “division” within its ranks.

    The defections have taken their toll on the PDP, which lost four governors – Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom), Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Peter Mbah (Enugu), Douye Diri (Bayelsa) and Siminalayi Fubara (Rivers) – to APC. A fifth, Agbu Kefas of Taraba State, has crossed to the ruling party bar the formal reception. The LP was also decimated.

    PDP governors defected along with major party chieftains, including members of the National Assembly, commissioners and special advisers, local government chairmen, and other party leaders at the grassroots.

    In Bayelsa, Diri’s defection received the backing of 23 members of the state lawmakers, led by Speaker Abraham Ngobere. The 24-member Assembly currently comprises 20 PDP lawmakers; three APC, and one All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    Mbah, accompanied by his predecessor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who also decamped, said no known PDP member is left behind in Enugu State.

    He added: “This is no whimsical decision. It is a collective move by the political family in Enugu State, comprising members of the National Assembly, members of the House of Assembly, the State Executive Council, all the local government chairmen, all councillors, all political appointees, and over 80 percent of party executives.”

    An excited Vice President Kashim Shettima, who received Oborevwori into APC in Asaba, the state capital, where former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa also defected, said: “A political tsunami of this proportion has never happened where all the members of the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly are in the APC.

    “The Speaker and all the members of the House of Assembly. So many members of the House of Representatives, the governor and his entire cabinet and 500 councillors across the 25 local government areas of this great state. What testimony do you have greater than this?”

    The defectors described PDP as a sinking ship rattled by protracted leadership crisis that has led to factionalisation.

    Many chieftains fear that unresolved conflicts put the party and their ambitions in jeopardy ahead of the next general election because the status of the PDP leadership on the register of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is uncertain.

    Last month, Taraba State Governor, Agbu Kefas, was on verge of leaving PDP for APC until the rally was put on hold because of the prevailing situation in the country.

    While there are speculations that Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang, is considering ditching the main opposition party, Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke, who faces a major election next year, just resigned his membership of PDP and joined Accord Party whether he picked up the gubernatorial ticket unopposed.

    In Kano State, its main stronghold, NNPP has suffered some reverses. Through aggressive mobilisation by Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau, many chieftains have defected to APC, to the consternation of party leader, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso.

    The wave of defection has also swept across the two chambers of the National Assembly. Senators and representatives abandoning their parties justified their actions by ongoing leadership crises in PDP and LP, which is polarised into Julius Abure and Nenadi-Usman factions.

    The spate of defections has altered the numerical strength of the party caucuses in the Red and Green Chambers. APC Senators are now 73 in the 10th Senate where only 72 legislators are needed to pass any major decision or legislation.

    It has also altered the geo-political calculus. In the South-South zone, all six governors are now in APC. The latest, Fubara of Rivers State, announced on December 9 that he was moving to the ruling party to offer full support to President Tinubu.

    Before the governor made his move, 17 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly led by Speaker Martins Amaewhule announced they were crossing the aisle and joining APC. It was another dramatic turn of events in the fast-paced world of the state’s politics.

    Like 2023, the position of the South on zoning is sacrosant. The general feeling is that since the late Mohammadu Buhari from the North served as president for eight years, a southerner should also serve in the highest office for two uninterrupted terms.

    Many observers point out that there is a Tinubu factor in the spate of defections. According to them, his inclusive leadership style is electrifying. A democrat, strategist and bridge builder, he is also endowed with mobilisation prowess, organisational ability and magnetic persuasive talent.

    Mba and Diri hailed his national outlook, saying that although the president belongs to APC, he has never discriminated against PDP governors in the distribution of resources. They also denied that their defection was the product of presidential compulsion.

    APC has institutionalised a pattern of political structure harmonisation that fosters equity and fairness. For example, following their defections, the governors automatically became state leaders of the APC chapters.

    The defections reflect the inability of the opposition to put their house in order and provide alternative choices to voters. It is also the manifestation of weak leadership, lack of resilience and unwillingness to make sacrifice and stick to defining principles.

    Analysts believe that these defections underscore political flexibility; an exercise of legitimate right of association and assembly aptly driven by interest. The moral question is ignored because politics and morality exist in clear-cut antithetical relationship.

    Elected public officials hide under the constitutional provision that permits them to leave their parties due to leadership crises, particularly at the national level. In the process, democratic accountability is eroded, political choice is nullified and electoral legitimacy is undermined because the electorate primarily vote for the party, with the candidate only acting as the symbol.

    The pattern of elite party defection reflects the struggle for power by leading actors, whose claims within political parties are bolstered by the strength of followership they command.

    Many critics pointed out that some of the defections are clearly self-serving, and not based on ideology. The gravitations are thus propelled by the perception of their next point of call as the winning party.

    The lack of ideological differences between political parties often predispose politicians to switch, to satisfy the goals of steady access to power and resources, and alignment with formidable winning structures that guarantee political and economic opportunities.

    As the late First/Second Republic political stalwart, Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, once observed, “the world over, some politicians believe in gravitating towards winning parties.”

  • ISSUE OF THE YEAR (1) 2025: The huge cost of insecurity

    ISSUE OF THE YEAR (1) 2025: The huge cost of insecurity

    Nigeria has been under the siege of terrorism since 2009 when Boko Haram began its inexplicable onslaught. Since then more groups like the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Ansaru, have joined the fray. In recent months, the spate of abductions and killings has increased, resulting in the country’s designation as a Country of Particular Concern by the United States government. Deputy Editor Emmanuel Oladesu examines the cost of insecurity across the nation and renewed efforts by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to reinvigorate the anti-terror war.

