The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Back to the land

    Back to the land

    Editorial

     

    DURING his fifth meeting with the Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC) at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, President Muhammadu Buhari reiterated the need for Nigerians to go back to agriculture, a sector which had been badly neglected and abandoned with the discovery of oil. The return to agriculture, he said, had become more imperative given the drastic decline in the fortunes of the oil sector, which for decades has been the country’s dominant revenue earner. Stressing his administration’s commitment to its stated objective of diversifying the economy away from oil dependency and enhancing the role of agriculture, the President directed the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) not to give forex for food imports any longer.

    He noted that due to the initiatives of his administration, about seven states are now producing rice to meet the country’s needs and that the new emphasis on agriculture helped to mitigate the devastating impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the economy.

    There is no doubt that the Buhari administration has introduced commendable initiatives to boost domestic agricultural productivity and reduce food dependency. These include the Anchor Borrowers Programme aimed at providing farm inputs in kind and cash to farmers producing rice, maize, wheat, tomatoes, legumes and livestock, among others; the private sector-led Non-interest Agriculture Development Scheme (P-AADS) to boost private staple sector food production and industrial materials as well as the Agri-Business Small and Medium Enterprise Investment Scheme (AGSMEIS) to provide loans to stipulated agricultural enterprises.

    Despite these efforts, however, agriculture continues to perform far below its potential even though it remains a key sector of the Nigerian economy and contributed about 24 per cent to the country’s GDP between 2013 and 2019, while also employing more than 36 per cent of the country’s labour force. Even then, in 2019, agriculture was responsible for less than two per cent of total exports compared to crude oil which accounted for 76.5 per cent, which shows that the sector continues to contribute only marginally to export earnings.

    A September 2020 report by Price Water House Coopers (PwC) titled ‘Current state of agriculture in Nigeria’, painted a graphic picture of the still parlous state of Nigerian agriculture. The report found that between 2016 and 2019, Nigeria’s cumulative agricultural imports were valued at N3.35 trillion, which was four times higher than the agricultural export of N803 billion within the same period. While agricultural exports declined by about 11 per cent from N302.2 billion in 2018 to N269.8 billion in 2019, agricultural imports increased by 12.7 per cent from N851.6bn in 2018 to N959.5 bn in 2019. Thus, Nigeria remains essentially a net food importer.

    The marked increase in domestic production of rice enthused upon by the President is not reflected in affordability of the product. Indeed, it would appear that insufficiency of domestic production encouraged smuggling in of rice even despite the prolonged border closure. As regards food security in Nigeria, a group of development experts recently reported that “About nine out of 10 Nigerians cannot afford a healthy diet. Nigeria has the second highest burden of stunted children across the globe and millions of children suffer from acute malnutrition. The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the hunger situation, particularly impacting food supply and prices”.

    Beyond sermonising to Nigerians to go back to agriculture, the onus is on government to effectively tackle the challenges that make the sector unattractive. First, is the pervasive insecurity, particularly the unceasing violent onslaught of nomadic herdsmen, that have forced thousands of farmers to abandon their farms and communities in the largest food producing states in the country. Again, rural infrastructure, especially roads, remain poor, compounding transportation costs while the lack of modern storage facilities result in high rate of post-harvest losses and avoidable waste.

    Despite the several government funding initiatives, small and medium scale farmers continue to complain of lack of access to finance and shortages of critical inputs such as seedlings and fertiliser, as well as outmoded irrigation, archaic implements and harvesting methods, all resulting in low yields per hectare. All of these must be addressed before the impact of investments and other efforts in agriculture can yield the desired result.

  • Time for action

    Time for action

    Editorial

     

    ALTHOUGH the prognosis by the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) on the economy are somewhat familiar, the Federal Government can ignore it only at a great peril to the nation’s economy. According to the manufacturers’ body, the business milieu is not only “becoming more hostile,” the escalating costs of doing business have rendered things unbearable. The current climate, the association avers, will inevitably lead to mass shutdown of firms in the New Year, with attendant job losses.

    Speaking through its acting director-general, Ambrose Oruche, the association listed some of the problems. They include difficulty in accessing forex to import raw materials and machineries which he says will sound the death knell for their members if nothing is done urgently; the issue of prolonged border closure and its dire consequence on members’ businesses; the issue of multiple taxes and arbitrary charges; and the issue of inadequate infrastructure all of which combined, constitute a drag on their operations. Mercifully, border closure has been somewhat relaxed.

    This time around, the association went beyond merely painting the usual picture of a sector in ‘near death’ situation before COVID-19 set in; it suggested ways of addressing them. On the plague of multiple taxes for instance, the body wants the government to remove all multiple taxes levied on manufacturers; the same with ministries visiting factories with all forms of charges; it wants them cautioned, to facilitate the country’s early exit from recession.

    Said he: “Government should encourage manufacturers by formulating policies that are investment-friendly…the government should grant tax holiday to manufacturers during this period of general economic hardship if we must come out of recession.

    He also touched on the infrastructural inadequacies and the inefficient ports system. Here, he said it was time the government paid attention to infrastructural development, particularly ports development, as in other climes where “it takes between 24 and 48 hours to clear consignments at the ports.”

    For the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the manufacturers’ body also has a piece of advice. It should prioritise forex to the manufacturing sector to enable manufacturers bring in needed raw materials and machineries.  The efforts, he said, “should be geared towards the production of raw materials locally”.

    We could not agree more.  Unfortunately, neither the problems nor the solutions being canvassed is new. Some of them are endemic as they are structural. They are in every respect, grim reminders of the lip service paid by successive governments to them, the consequences of which the nation is reaping in full measure and which the COVID-19 pandemic has only now aggravated.

    In other words, the association did not speak out of turn. To admit to the serious difficulties lying ahead for the economy is only being realistic; in the same vein, to say that the manufacturers have a critical role to play in any prospective turnaround is merely stating the obvious.