    Nigeria will not forget the outgoing year in a hurry, particularly the pain and anxiety unleashed by terror.   The fear of kidnapping has been the beginning of wisdom. Everybody is a target. No Nigerian, high or low, is off the radar of abductors.  Vigilance at home, school, market, church, social events and on the road has become the watchword.

    From far-flung villages to bubbling towns bandits inflict trauma, causing deep physical and emotional wounds. The statistics are startling. As at June, this year, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) reported 3,012 kidnappings and N3, 584 killings in the last 15 months.

    Also, a report by a research firm, SBM Intelligence, in August, revealed the scale of the kidnapping crisis. No fewer than 4,722 people were abducted and N2.57 billion paid to kidnappers as ransom between July 2024 and June 2025.

    The report, titled: ‘Economics of Nigeria’s Kidnap Industry’, paints an astonishing picture of a booming criminal enterprise fuelled by the motivating financial gains from horror and apparent weak law enforcement.

    Not all the cases of kidnappings and killings are captured by the media. But also devastating is the number of missing persons as more Nigerians are lost to armed conflicts, herder-farmer conflicts, inter-ethnic tensions, serial abductions and money rituals.

    According to the International Committee of Red Cross, in an October report, over 23,659 people were missing and 13, 595 families devastated.

    At a time the country is rising, like a Phoenix from the ashes of economic retardation and achieving stability under the Tinubu administration, insecurity is growing. This has given rise to fears, by observers, that some of the incidents may be politically-motivated.

    The spate of killings has thrown country into a big storm. Despite huge expenditure and the determination of security agencies to reclaim Nigeria from its tormentors, relief is still far; life is not safe; it is becoming short, nasty and brutish.

    Expectedly, the whipping boy is the government, not for lack of efforts, but due to the perception that it is its primary duty to protect lives and property. 

    In the last two months, the wave of abductions reached a crescendo. Between November 17 and 21, the country experienced four violent cases of abduction and brutal killing.

    The seizure of students in Niger and Kebbi schools, the kidnapping of Brigadier-General Musa Uba who died in captivity, and the abduction of 38 worshippers in Eruku and 11 others in Isapa in Kwara State caused general anxiety. It was a relief that the 38 victims returned home safely, like those 21 passengers rescued at the weekend in Kogi by security forces.

    READ ALSO: Dominant APC waits with bated breath

    At St. Mary’s School in Papiri, Niger State, 303 students and 12 teachers were snatched. The number surpassed the 276 taken away during the infamous Chibok mass abduction of 2014. Although 50 have returned home, 250 are still being held.

    Ultimately, world attention has shifted to the most populous black country on earth, now designated as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) by United States President Donald Trump, following persistent allegations of Christian genocide by vocal Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) leaders.

    There is no reprieve for the Northeast states of Borno, Yobe and some areas in Adamawa. In the Northwest, it is almost daily lamentations in troubled spots in Zamfara and Kebbi. These are Muslim-dominated environments. In Manga, Plateau State, there is ethno-religious tension. The Regional Leader of the Church of Christ in Nations, Rev. Ezekiel Dachomo, complained that a church was forcefully seized and turned into a mosque. In the state, many communities were raided by marauders.

    The response to terror in Christian-dominated North-Central areas by Christian leaders contrasts sharply with reactions by their Muslim counterparts. It is not without justification, although the claim that only non-Muslims are targets paled into propaganda.

    In April, over 56 people lost their lives in a series of attacks in Benue State by suspected herders, to be followed by 42 deaths in May. Indeed, government has not kept quiet over the tragedy. Arrests of suspects were made and they were arraigned in court. The killings in Plateau State follow the same pattern.

    The incessant attacks has led to serious humanitarian crisis, particularly the displacement of over 5, 00,000 people who now sojourn in Internally Displaced Camps without access to adequate food, water, sanitation and healthcare.

    During the June 14 attack by gunmen on Yelwata, more 100 people were killed and over 3,941 fled their homes. Officials of Amnesty International who visited the scene reported the smell of decomposing bodies hung in the air, bullet shells littering the ground, and mass graves dug to bury the dead. Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camped in Gwer West, Agatu, Ukum, Kwande, Logo, Guma and Makurdi and the makeshift IDP camp at Makurdi Modern Market had tales of woes to tell. These populations are made more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

    Many traditional rulers and priests have fallen victims. Not all of them came back alive. Many soldiers and policemen have also been killed on battlefields in the course of repelling terror attacks.

    Trump has threatened military action over what he described as the “mass slaughter” of Christians, a claim the Federal Government has rejected because both Christians and Muslims are often indiscriminately killed by the terror gangs.

    The attacks cut across the six geopolitical zones in varying degrees. In fact, recent ones show that members of terrorist groups in Nigeria can crisscross the country unhindered.

    In the North, Boko Haram, ISWAP and Ansaru are consistently on the prowl. Their hideouts are mostly in the North; in forests within Sambisa in Borno, Yobe, Sokoto, Zanfara, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger and Kaduna.

    In the Southeast are members of the proscribed Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) who defy the law by killing, maiming, preventing free movement and disrupting socio-economic activities. The ring leader of the outlawed group, Nnamdi Kanu, was recently jailed by an Abuja Federal High Court for terrorism.

    In the Southwest and South-South are kidnappers and ritualists, who are driven by economic interests. In some instances, kidnappings are even orchestrated by family members to dupe the target.

    Many have reasoned that the baseline for defeating terror is to detect and cut off the source of funding. But bandits could now be self-sponsored through kidnapping for ransom.

    “Economic incentives like ransom money from kidnappings, livestock rustling earnings, or territorial control for extortion are often what motivate bandit gangs, said a researcher, Adeola Aderayo, in a paper titled: Conflict enterpreneurship and rural banditry in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

    Another researcher, Nsirimudu Okwuwada, said to tackle banditry, the causes should be unravelled. He attributed the prevalence of “the barbaric, horrendous, heinous, and despicable dimensions of carnage, massacres, and bloodletting orchestrated by terrorists, bandits, kidnappers, and other organized violent crime syndicates” to unemployment, neglect of some communities in wealth distribution, lack of government visibility, lack of equal economic opportunity, uncontrolled influx of fire arms, poverty, and religious fanaticism.

    The borders remain porous and foreigners come into the country through illegal routes.

    Over 1,000 of such serve as unguarded routes for systematic invasion by foreigners who now torment Nigeria. Some of them are involved in illegal mining activities, which “threaten environmental safety, public health and security.”

    Terrorism and banditry have devastating effects. The image of Nigeria is dented. The economy is damaged through disrupted trade, leading to loss of jobs and income. Investment drive is impacted because it requires a conducive atmosphere to thrive.

    Food crisis results from the activities of terrorists and bandits who invade farmlands and prevent farmers from cultivating their land and loot stored grains. Due to food scarcity, the prices increase.

    Also, attacks on schools have led to school closure and disruptions of the academic calendar. In some areas in the North, school enrolment has dropped. Abducted students suffer from post-traumatic disorders and fear of unsafe school environment. In fact, experts have warned that children who witness these horrors need psychological assistance to avoid growing up to become adults who may perceive brutality as acceptable cultural values.

    The need to liberate the country from the criminals also constitutes a drain on government revenue and resources, which should have been channelled into the provision of public infrastructure and other essential welfare services. The budget is strained and funds are ultimately diverted from development initiatives.

    Experts say Nigerians would need more soldiers and drones to fight the war.

    However, the Federal Government is determined to end terrorism. President Tinubu has now declared total war. He has given a nod to the establishment of state police as part of measures to combat rising insurgency and banditry.

    The president, who declared a nationwide security emergency in response to the wave of violent attacks, directed the military and the police to embark on massive recruitment of personnel in readiness for a reinvigorated onslaught against terror. He said to strengthen the current federal police; the police will recruit an additional 20,000 officers, bringing the total to 50,000.

    The president also ordered the activation of forest guards and tighter security measures for all vulnerable areas.

  • Sheriff: I didn’t say Shettima created Boko Haram

    Sheriff: I didn’t say Shettima created Boko Haram

    Former Borno State governor,  Ali Modu Sheriff has denied accusing Vice-President Kashim Shettima of creating Boko Haram.

    Sheriff made the rebuttal in a statement by his media office titled: ‘A lie taken too far: Shettima, Sheriff not on war path.’

    The former governor said the story is false in its entirety and urged members of the public to ignore it.

    The statement reads: “The attention of Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, former Governor of Borno State and respected elder statesman, has been drawn to a false and malicious publication circulating online under the headline ‘It’s Not Me, It’s Shettima Who Created Boko Haram – Sheriff Reveals.’

    “The said story is a complete fabrication, devoid of truth, and a deliberate attempt to mislead the public, malign the person of Senator Sheriff, and sow discord within the nation’s political landscape.

    “Senator Sheriff categorically denies ever making such a statement, and wishes to state unequivocally that at no time did he grant any interview or engage with any journalist on the said date or on any matter remotely related to the spurious claims contained

    in the publication.”

    Sheriff said the false report is not only mischievous, but also a dangerous piece of fake news aimed at undermining years of his contributions to peace, national unity, and development, both in Borno State and across Nigeria.

    It added: “The Senator maintains his unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s security and stability, and he finds it deeply regrettable that unscrupulous individuals and platforms would resort to peddling falsehoods to score cheap political points or attract undue attention.

    Read Also: Shettima: Nigeria targets 32% emission cut by 2035

    “Members of the public and the media are therefore urged to disregard this concocted story in its entirety and desist from further sharing or amplifying it.

    “Senator Sheriff has instructed his legal team to take immediate steps to identify all individuals, bloggers, or media outlets responsible for the dissemination of this defamatory material.

    “Should the false publication not be retracted and taken down forthwith, the Senator will not hesitate to seek full legal redress under the law. “He remains committed to upholding truth, justice, and accountability, and will rigorously pursue justice to ensure that such reckless misinformation does not go unpunished.”

  • No discussion yet on zoning in ADC, says Abdullahi

    No discussion yet on zoning in ADC, says Abdullahi

    The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has not taken any position on the zoning of the presidential ticket, its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, said yesterday.

    He also dismissed the statement by National Coordinator Obidients Movement Dr. Yunusa Tanko, on broken promises as untrue.

    Obidient Movement is a group supporting the presidential ambition of former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi.

    Abdullahi, who clarified that ADC has not made any promise to any coalition member, said “you cannot break any promise you have not made.”

    Tanko had in a statement at the weekend criticised the non-commital of the ADC to zoning to the South.

    Read Also: Strike: No disruption to petrol supply – PENGASSAN 

    He said: “As the Obidient Movement, being part of the main consulting bloc, we are particularly concerned about how the party intends to zone its presidential ticket.

    “Considering that the presidency is currently held by the South, issues of equity and fairness must guide such decisions if the party truly aims to secure victory in the 2027 elections.