    This is why it is important that government takes the manufacturers’ prognosis and suggestions seriously. For the fact of being a major force in job creation, and also a net contributor of between eight per cent and 9.5 per cent to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), they deserve sympathetic hearing. More than that, they deserve all the help and support that the government can offer to tide them over the current difficulties. Part of that should include access to their forex needs to keep their factories running and to preserve jobs. They also require incentives, more so now that the global supply has suffered unprecedented disruption.

    As we noted in an earlier editorial, it should be possible for the government, the apex bank, the manufacturers and other similar bodies to come up with a framework of collaboration to address problems holistically and in the shortest possible time to stave off the looming nightmares of factory closures and job losses. This is what the current times demand.

  • ‘Nigeria’s GDP is less than that of the state of Maryland’

    ‘Nigeria’s GDP is less than that of the state of Maryland’

    Former United States Ambassador to Nigeria and Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations John Campbell, in this interview, speaks his latest book on Nigeria, the security situation in the country and many others.

     

    300 freed schoolboys

    WELL, in addition to the 300 that you’re referring to, there was also the thwarting of a second kidnapping attempt involving an additional 80 boys. The security services appear to have responded quickly, but in both cases the role of informal, locally-organized militias is unclear. So when you say that the circumstances are murky, that is exactly right. In the case of the 300, it’s credible, even likely, that the state government paid ransom to the bandits who actually carried out the kidnapping. Abubakar Shekau, the head of one faction of Boko Haram, an Islamist terrorist group operating in northern Nigeria, has claimed that the kidnapping was done at his behest. It’s not clear whether that’s true, nor whether the bandits who did the kidnapping essentially put the victims up for auction and the state government outbid Boko Haram. It is clear, however, that this is yet another sign of the breakdown of security in northern Nigeria and the impotence of the federal government in responding to security threats.

     

    The Financial Times and a failed state

    It partly depends on how you define Nigeria. A relatively large area on the map coloured red will remain. The national capital in Abuja will remain. There will continue to be a diplomatic service. The country will continue to be active in international organisations. But the power of the federal government seems to be declining rapidly, and political power is increasingly being exercised by sub-national entities, in some cases individual Nigerian states, in other cases jihadi groups, bandits or traditional rulers. If you’re going to call Nigeria a failing state or a state that risks failure — and many, many Nigerians believe that — you’re implying that Nigeria is a nation-state as the world traditionally defines it.

    By that criteria, Nigeria is failing. But if you look at Nigeria as some other type of entity, then it seems to me, while it may well be increasingly dysfunctional, you can’t say that it’s failing. In fact, for the top 1-2% of the Nigerian population that has grown wealthy from oil revenue, the current situation is relatively satisfactory. They send their children abroad for education, not to boarding schools in Nigeria where they’re subject to kidnapping. They go to London or Johannesburg for medical attention, not to the public hospitals, which are failing. The current political arrangements provide a venue for sharing out political offices and oil revenue. So I think we have to be careful about using terms like failed state.

     

    Nigerians’ weak sense of national identity

    We have to go back to history, which has not been kind to Nigeria. As an entity on the map, it was created by the British for bureaucratic convenience. They lumped together more than 350 different ethnic groups which had never had anything in common before. And they did this fairly recently. The British established a colony in Lagos only in 1860, unified the country only in 1914 and then left in 1960. Furthermore, there was no independence movement that transcended ethnic and religious divisions in the country and that could provide an impetus toward national unity as it did in Kenya, or as it did in Algeria. There was opposition to British rule, but it was based ethnically rather than nationwide. It was against colonialism and racism rather than for Nigeria.

    Estimated 80 percent of the oil revenue probably ends up in the hands of 1% of the population

    A couple of factors came together at the same time. From the very beginning, reflecting what I understand to be British legal practice, the oil in the ground belonged to the state, so you start with that. Then you add to that the Biafra War, a major civil war that left up to two million people dead, and that resulted in a generation of military rule just as oil came on stream in enormous quantities. In other words, an almost unimaginable flow of wealth into an entity which had very, very weak institutions and in which those who exercised power were military officers.

    On top of that, Nigerian society is organised into patronage-clientage networks, which go from the top of the social pyramid to the bottom. George Packer did a fascinating article in the New Yorker some years ago about patronage-clientage networks in the Lagos garbage dump and how garbage pickers organised themselves.

    So you put those three things together, you end up with prebendalism — the elite sense that they were entitled to state wealth. Keep in mind that government authority has only rarely been nationwide. Mostly, it’s islands of central authority in a sea of spaces that are governed by sub-national or non-governmental groups.

     

    The decline of agriculture

    The oil curse is the short answer. When oil came on board, the way you got rich was essentially by capturing the state, capturing oil revenue. You didn’t get rich through investment in agriculture. An additional dimension is that the population of Nigeria has exploded. Even long after independence, the population was around 60 million or so. Now, one estimate is that it’s around 205 million. There are many, many more mouths to feed. If the country were to continue to be food self-sufficient, it would have required massive investment in agriculture. And that simply didn’t happen.

    Edinburgh produces more electricity than Nigeria’s entire national grid

    That’s right. Another statistic that concentrates the mind is that Nigeria, with 205 million people, has a GDP that’s less than that of the state of Maryland, with 6 million.

    Unifying the exchange rate and allowing the currency to float

    It’s fair to say that President Buhari is not overly impressed with economists in general and sees his role as president as, among other things, chief protector of the poor. He believes that if you devalue the currency in a country in which, as he puts it, everything including toothpicks is imported, then you are shifting the burden to the poor, and he resists that. Yes, there have been some — let’s put it in quotation marks — “reforms” that his government has implemented. But this again takes us back to what we mean by reforms in a post-colonial entity rather than in a traditional nation-state.

     

    Greatest fear about U.S. policy toward Nigeria

    My greatest fear is that because of a general lack of granular knowledge, we fail to understand what Nigeria really is. Let’s say that the military relationship develops between Nigeria and the U.S., with significant numbers of U.S. defence personnel on the ground. Then something bad happens, that presence escalates, and it becomes increasingly hard for the U.S. to extract itself. I’m thinking of something like the tragic killing in October 2017 of the four U.S. soldiers in neighbouring Niger. It’s dangerous to get involved in a security relationship with an entity that you don’t understand very well, and which in turn can be driven by a lack of understanding of various jihadi groups that are clearly hostile to the U.S., and of the relationship between those groups and the people who live in the area.

     

    Experience as ambassador

    I think that when I was ambassador, I was much too concerned with, and paid much too much attention to, the executive, the president, the foreign ministry. I didn’t pay nearly enough attention to soft diplomacy, to building ties with religious leaders, governors, academics and the business community. We knew there was something funny going on in Maiduguri, where Boko Haram was established in 2002, but we had no understanding or knowledge of its context, of what it was to become. To understand that required a knowledge of northern Nigeria that we didn’t have until recently. And this is the real problem — we didn’t set out promptly enough to develop this knowledge.

     

    So how do you encourage that more granular approach?

    By decentralising our diplomatic presence. When I was ambassador, we had a big embassy in Abuja and a big consulate in Lagos. That was it. What is needed is an American presence in a variety of different places around the country. It’s existed in the past, but it doesn’t exist now. The response to this suggestion is often, “Well, how do you go about protecting American diplomats in these places?” My response: It’s perfectly possible to do it, and it’s going to cost you some money — but far less money than the kinds of mistakes we made in Afghanistan and Iraq.

    U.S. and other nations or entities helping Nigeria to develop and to build a government more responsive to the majority of its citizens

    A variety of things that mostly fall under the rubric of soft diplomacy. Working to strengthen civil society, mostly through increased exchanges. Working for the independence of the judiciary and supporting the court system. Courts in Nigeria operate almost entirely by pen and paper, not by computer. It’s one reason among many why the wheels of justice in Nigeria turn so slowly. We also need to greatly strengthen our ties with those who really shape where Nigeria is going — particularly religious leaders, governors, some traditional rulers and some businessmen. But the thing is, Nigeria is a huge and complicated place. You can’t identify those people from Abuja or Lagos. You actually have to be on the ground. I should also mention the Nigerian media, which is vibrant and in some cases quite courageous — it could benefit from what public diplomacy can provide in terms of training journalists and so forth.

     

    Nigerians are a very successful diaspora group

    Oh, yes. One of the really interesting things about the Nigerian diaspora is how it flourishes when it gets out from under the Nigerian system. Which is why if, if the Nigerian system were to change significantly for the better, the potential for Nigeria, and for Africa, would be huge.

     

    The U.S. approach to Nigeria

    First, to recognise Nigeria for what it is, not a state in the classic Westphalian mode but a post-colonial entity. Then, to move slowly, carefully, and above all, do no harm.

    • Campbell spoke with Bloomberg columnist James Gibney

     

     

     

     

     

  • Tackling insecurity through institutional synergy

    Tackling insecurity through institutional synergy

     Mark Longyen

     

    “THERE is need for a well-structured institutional arrangement for the synergy between civil society groups, government agencies, and departments at all levels” in efforts aimed at peacebuilding, was the thought expressed by Dr Bakut Bakut, Director-General, Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR) when he spoke recently at a summit organised jointly by the institute and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, a German foundation.

    The director-general observed that the relationship between the civil society and government has been characterised by distrust for one another, hence the need for institutional and multilateral collaboration.

    “CSOs have often accused security forces of harassment, human rights abuses, unlawful detention, and denial of lawful assembly in the line of duty, hence affecting their roles in peacebuilding.

    “The media, which is an integral part of civil society, operates in fear, so much so that they sometimes self-censor programmes and opinions in order to avoid being shut down,” he said.

    Analysts are also of the view that “institutional synergy is when two or more organisations interact or cooperate to produce a combined effect that is greater than the sum of its separate parts. ‘’

    To them, therefore, such synergy which involves the collaboration of government, security agencies, civil society organisations (CSOs) and communities, among others, is key to resolving security challenges globally.

    They note that sustained synergy among all the critical actors in the security architecture is not just germane to conflict resolution but also germane to addressing the myriad challenges of insecurity.

    The sure way to tackling insecurity, they say, is by enhancing the relationship among the state actors, and redefining the engagement of the civil society in the process of resolving conflicts and peacebuilding, with a view to ensuring overall national development.

    They observe that fighting insecurity also requires effective inter-agency coordination and cooperation across multiple security agencies, which they stress, is both desirable and essential to stemming the dangerous tide of inter-agency acrimony and meeting timelines.

    Read Also: Zulum motivates soldiers of 151 Battalion in Bama

    According to them, government’s civil institutions, civil society organisations, security agencies, among other actors, must genuinely embrace synergy at the highest levels of institutional, international, and multilateral levels in order to achieve meaningful success in the battle against insurgency.

    Such synergy, they argue, should be vigorously and consciously pursued with a view to holistically tackling the many challenges of insecurity, which according to them, often culminate in negative socio-economic consequences that impede national development.

    Mr Daniel Mann, the Resident Representative of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, while sharing similar views, said, “militancy, insurgency, armed banditry, and criminality have exposed countries to insecurity, underdevelopment, and extreme poverty, amid wealth and plenty.”

    Dr Chris Kwaja, a United Nations expert in peace and conflict resolution, while underscoring the significance of international, institutional, and multilateral framework in addressing insecurity, said a successful approach toward ending rural banditry, for instance, would require deep institutional synergy among all stakeholders.