    “We are equally interested in how the party zones its principal offices within the coalition, as this will ensure justice, fairness, and inclusivity — factors that will enable us to mobilize effectively across the country.”

    But Abdullahi, former Sports minister, decried the highly divisive and destabilising remark by Tanko, saying that it is misleading and confusing.

    He said Tanko does not play any role in the coalition, doubting whether he consulted with Obi before making the statement.

    He said while ADC may objectively allow room for concessions and exceptions as a party, it cannot condone the virtuperation of those who lack an understanding of the workings of the platform.

    He insisted that zoning has not been discussed by ADC leaders, wondering why Tanko, who is not a stakeholder in the coalition, delved into an area beyond his competency.

    Abdullahi added: “ADC leaders have not discussed zoning. How can we break a promise we have not made? Tanko’s view does not reflect Peter Obi’s position.”

    Last week, the ADC asked all its leading light to show commitment by resigning from whatever party they currently belong to and move fully into the ADC.

    The caucus meeting where the decision was taken was attended by leaders such as: former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi and former Kanuda State Governor Nasir El-Rufai. But Obi was absent.

    The outcome of the meeting sparked the reaction by Tank on behalf of Obi, who is still a member of the Labour Party.

  • PDP Convention threatened by leaders’ battle over zoning

    PDP Convention threatened by leaders’ battle over zoning

    • S’south, S’east party chiefs reject Diri/Makinde stakeholders Lagos meeting decisions 

    The proposed Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) convention is being threatened by a deep-seated rift among its leaders.

    It is over the zoning of party offices and the 2027 presidential ticket, it was learnt yesterday.

    The November 15 and 16 elective convention is scheduled for Ibadan, the Oyo State capital.

    A 110-member National Convention Committee headed by Adamawa State Governor Ahmadu Fintiri has been inaugurated by the Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum.

    Although the mood in the opposition party tilts towards the zoning of the presidential slot to the South, there is division among leaders from the three geopolitical zones over which zone should produce the candidate.

    At the PDP Southern Zoning Consultative Summit in Lagos convened by Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri and Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, leaders from the South resolved to propose a formula for the micro-zoning of the party offices and the presidential ticket among the three geo-political regions – Southeast, Southsouth and Southwest – at the next NEC meeting.

    However, some Southsouth and Southeast leaders are kicking against the plan by the Diri/Makinde group.

    The group of Southsouth and Southeast leaders is made up of state chairmen, serving and former lawmakers and other party elders.

    They accused those behind the micro-zoning plan of harbouring the agenda of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s return or for Makinde to contest for President.

    Sources explained that the group may organise a parallel convention if the rift is not properly resolved.

    ‘We are committed to micro-zoning’

    Makinde, who spoke with reporters after the meeting, said micro-zoning of the presidential slot was on the agenda, adding that the outcome of the parley and further consultations would be forwarded to the NEC for consideration.

    He noted the objection to the Lagos meeting by some chieftains, saying that it is normal in a democracy.

    Makinde said: “We just finished the consultative meeting of the PDP Zoning Committee for the South, and nothing should stop us from consulting.

    “Democracy is about the minority having its say and the majority having its way.

    “So, we’re democrats. The South has taken far-reaching decisions, and in the days ahead, wider consultations will also take place.”

    The governor said those saying that PDP is either dead or has become a carcass should pull the brake, stressing that PDP serving governors, elders and leaders, including the former Senate President and BoT chairman (Adolphus Wabara), have reiterated their commitment to its survival.

    Makinde added: “They are all here and committed to PDP taking back its rightful position in Nigeria.

    “So, in the days ahead, some of the things discussed here, you’ll see them in place.”

    The governor, who debunked the allegation of exclusion, said: “Governor Adeleke was here. He came back into this country, I believe, this morning, and went straight to Osogbo to address some governance issues. But he said whatever we decide, he is with us.

    “Governor Diri is here. Governor Peter Mbah, who couldn’t make it physically, sent the deputy governor. You have the chairman of our board of trustees here.

    “You also have no fewer than 12 of the 17 members of the zoning committee from the South here.

    “It is one per state. So, you have 12 states here. You have in each zone, you have House of  Representatives members here, you have senators from each zone in the South, the three zones.

    “You have BoT members from the three zones in the South. So, yes, I won’t say maybe, the organisers will score 100 per cent. You don’t score 100 per cent in politics.”

    Makinde said consultation is a continuum, assuring that the Southern PDP leaders would reach out and engage more members to drive a consensus.

    He stressed: “We’re trying to get all stakeholders, all tendencies in the PDP together so that we can give a credible alternative to Nigerians in the years ahead.”

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    Makinde, however, clarified that the decision of the Southern PDP Zoning Summit is not final, stressing that it would be subject to ratification by NEC.

    He said: “This consultative meeting is not statutory in the constitution of PDP. But democracy is inclusivity, reaching out and ensuring that all stakeholders are carried along, which is what we’ve done today.

    “NEC is on Monday. Today is Thursday. You will definitely have a decision.”

    ‘I won’t be dragged into gutters by low people’

    Makinde clarified that no chieftain has been picked from the South as an anointed presidential candidate for 2027.

    He said: “We haven’t even gotten there. We need to have a party first before you start talking about presidential candidates.  If we don’t have a party, anything that you’re trying to do will fall flat.

    “So, our efforts right now are directed towards having a viral and united PDP that Nigerians will be proud of and again they will believe in.”

    Makinde took exception to party members from the South who attacked the organisers of the summit.