    Such approach, he said, should be driven by CSOs, by their putting in place structures and mechanisms for comprehensive and sustainable responses to tackling rural banditry and violent conflict.

    “Collaboration between rural communities, security agencies and CSOs, is necessary because, for security agencies to launch successful counter-banditry operations, it will require the strong support of communities as key providers of intelligence,” he added.

    Expressing his opinion, Borno Governor, Babagana Zulum, says the Boko Haram insurgency can be defeated by the military through institutional collaboration – between the military and the local communities, as well as building confidence in them.

    Zulum at a joint Chief of Army Staff Conference held in Maiduguri toward the end of 2020, recommended that the Nigerian Army must first review its fighting strategy against the insurgents by partnering with the local communities if it is to win the war against terror.

    He underscored the need for strong collaboration and engagement of the civil populace by the military, and said such partnership is very crucial to ending insurgency in the country.

    “The Nigerian Army must embark on confidence-building and confidence-sharing mechanisms with the communities and civil authorities, so as to expose the terrorists, their collaborators, and sponsors,” Zulum added.

    Corroborating the governor’s view, Lt.-Gen. Tukur Buratai, Chief of Army Staff, admits that defeating insurgency is a function of the military’s synergy with the civil society, stressing that ending insurgency is a collective responsibility of the military and citizens.

    Prof. Dakas Dakas (SAN), an International Law expert and former Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Jos, agrees that synergy among the critical conflict actors is mandatory for resolving insecurity challenges.

    Longyen is of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)

  • Kyari’s intervention and the future of Kidney Island

    Kyari’s intervention and the future of Kidney Island

    Will the intervention of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) Managing Director, Mele Kolo Kyari, save the over 2, 500 men and women who earn their livelihood in the disputed Kidney Island in Rivers State? CHINAKA OKORO examines the issues

     

    CHRISTMAS was bleak and 2021 was already looking bleak for the over 2,500 men and women who earn their living from working on or around Kidney Island, the logistics and operational base inside Shell Petroleum Development Company’s (SPDC’s) OML 11.

    On December 23, 2020, the Rivers State government sealed off the island, making good its threat to enforce its rights of ownership over Kidney Island following its reported purchase of OML 11 as well as contiguous assets and facilities.

    A bit of context here: The Ogoni and by extension the larger Ejama-Ebubu community which plays host to OML 11 filed a suit against SPDC over an oil spill and pollution believed to have occurred towards the end of the civil war. While SPDC has never denied that there was a spill it has not accepted responsibility.

    The case was snarled in the courts for decades and eventually made its way up to the Supreme Court which summarily dismissed SPDC’s appeal of a 2010 Federal High Court of Nigeria judgment which awarded a claim of N34 billion against SPDC.

    Following that 2017 Supreme Court judgement delivered by Justice B. Akaahs, which the community considered a legal victory, they sought the court’s leave to enforce the judgment by taking over SPDC’s assets in Nigeria and abroad.

    SPDC wasted no time in filing another appeal at the Supreme Court in which it prayed the apex court to set aside its earlier judgement because according to the company, the Supreme Court did not fully consider the merits of their appeal before upholding the decision of the appeal court.

    In a unanimous decision delivered by Justice Samuel Oseji, the Supreme Court averred that SPDC’s appeal was “frivolous and lacked merit” and thereafter dismissed the suit declaring that it could not revisit or set aside its earlier decision.

    By this time the judgement claim against SPDC had ballooned. A Federal High Court which sat in Abuja on Monday, March 2, 2020, issued an order attaching the sum of N182billion in First Bank of Nigeria Limited’s statutory account with the Central Bank of Nigeria in favour of Ejama-Ebubu community in Rivers State.

    Governor Nyesom Wike, empowered by this order, stated in September 2019 that the Rivers State government had bought over SPDC’s 45% equity in OML 11 to safeguard the interest of the Rivers people. The Rivers state government said it had put in “a bid of $150m supported by a bank guarantee and cash payment to the Deputy Sheriff in the sum of N1bn, the latter payable to the judgment creditors while the former is escrowed.”

    SPDC had reacted to this development with an August 14, 2020 press release in which it expressed “disappointment” that the Rivers State High Court had affirmed the enforcement of the sale of SPDC’s assets in Kidney Island and specified interests in OML 11, to the Rivers State Government.

    While SPDC was still pursuing further legal recourse, the Rivers state government sealed off the island on December 23, 2020, thus putting in jeopardy not just the jobs of over 2,500 direct and indirect employees, contract agreements between SPDC and indigenous contractors but the drilling programme and work plans of companies like Moni Pulo, Conoil, Oriental Energy, Amni and Century Energy Services who require access to Kidney Island to facilitate their operations.

    Addressing reporters on Wednesday, December 23, 2020, Professor Zaccheus Adangor, SAN, the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice of Rivers state, informed them that the government was enforcing “her interest in the acquisition of 45 per cent equity stake in Oil Mining Lease (OML) 11 and Kidney Island in Port Harcourt. Kidney Island, he noted, now belongs to the Rivers State Government pursuant to a certificate of purchase registered in the Lands Registry as No. 6 at page 6 in Vol. 46, Port Harcourt. The certificate of purchase was issued by the order of the High Court of Rivers State on July 23, 2019, and September 25, 2019, following the purchase of the facility.”

    A report put the daily losses at $5m even as SPDC described the government’s action as “premature.”

    But the affected parties received an early New Year’s present when the Rivers State government announced via a December 31, 2020 statement that Governor Nyesom Wike “had directed the unsealing of the Island following a meeting with Mallam Melo Kolo Kyari, the GMD of NNPC.”

    Providing further insight, a newspaper reported that “Governor Nyesom Wike has reopened Kidney Island, the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) operational base sealed and taken over in Port Harcourt by the Rivers State Government since 23rd of December 2020. A statement by Kelvin Ebiri, Media Assistant to the Governor, noted that “Wike, after a meeting with Group Managing Director (GMD) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, Mele Kolo Kyari in Port Harcourt Thursday, directed immediate reopening of Kidney Island for the operators (Shell). “Kyari commended Governor Wike and the Government of Rivers State for their cooperation, while further discussion to resolve the underlying issues continues.”

    Mallam Mele Kolo Kyari’s intervention was a much-needed pouring of oil on trouble waters and should help the contending parties draw a new road map for the future of not just OML 11 but Kidney Island.

    Thousands of jobs are at risk, and company income is in peril and there is the added fear of foreign companies giving Nigeria a wide berth following the negative backlash that could ensue.

    With the NNPC involved and legal options all but exhausted the parties must now sit around the negotiating table and the first order of business must be how to keep Kidney Island as a going concern while the parties study the Joint Operating Agreement governing the OML 11 JV?

    What rights will 45% equity confer on the Rivers state government and if it is affirmed the new owners, how does the new state of affairs impact on other JV partners and the assets?

    These are critical considerations because Kidney Island goes beyond SPDC and the Rivers state government. There are other interested parties and Mallam Kyari’s intervention has opened another vista of opportunity for negotiations.

     

     

     

  • Rooting for PPP in airport management

    Rooting for PPP in airport management

    Global trends in airport management across the globe is moving in the direction of private sector participation, affirming agitations in industry quarters that the government has no business in such undertakings, reports KELVIN OSA-OKUNBOR.

     

    AIRPORT management across the globe is de-emphasizing the place of government in the management of key air transport infrastructure as many countries are adopting the concession models for airports management.

    From the United Kingdom to the United States, Middle, Far East/Southeast Asia, private sector management of airport terminals is gaining traction with the attendant harvest of operational efficiency and other benefits.

    In Nigeria, experts over the years have canvassed the setting up of airport management firms, corporatization of airports and various forms of concession.

    Besides airside facility – airport runways, apron and taxi -ways considered critical to remain in government  hands for national security  considerations other airport facilities – terminal buildings, car parks and access toll gates – are falling on the lap of private sector management.

    The new thinking in airports facility management globally suggests more private sector management, which appears more efficient and transparency driven.

    In an interview, an industrial relations experts, Comrade Ocheme Aba said the government should embrace the green field option, which will empower new investors to consider fresh ventures such as construction of terminal buildings, runways and other facilities, such as stand alone airport, to compete with the facilities

    On his part, the Chief Executive Officer, Centurion Securities, Group Captain  John Ojikutu (rtd), said he would support any concession negotiated as Public-Private Partnership (PPP) initiative.

    According to Ojikutu, the government should consider the airports’privatisation that will secure private investment, management and operational expertise.

    Though Federal Government entered into a deal with Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited (BASL) many years ago, contention over the tenure of the concession and allegations of non-remittance of revenue continue to dominate the industry space.

    Despite the controversies, ratings by industry groups continue to put the Murtala Muhammed Airport Terminal Two (MMA2) in the burner over how the managers of the first private airport terminal in Nigeria has run its affairs.

    Besides emerging as the best managed airport terminal in Nigeria for many years based on efficiency, functionality and cleanliness, the terminal investigations have shown, is  becoming the toast of many air travellers given the technology in check-in facility in place to drive seamless facilitation.

    Chief Executive Officer, Belujane Konsults, Mr Chris Aligbe said the government ownership and management of airports is becoming unfashionable.

    He said a situation where the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) manages over 24 airports  for Federal Government was becoming unattractive because many of the airports are unviable.

    Aligbe, a former Public Relations  manager of the defunct Nigeria Airways, proposed the corporatisation of the airports into holding firms to achieve efficiency.

    Read Also: Much ado about Ibadan Airport

    At a public hearing by the Senate Committee on Aviation, many organisations and stakeholders, including BASL, expressed concerns over the structure of airports, which they said was becoming unpopular.

    In a presentation, BASL observed that a scenario which vests  FAAN , an agency of government, with the powers of operator and regulator was against global practice.

    BASL, in a paper to the Senate Committee, noted that stakeholders in the sector have had considerable difficulty in liaising with the airport authority on concession and other critical matters.

    The firm, in particular, drew the attention of the Senate Committee on Aviation to the attempt by the Ministry of Aviation to amend a bill seeking to empower FAAN as the manager of airports.

    The paper by BASL reads: “The proposed bill which empowers the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria to manager airports in Nigeria is unconstitutional. It is obvious that not all airports in Nigeria are managed by FAAN.

    “There are airports and terminals that are not managed by FAAN. The law must be clear in stating that it only applies to airports or terminals that are owned or managed by FAAN. It cannot be a blanket provision applying to all airports in Nigeria.”

    The firm also described as unacceptable sections of the proposed bill, which expects FAAN to discontinue the use of any airport maintained by the authority must clearly provide that such provision cannot apply to airports and terminals that are owned by private institutions.

    The paper reads: “The functions of the airport authority cannot apply to privately-owned airports and terminals. FAAN cannot operate airports and terminals that do not belong to it. The airport authority cannot within the law carry out commercial and non – aeronautical activities at all airports in Nigeria. It can only exercise such powers at airports and terminals operated by it.”

    An analyst, Mr Mikail Mumuni, said there is an urgent need to rework sections of the FAAN bill, which prescribes functions already contractually assigned to private sector airport operators.

    To prevent a situation, where the airport authority does not assume the role of a regulator/operator, the expert called on the National Assembly to look at some aspects of the bill, which presents the function of airport authority as incongruous by ensuring there is appropriate revisions.