    He said: “Personally, when people go low, or they go into the gutters, I don’t go with them.”

    However, he said all stakeholders would be engaged to make contributions.

    He added:” We will reach out to them. I mean, that is democracy. We will reach out to them. I can disagree with people, but there shouldn’t be anything personal here.

    “It should be about what we are giving to Nigerians because they are watching. We want to give a formidable PDP to Nigerians. In Oyo, they showed last Saturday that PDP is not dead.

    “In most other places of the 12 states, PDP came second in each of those states. It’s some indication to us that if we continue to work hard, if we continue to strive hard, if we continue to bring our people together, we will get to a point where Nigerians will really start listening to us.”

    Chinda: summit resolution can’t stand

    Spokesman of the Southsouth/Southeast leaders’ group and Minority Leader of the House of Representatives, Kingsley Chinda, disowned the Lagos meeting.

    He insisted that many stakeholders from the South were not consulted.

    He said the lack of wide consultation and exclusion of many stakeholders had eroded the legitimacy of the meeting.

    Chinda, who protested being sidelined by the organisers, said the meeting was divisive and unconstitutional.

    He told reporters in Abuja that any party meeting where zoning, power rotation and distribution of offices are to be discussed should be all-inclusive.

    Chinda said the meeting has brazenly disregarded the statutory organs of the party and violated the criteria of inclusivity of democratic participation.

    He said: “We dismiss the resolution and outcome of the meeting. It is not binding and not reflective of the opinion of the generality of stakeholders.”

    Chinda said any decision reached in secrecy and seclusion cannot be consensus-driven, adding that it would be resisted in accordance with the constitution of the party.

    He urged members of the party to disregard the outcome.

    State chairmen reject summit

    Also, some party leaders, including state chairmen, former governors, federal lawmakers, serving and former members of the National Working Committee (NWC), dissociated themselves from the meeting.

    They said: “Any resolution, communique, or outcome purportedly emanating from this meeting is neither binding nor reflective of the collective will and aspirations of the PDP family across Southern Nigeria.”

    They also said in a statement that “decisions reached in secrecy and exclusion cannot and shall not assume the authority of consensus.”

    Signatories to the statement were state chairmen – Austin Nwachukwu (Imo), Abraham Amah ( Abia), Venatius Ikem (Cross River), Aniekan Akpan (Akwa Ibom) and Aaron Chukwuemeka (Rivers).

    Other signatories are National Vice Chairman (Southeast), Chidiebere Goodluck, Senators Igwe Nwagu, Mao Ohuabunwa, George Sekibo, Mike Ama Nnachi, former National Secretary, Rt Onwe S. Onwe, Deputy National Legal Adviser, Okechukwu Osuoha, and former Ebonyi State Legal Adviser, Mudi Erhenede.

    The statement titled: “Re: Purported Meeting of PDP Southern Zoning Consultative Summit,” reads in part: “The attention of the undersigned state Chairmen of the PDP from the South and some critical stakeholders has been drawn to a meeting ‘nichodimously’ summoned in Lagos today 21st August 2025 by some persons purporting to do so on behalf of PDP Members of the South tagged: ‘PDP Southern Zoning Consultative Summit’ convened by the Administrative Secretary, Zoning Committee of the PDP at the behest of the Chairman Zoning Committee, H.E Senator Duoye Dirii, at the Legend Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos.

    “The said meeting, tagged ‘a summit’, was allegedly convened in the name of the three geo-political zones of Southern Nigeria — Southeast, Southsouth, and Southwest.

    “It is highly regrettable and indeed, deeply disturbing that such a meeting was convened without the courtesy of inviting state chairmen from the Southeast and Southsouth, as well as the duly elected National Secretary and Deputy National Legal Adviser of our great party.

    “Even more troubling is the inexplicable exclusion of several national officers, eminent leaders, and critical stakeholders of the PDP.

    “Shockingly, the Minority Leader in the National Assembly and other principal officers of our party from the Southsouth and Southeast were also deliberately sidelined and denied participation in a meeting where such far-reaching and sensitive decisions on zoning, power rotation, and political equity are to be discussed.

    “Equally concerning is the deliberate omission of most former governors from the Southeast and Southsouth, who, by every standard of history, pedigree, and institutional memory, remain critical stakeholders in any conversation about the future direction of our party.

    “Such a brazen disregard for established structures and statutory organs of the PDP not only offends the spirit of collective decision-making but also risks undermining the very foundation upon which our party was built.

    “The PDP, since its inception, has been anchored on the values of inclusivity, equity, consultation, and collective responsibility.

    “Any process that deliberately sidelines key stakeholders, ignores the legitimate authority of national officers, and excludes elected leaders and ranking lawmakers erodes trust, fuels division, and threatens party cohesion at a time when unity is most needed.

    “For the avoidance of doubt, we categorically dismiss any resolutions, communiqués, or outcomes purportedly emanating from this meeting as neither binding on, nor reflective of, the collective will and aspirations of the PDP family across Southern Nigeria.”

    “Decisions reached in secrecy and exclusion cannot and shall not assume the authority of consensus.”

  • Abiola’s wife, Doyin, dies

    Abiola’s wife, Doyin, dies

    Dr. Doyin Abiola, wife of Concord Publisher and winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief MKO Abiola, is dead.

    Sources said she died at exactly 9.15 pm yesterday after illness.

    The former managing director and publisher of National Concord was the first Nigerian woman to be an editor of a Nigerian daily newspaper.