    He said: “The airport authority cannot be an operator and regulator at the same sphere. This clearly creates a conflict of interest situation. First, it enables the airport authority to have the power to suppress the business of other private company Annie’s using regulatory powers.

    “Secondly, it enables the airport authority to be able to compete with private companies and businesses using government funds. The airport authority should elect whether it wants to be a regulator or an operator. If it opts to be a regulator ,it should continue with the proposed concession process of airports.

    “However, if the airport authority opts to be an operator, then it should be divested to any regulation powers in the aviation sector.”

    The expert canvassed separation of regulatory and management of airports and airport terminals function.

    He added: “The regulation of airports should be handled by an independent body or regulator and not an agency which is also an operator or competitor in the sector. The separation of these roles will enhance efficiency in the administration and regulation of the aviation sector.”

  • Transportation 2021: A year full of expectations

    Transportation 2021: A year full of expectations

    The Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge, which took off ithis month, was just one of the many initiatives that may shape 2021 and change the nation’s transportation narratives, writes ADEYINKA ADERIBIGBE

     

    THE deleterious effects of the second wave of COVID-19 notwithstanding, 2021 promises to be a year of consolidation on the various initiatives meant to change the nation’s transportation narrative.

    One of such that would be delivered this month is the $1.7 billion Lagos-Ibadan Standard Gauge, (known as the Lot II of the Lagos-Kano Standard Gauge).

    The foundation-laying, which was conducted by the Acting President Prof Yemi Osinbajo (as he then was), on March 7, 2017, is being projected to be inaugurated by President Muhammadu Buhari as a New Year gift to the nation.

    The LOT II, which was done and dusted within three years, (the first of such gargantuan project to have been conducted in record time), is perhaps the stimulant that the Buhari administration needed to embark on other ambitious projects aimed at linking all the state capitals with rail system of transportation before 2023.

    Among the rail system waiting to be activated by the government under the supervision of Rotimi Amaechi, the Minister of Transportation, are the Ibadan-Kano Standard Gauge (LOT III), and the Kaduna-Katsina-Maradi (Niger Republic Border) line, either of which Amaechi said may begin as soon as the LOT II, is delivered.

    The minister added further that the government is shopping for fresh funds to take on the Lagos-Port Harcourt coastal line, as well as the 1,657 kms Port Harcourt-Maiduguri line (known as the Eastern line), as well as the Itakpe-Ajaokuta-Abuja line, which may be executed on a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) format.

    Much activity is expected this year on the railway assembly plant at Kajola, Ogun State, kicked off by  Osinbajo in November 2019, and the University of Transportation, Daura, (inaugurated by Buhari in December of the same year), scheduled to begin academic activities next year.

    While the Assembly plant is expected to feed the Nigerian and the African markets of the railway hardware needs to have a healthy railway system, no fewer than 150 Nigerians are in various universities in China, on scholarship, in various aspects of railway engineering, to teach Nigerians on railway logistics and various aspects of engineering relevant to the railway system.

    Both projects, according to the minister, are donations from the contractor – China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC) – to the growth and development of the railway system in the country.

    Though experts said Nigeria may need between N2 and N3 trillion to bridge the railway infrastructure gaps in the country, the Federal Ministry of Transportation has just N205 billion in the 2021 budget.

    Amaechi said the budget is barely enough to fund ongoing projects and the overheads of all its related agencies.

    The minister said out of the N205 billion, land transport (the railway project), would gulp about N204 billion, marine transport N845 million, and overhead cost in 2021 put at N358 million.

    The minister, at another forum, said the Lagos-Ibadan speed train would create no fewer than 10,000 direct jobs and hundreds of secondary jobs, while the Kajola Assembly Plant and the tertiary institution are scheduled to also create additional jobs opportunities.

    The freight element of the completed Lagos-Ibadan speed train would, undoubtedly, have tremendous effects on the travel pattern by reducing the traffic gridlock in and around the highways and inner city roads in Lagos State.

    When fully on stream, both the narrow and standard gauge rail lines are meant to freight containers from the Apapa Ports to the Dry Port in Ibadan, where importers would now evacuate their cargoes, thereby relieving Lagos roads.

    Just as transportation is expected to continue on a bullish ride, with the rail system emerging as a major artery of the nation’s transportation architecture the new year, more states across the federation are also expected to consolidate on their strides in inter-modal transportation initiatives and bequeathe to the people a new transportation experience.

    One such state from, which much is expected in the transportation ecosystem is Lagos, where the second flagship light rail project – called the Red Line Light Rail that would run from Ijoko to Iddo, using the existing Federal Government’s rail corridor, is expected to gain more momentum in the year.

    The Red Line, as well as the Blue Line, which had been in the works since 2006, are slated to be completed next year.

    The Red Line, among others, is slated to have three flyover bridges, four over passes, and four railway stations. It would run parallel to the Federal Government’s Standard Gauge. It is expected that while the state would build four overpasses, the Federal Government would build the remaining four.

    The Lagos State supervising agency – Lagos Metropolitan Transport Authority (LAMATA) – at the various community engagements last month said the Babajide Sanwo-Olu administration has already earmarked the funds for the project, adding that the project would not suffer hitches until it is delivered next year.

    Giving more technical details, LAMATA’s Director Rail Transport Olasunkanmi Okusaga, said the proposed gauge for the 37 km red line is 1435m and the line, when completed, would carry 750,000 passengers daily at inception and 1.1 million daily, when fully operational.

    The Commissioner for Transportation, Dr Frederic Oladeinde, said the rail system is part of efforts aimed at developing alternative modes of transportation that would de-emphasise on the road as the major element accounting for the movement of commuters.

    He said just as the roads rehabilitation, roads expansion and junction improvements are being aggressively pursued, the government is also developing the waterways and the rail system in other to promote inter-modality which would bring much relief to the people in line with the THEMES agenda of the government, which seeks efficient traffic management and transportation.

    Similar aggressive investment is being expected on the waterways with the government investing in acquisition of modern ferries and the cleaning and channellisation of the waterways, with which the state is abundantly blessed.

     

     

     

  • Newsmakers that will dominate politics in 2021

    Newsmakers that will dominate politics in 2021

    This year promises to be very eventful politically. As preparations for the Anambra State governorship election enters the final phase and those of Ekiti, Osun and the general elections of 2023 begin, there would be no dull moment. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI x-rays the personalities and institutions that will shape politics in the year

     

    THE race for the 2023 general elections would dominate this year. Though President Muhammadu Buhari is due to complete his second and final tenure of four years in May 2023, the battle over who will succeed him is expected to be the focus within the various political parties.

    Preparations towards the Anambra State governorship election, which is expected to hold in November, would also dominate the polity this year. Though the off-cycle governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States are scheduled for next year, much of the realignment of forces  that will shape the outcome of the contest will shape the outcome of the contest will happen this year.

    Interestingly, the above governorship elections would be indicators that will show how the 2023 general elections would be like.

    The role of several personalities and institutions are likely to go a long way in determining the nature and outcome of the 2023 general elections. These include President Buhari, the National Assembly, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the chairman of the National Caretaker Committee of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Mai Mala Buni, the National Chairman of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Uche Secondus, APC National Leader Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Anambra State Governor Willie Obiano and his predecessor in office, Peter Obi.

    Others are Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi, former Ekiti State Governor Peter Ayodele Fayose, Senator Abiodun Olujimi and Osun State Governor Gboyega Oyetola.

    Buhari:

    As the father of the nation, President Buhari’s action or inaction would impact positively or negatively on the polity this year. Though he is no longer qualified to contest the next presidential election the President would want to leave a good legacy by handing over to a worthy successor who can consolidate on his achievements to make sure Nigerians enjoy the dividends of democracy.

    He can do this by deepening the electoral reforms that started under the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and consolidated by Dr. Jonathan and by giving INEC a free hand to supervise the processes that will lead to the elections. In fact, it was the free hand given to former INEC chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega by Jonathan that led to the introduction of the Smart Card Reader, which in turn aided his victory in 2015.

    Within the APC, Buhari has the final say in determining the processes that will lead to the emergence of the party’s candidate. This will, to a large extent, determine whether the party will consolidate on its gains since 2013 when it came into existence or disintegrate into smaller parties. Some observers believe that the President and his backers have already set the machinery in motion to rejig the APC political machinery ahead of 2023.

    Tinubu:

    Another newsmakers that will feature prominently in the political arena this year is Asiwaju Tinubu. A senator during the aborted Third Republic and governor of Lagos State between 1999 and 2007, Tinubu is widely regarded as the architect of modern Lagos. Since then, he has managed to build a formidable political empire that spans not only within the Southwest but also across the country.

    Tinubu is popularly known as a kingmaker. Since he stepped down as governor of Lagos in May 2007 he has not contested for any elective position. A man reputed to be an astute political strategist, he was the main architect of the merger that brought the APC into existence in 2013. Though he has not come out openly to declare his interest in the 2023 presidency, his anticipated participation in the contest has been generating interest within and outside the political arena.

    For instance, in a sermon recently,  Pastor Tunde Bakare, the overseer of the Citadel Global Community Church, formerly known as the Latter Rain Assembly (LRA), advised Nigerians to quit plotting and scheming against Tinubu.

    In a viral video, Bakare eulogised the APC titan, describing him as a hardworking leader whose track record and leadership dexterity are unmatched. He added that Tinubu had done more than any leader to secure the Southwest for his people while urging Nigerians to stop judging the former governor based on his ancestry.

    Similarly, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose has warned that the plots against Tinubu will fail. Fayose who made the remark at his country home in Afao-Ekiti recently said the APC stalwart does not deserve to be crucified by his political mentees, for whom he sacrificed enormously to groom and raise from political obscurity to limelight.

    Fayose said the conspiracy against the former Lagos State governor was part of the strategies to divide and create confusion among Yoruba people and that it would fail. He urged his Yoruba kinsmen to support and accord him the necessary regard.

    National Assembly:

    The leadership role that will be provided by Senator Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila at National Assembly will also determine how far the constitutional and Electoral reforms expected from the lawmakers will go. For instance, INEC has made it clear that it intends to deepen the use of technology in elections from 2021, if the relevant portion of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) that prohibits the use of technology is expunged from the document. The commission believes that the introduction of electronic voting will give it a level of accuracy and effectiveness, so that the votes of Nigerians will count.

    The process of voting, counting and collation is still done manually because the law does not allow for digitalising the electoral process. This causes significant glitches that could compromise the integrity of the election. Besides reducing the potentials for error, experts say digitalising the process also saves time and human resources.

    The digitalisation of the electoral process is expected to start this year with the Anambra State governorship election, according to INEC. The leadership of the 9th National Assembly affirmed its commitment to speedy passage of the Electoral Reform Bill at a retreat organised by INEC recwntly.

     INEC/Yakubu:

    The commission under the leadership of Prof. Mahmood Yakubu started with a series of inconclusive elections but it has since consolidated on the reforms introduced by Prof. Jega. Yakubu initiated the process of simultaneous accreditation and voting, as well as that of uploading of results declared at polling units on INEC portal, to forestall manipulation of results during the collation process.

    The commission has also promised to carry out a comprehensive overhaul of its system, beginning from the first quarter of this year, to make it possible for more Nigerians to vote during elections. Speaking during a recent live radio programme, the INEC National Commissioner in charge Voter Education, Festus Okoye said: “What we are going to do from the first quarter of 2021 is (one), to update the voters’ register in terms of numbers. So many people are displaced from their communities and so many students who registered while at school have graduated and moved from where they registered to another location. There are also people who have moved from one place to another for different reasons. We have also recorded deaths and so the voters’ register ought to be updated. So, what we are going to do is a comprehensive update of the voters’ register, while also carrying out our continuous voter registration.