    Like other numerous wives of the deceased politician, she endured the storm and stress triggered by the criminal annulment of the historic poll and the tribulations that followed at the home front and in the Concord.

    Read Also: Don’t blame Tinubu for north’s woes, Shehu Sani tells critics

    Doyin Abiola was educated at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria where she earned a degree in English and Drama in 1969. After graduation, she started work with the Daily Sketch Newspaper. During this period, she started writing a column in the newspaper called ‘Tiro,’ which was addressing sundry issues of public concern, including gender matters. In 1970, she left Daily Sketch Newspaper and traveled to the United States to pursue a master’s degree programme in Journalism. upon her return, she was employed as a Features Writer at Daily Times and rose to become the Group Features Editor. She later went to New York University and obtained a PhD in communications and political science in 1979.

     After her Ph.D programme, she returned to the Daily Times and was deployed to the editorial board where she worked with other experienced editors like Stanley Macebuh, Dele Giwa and Amma Ogan. It was, however, to be a short stay as the newly formed National Concord newspaper invited her to be its pioneer daily editor. She then moved to be an editor of National Concord. She was promoted to be the managing director/editor-in-chief in 1986. She became the first Nigerian woman to become the editor in chief of a daily newspaper in Nigeria. She married in 1981. Her career at National Concord Newspaper spanned three decades. She also served in various capacities in the media industry in the country.

  • 2027: Tinubu will have landslide victory, says SWAGA

    2027: Tinubu will have landslide victory, says SWAGA

    A socio-political group, Southwest Agenda for Asiwaju (SWAGA), on Tuesday said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would have a landslide victory in the 2027 election.

    The group said it had been vindicated by the achievements of the president across the sectors of the economy, adding that he has lived up to expectations.

    SWAGA leader, Prince Dayo Adeyeye, who spoke with reporters in Lagos on what he described as the group’s second missionary journey, said there is no obstacle to the way of a second term.

    Accompanied by other chieftains, including Bosun Oladele, Adetilewa Sijuwade, Julius Oloro, Muniru Hakeem Abiodun, and Deji Jakande, he said it is evident that Nigerians never voted for President Tinubu in vain in 2023.

    Adeyeye dismissed the tricks of other rival aspirants who are trying to woo Nigerians with a joker of one term, saying that they are jesters.

    He also faulted the argument of subjective observers who think that the North would not vote for president in 2027.

    Adeyeye said those peddling the falsehood are not in tune with reality, stressing that the thinking in the North is that President Tinubu should be re-elected.

    He said, “President Tinubu will have a landslide victory in 2027. Some aspirants are talking about one term. One term is deceitful. There is no certainty in it. Nobody would leave certainty for uncertainty.

    “What can they do in one term of four years? That means they want power for themselves only.”

    Adeyeye also dismissed the lie about the Yorubanisation of public appointments, saying that the president has been fair to the six regions.

    Highlighting the achievements of the president, he said the feats would recommend him to Nigerians for re-election.

    Adeyeye said, “President Tinubu has not disappointed us who believed in his vision for Nigeria and his capability to drive the mission.”

    Adeyeye, chairman of the board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), said the President’s prompt removal of the corrupt, crippling and evil fuel subsidy that has fleeced the country for decades and robbed it of legacy developmental projects whilst enriching a few and impoverishing the multitude.

    Read Also: Tinubu approves N4.2bn as grant for research

    He added, “The results are visible in more money to the state coffers and the Ministries, Departments and Agencies across the country. It is noteworthy that every notable Presidential candidate in the last election pledged to remove fuel subsidy, but we in SWAGA knew that the only person bold enough among them to hit the ground running about this was Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. We were vindicated.

     “He floated the Naira and stopped the reckless printing of currency and corrupt borrowing through the unpopular “ways and means” to defend it against the U.S. dollars, thus ensuring stability in its value with increased inflow of Foreign Direct Investment aided by confidence in Nigeria’s economy. (Global rating Institutions like Fitch have upgraded Nigeria to “B”. Moody upgraded Nigeria to “B3 while S&P upgraded Nigeria to “B”. Most of these rated Nigeria negatively before now.

    “Tinubu has introduced the legacy Students’ Loan scheme through the establishment of NELFUND. This provides students with a yearly tuition fee and monthly upkeep allowances. Funding will no longer be a challenge to the tertiary educational hope of any Nigerian Student again.”

  • Atiku and serial defection

    Atiku and serial defection

    Atiku Abubakar yesterday lived up to expectation as the most inconsistent political megastar of the Fourth Republic.

    For the third time in a decade, he has defected from his original platform, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), with or without provocation. The defection was not surprising. His suporters in the opposition party, based on his directive, had moved to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), which is the bitter sister of the mainstream PDP.

    The original ADC was a carcas. It was an asset. Only its liabilities were inherited. It was a party on the fringe and battling with in-fighting. Following the hostile takeover of the party, some members went to court to complain that its constitution was grossly violated. The fight has not abated.

    The reason for always jumping ship is in the public glare. It is Atiku’s quest for presidency, which has eluded him seven times. The serial defections, it can be argued, are also in the exercise of his freedom of association.

    Each time he defected, the PDP, more or less, became a major cauality of assault arising from the de-marketing of the platform by the Atiku propaganda machinery. But on each occasion, his next point of call always became hotter, forcing a hostile retreat amd eventual retracing of steps. At that point, the reality of gross miscalulation always dawned on the ‘Aticulated Gang.’

    Driven by the same ambition, the former vice president announced that he had quit the crisis-ridden PDP. It was his third time of leaving the party in disarray, following its polarisation by his aspiration.

    The first time was in 2006, when he ran to former Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos, due to the political heat in Aso Villa, having been derobed by his estranged boss, the ever combative President Olusegun Obasanjo. In distress, he sought for a refuge and the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) offered him a solace.

    But the PDP was too formidable. In that flawed poll of 2007, Atiku was defeated by President Umaru Yar’Adua, younger brother of his leader, the late Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, on whose back he rode to limelight in the aborted Third Republic.

    Read Also: Traditional institutions key to nation building, says Shettima

    Three mistakes were committed. First, before the poll, he picked Senator Ben Obi without consulting the Southwest progressive bloc that stood behind him in the time of trouble. The agreement was that the ACN presidential candidate would come from the region.

    Second, these progressive elements advised that since Umaru, younger brother of Shehu, who had been declared winner, had waved the olive branch, protracted litigation against him should be avoided in memory of the leader of the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), the Yar’Adua machinery that threw him up as vice president in 1999.  He disagreed.

    Three, after losing at the court, Atiku grudgingly left the ACN for the PDP, to the conternation of Tinubu/Akande/Adesina/Osoba forces, who learnt about his return to the PDP on the pages of newspapers.

    In the PDP, his old foe and albatross, Obasanjo was waiting for him. When he unfolded his ambition, the Ebora Owu retorted: ‘I dey laugh o.’ Subsequently, a very damaging testimony surfaced in his book: ‘My Watch,’ on why he believes Atiku cannot be trusted with power. In 2011, although Atiku was preferred as the northern candidate over the Evil Genuis, former military President Ibrahim Babangida, he could not defeat Dr. Goodluck Jonathan at the PDP presidential primary.

    Atiku’s habit in those days was jetting out of the country to cool off in Dubai, instead of teaming up with party leaders to build, rebuild and fortify the party ahead of next elections.

    As preparations for 2015 polls started, the former vice president returned to the drawing board to strategise. Zoning favoured the North, his bloc geo-political zone. Therefore, he suddenly left the PDP for the All Progressives Congress (APC), describing Dr. Jonathan as a clueless leader.

    However, those he left in 2006 have become the pillars of the party. Mutual trust and confidence already ruptured, they gravitated towars Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, who secured the presidential ticket. Atiku came third at the primary held at the Teslim Balogun Stadium in Surulere, Lagos, trailing the Kwankwasiya Movement leader, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso.

    Subsequently, Atiku dumped APC for PDP. Luck smiled on him. He got the ticket. But during the 2019 poll, he could not displace Buhari, the man with the famed 12 million votes. He worked hard also in 2023, but without success.

    That constant setback has characterised his political career from the Third Republic. Athough he vied for the highest office in 1993 at the Jos convention of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), Yar’Adua directed him to step down for the late Chief Moshood Abiola.

    In 2003, he made a feeble attempt, backed by Governors James Ibori (Delta State), Orji Kalu (Abia) and other notable big wigs who loathed the former president’s highhandedness, making OBJ to prostrate for him while seeking his support for a second term. That, some analysts, have argued, became his undoing. The ambition also collapsed in 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023.

    By 2027, Atiku would be 81. It is not a big deal. Africa still harbours older people who are presidents of their far-flung, bewildered countries. The politician from Adamawa is forging on with courage, despite the multiple difficulties, having been strengthened by the marabout prediction that he will one day become president. Other conditions given by the spiritual consultants, which may also be crucial to the fulfilment of the prophecy, are not known to other stakeholders.

    But what is the fuss about ADC? PDP just split into two, and the camp of Atiku has borrowed a weak platform for 2027 exercise. ADC is not a party that would give opportunity for a competitive presidential convention. The focus of its key leaders – David Mark, Tom Ikimi and David Mark – is to make Atiku president.

    However, the camp,’in a fit of propaganda,’ keeps alluding to imaginary coalition to convey an impression that it has tentacles beyond the PDP. Atiku could not rally his sizeable supporters to form a new party as Asiwaju Tinubu did in 2006/2007. There is still much time, but the huddles are burdensome. Also, he could not mobilise other opposition parties or contemplate any alliance, fusion or merger, particularly the type that gave birth to the APC.

    But it is solely the ‘Atiku Party,’ which is free from the complaints by a section of the PDP about the  politics of marginalisation and exclusion arising from the choice of the national chairman and presidential candidate from the same bloc geo-political zone.

    Atiku’s supporters are merely transforming into ADC members in few states, unable to attract more converts or convince more Nigerians to join them. It is because it has a narrow, particularistic agenda. So far, notable APC leaders have not defected to the party. But the party is backed by a section of the adversarial media dedicated to fighting President Tinubu.

     Individuals like Rotimi Amaechi, Nosiru El-Rufai and Rauf Aregbesola who are flocking to the party never made any impact on their former party, the APC, in 2019. While Amaechi and Aregbesola did not support Asiwaju Tinubu,  El-Rufai could not deliver Kaduna to the party during the presidential election.

    The objective of the party is to dislodge APC.

    Would Atiku step down for Obi, if he defects from the crisis-ridden Labour Party (LP) to ADC? If Atiku picks him as running mate, would the ‘obidients’ embrace the second fiddle?

    Obi has approached ADC with his personal agenda. He said if he wins, he would do one term. He is brandishing this option in utter sensitivity to the feeling in the North that the South is only entitled to one term more. It is doubtful if the North will be swayed by the gamble. No politically conscious will trust the promise of one term by an Executive President under a presidential system of government.

    Actually, zoning voices are rising again. The rotation battle cry united the APC, which picked Asiwaju Tinubu from the South. The belief is that if the late President Muhammadu Buhari from North had two terms, President Tinubu from the South should also do eight years in the spirit of equity, fairplay and justice.

    If Obi does not join Atiku, he would run in LP or any other party. The country would be back to something essentially similar to 2023, with APC, LP and the twins – PDP and PDP-ADC fighting for power.

    The gross loser may be the PDP. It is now brutally decimated. But that could not be averted too because there was no way Atiku could have secured its ticket. Yet, in terms of history, structure and exploits, ADC cannot match the PDP.

    The PDP can now put its house in order by resolving outstanding crisis. The party can even strike a pact with the APC.

    Atiku’s resignation is consistent with his political attitude. But how far can he go?

  • National Assembly to transmit constitution review report to state assemblies before December

    National Assembly to transmit constitution review report to state assemblies before December

    …amendment imposible without State Assemblies’

    Plans are underway by the National Assembly to transmit the report of the ongoing constitution review to 36 Houses of Assemblies before December.

    Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele said the plan is consistent with the design and timetable of the review.

    He urged stakeholders with special requests to engage and lobby their state assemblies, saying that the National Assembly “cannot successfully review the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) without their approval.

    Bamidele, who is the leader of the senate/zonal chairman, Senate committee on the review of 1999 constitution, spoke at the conclusion of the two-day zonal public hearing on the Review of the 1999 constitution held at the Water Crest Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos state.

    Since the beginning of alteration of the Constitution in the Fourth Republic in 1999, devolution of powers, local government autonomy, creation of additional states and establishment of state police, among others have taken center stage at the zonal public hearing.

    At the public hearing yesterday were Deputy Minority Leader of the Senate, Senator Olarere Oyewunmi; Chairperson, Senate Committee on Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Dr. Oluranti Adebule; Chairperson, Senate Committee on Health, Senator Ipalibo Banigo; Chairman, Senate Committee on Public Procurement, Senator Olajide Ipinsangba and Chairman, Senate Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters, Senator Adeniyi Adegbomire, among others.

    Bamide disclosed that the report of the constitution review committee would be transmitted to all State Houses of Assembly before December 2025 consistent with the timetable of the exercise.

    According to him, we have completed the public hearing. We are now returning to Abuja to prepare our report. Part of our time table is to have final notifications before the end of the year and transmit our report to all state assemblies. This will round the process of the constitution review.

    He, therefore, noted that the constitution review “is not a jamboree contrary to some dissenting views across the federation. Rather, it is designed to make consequential reforms that can guarantee our collective prosperity, more efficient governance structure and sustainable development.”

    Read Also: No coalition can stop Tinubu’s re-election in 2027 — Rep Oseni

    Bamidele also observed that the National Assembly would be handicapped to successfully complete the constitution review process if all the amendments proposed by the stakeholders were not approved by the two-third of state assemblies.

    The zonal chairman of the constitution review committee, thus, challenged all stakeholders across the federation to lobby all state assemblies and their lawmakers to secure basic requirements for the successful amendment of the 1999 Constitution.

    While he promised the National Assembly would process all the proposals it received so far and transmit them to the state assemblies, Bamidele challenged the stakeholders to decisively engage and lobby all the state legislatures if all the amendments would become part of the Constitution.

    Bamidele said, “There is nothing the National Assembly can do without a two-thirds approval of all proposals by the state legislatures. All stakeholders must work with their lawmakers at the state level. We must appreciate the role of state assemblies to ensure the passage of the proposals into laws.

    “State assemblies are part of the process. We have been in Lagos State in the last 48 hours, listening to people’s aspirations, concerns and will. All six states in the geo-political zone were represented by their elected representatives. We are in this process together to receive their presentations.

    “The state assemblies are already anticipating the report of the constitution review from the National Assembly. They are not waiting for the report alone. They are also part of the constitution review process. I do not envisage any problem from the state assemblies.

    “Therefore, we are advising all the stakeholders who are also looking for special considerations to extend their advocacies to the state assemblies. It is not just about them as elected representatives, but as representatives of people who elected them. People should be aware when they are making decisions to be sure that they are also doing so in consonance with the wishes of their constituents.”

    Also at the public hearing, Chairman, Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria and Speaker, Oyo State Assembly, Rt. Hon. Debo Ogundoyin solicited for more power to be devolved to subnational governments for rapid and accelerated development.

    Ogundoyin, represented by the Deputy Speaker, Rt. Hon. Abiodun Fadeyi, said both federal and state governments should be allowed to legislate on issues that border on solid minerals, labour matters, drug and poisons, telecommunications, stamp duty amongst others.

    He said, “Devolution of powers is key to this on-going constitutional amendment by devolving key items from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List in the interest of all. For instance, the removal of the electricity matter from the Exclusive Legislative List has significantly transformed many states’ power sector through independent power supply initiatives.”

    Ogundoyin also backed the establishment of state police, pointing its benefits to include improved local security, community policing, decongestion of federal responsibilities, enhanced accountability and employment opportunities.

    The speaker said, “Concerning the state police, all the stakeholders will agree with me that the debate over the establishment of state policing has garnered momentum from both supporters and critics. The potential benefits of state police far outweigh the challenges.

    “In essence, what the amendment seeks to address will be the powers, responsibilities and limits of the state police should be clearly defined, provide oversight mechanisms to prevent abuse and design a comprehensive framework for federal and state police to work in harmony to balance power and for effective coordination mechanisms.”