    “We are going to deepen the use of technology in the electoral process because many of our young persons are not interested in going to the polling units to cast their votes; they want to sit in the comfort of their homes and use their smartphones to vote, if possible.”

    Buni:

    Buni who is also the governor of Yobe State has emerged as a pivot around which the processes leading to the next general elections is going to revolve. The Buni-led National Caretaker Committee emerged on June 25, 2020, at an emergency meeting of the APC National Executive Committee to resolve the crisis created by the suspension of former National Chairman Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. The committee was initially given six months to reconcile warring factions in different state chapters and organise a national convention of the party. But, its tenure has since been renewed for another six months.

    What this implies is that the committee would superintend the processes that would throw up the party’s candidates for various elective positions.

    Secondus

    Secondus is the man that has the responsibility of preparing the ground for the next general elections. Many of such processes will take place this year. For now, the PDP has not made up its mind whether it is going to keep faith with its presidential zoning arrangement or not. It had earlier given an indication that it will throw the race open; which is another way of saying that it may allow the North to continue to take another shot at the presidency in 2023.

    But, the party has been put under pressure to respect the zoning arrangement by the recriminations generated by the recent defection of Ebonyi State Governor Dave Umahi from the party to the ruling APC.

    It remains to be seen how it would turn out. From all indications, Seconds is equal to the task. He began his political career during the Second Republic in 1978, when he served as Rivers State Youth Leader of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN). He was also the Rivers State Publicity Secretary of the defunct National Republican Convention (NRC) between 1993 and 1998 and a two-term chairman of Rivers State PDP. While he was Rivers PDP chairman, he earned the sobriquet “Total Chairman” because of the way he managed the affairs of the chapter.

    At the party’s convention in 2008, he became the National Organizing Secretary, a position he held until 2012. On September 1, 2013, he was elected Deputy National Chairman. He also briefly served as acting National Chairman, following the resignation of Adamu Mu’azu in 2015. On December 10, 2017 at the Eagles Square, he was elected National Chairman after a keenly contested election. He is regarded as the best chairman the PDP ever had; as his tenure made the party win more states as an opposition party.

    Atiku:

    The former Vice President has been very vocal on national issues since he returned to the PDP prior to the last general elections. Even after he lost the election to President Buhari, the situation has not changed. So, he would remain one of the major newsmakers within the political arena this year.

    But, his chances of contesting the 2023 presidency on the platform of the PDP would be decided later in the year when the party clarifies its position on zoning. Secondus had indicated in October in the Bauchi State capital that the race for the party’s 2023 presidential ticket would be thrown open to all contenders willing to contest, including Atiku. He made the remark while responding to questions from reporters on whether the party will re-present the former Vice President who lost the 2019 presidential election to President Buhari.

    His words: “There is no room for discrimination. Everyone is qualified; both young, old, governors, non-governors are qualified to contest and we have the space for everyone – if you win, you become our candidate . The door is open to everybody.”

    But, it would be difficult for the PDP, which has zoning in its Constitution, to jettison it, unless it is done by consensus.

    Irrespective of whether Atiku is going to run or not, he  will be influential in shaping the 2023 race for the PDP or any party he decides to pitch his tent with. The former Vice President is a perennial presidential contestant. He first contested in 2007 on the platform of the defunct Action Congress (AC), one of the legacy parties that metamorphosed into the APC, after he fell out with his former principal, Obasanjo and left the PDP. In 2011, he returned to the PDP and contested for the party’s presidential ticket but lost to the then President Jonathan. Prior to the 2015 general elections, he went back to the APC and contested for its ticket but lost to incumbent President Buhari.

    He contested the 2019 presidential election on the platform of the PDP; having returned to the party again in 2018.

    Obasanjo:

    Former President Obasanjo is well known as someone who is not a passive observer of events in Nigeria; he does not shy away from expressing his views on national issues. So, this year, as activities leading to the next general elections begin to gather momentum, he is likely to be very vocal within the political arena. Born March 5, 1937, Obasanjo was military Head of State from 1976 to 1979 and later civilian president from 1999 to 2007 on the platform of the PDP.

    Today, aged 83, he may look like a cuddly grandfather but he still has plenty of fuel in his tank and fire in his belly to comment on national issues. He is the author of many books that are based on his life experience. Over the years, Obasanjo has formed a habit of severely criticising all those who governed the country after him. Love him or hate, Obasanjo would continue to play the role of an elder statesman.

    Thirteen years after he stepped down, Obasanjo still divides opinion. Many Nigerians – both those who love and hate him – wish he would retire gracefully to his farm. But that does not seem to be on the cards in the foreseeable future. The 83-year-old continues to pull strings and he enjoys significant influence within Nigeria’s complex political web.

    Jonathan:

    Former President Jonathan would continue to be a major newsmaker this year. He has been hugging the headlines in recent times over speculations that he may be drafted into the 2023 presidential race. From all indications, a powerful political clique in the North are trying to draft to run again. Whether he will eventually accede to their requests remains to be seen.

    Before the 2015 presidential election, he had a bad reputation because of the way he acquitted himself on the job. He was regarded as an accidental president who, despite his relative inexperience, ascended to lead the country when his predecessor, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, passed away in office 2010. In 2011, he secured the ruling party’s support for another term and he eventually won the general election. His tenure was characterized by soaring unemployment, instability in the North, as Boko Haram gained strength and territory, and a widespread perception that public funds were pocketed by the influential and well-placed with impunity.

    His reputation had taken a big dent when he contested for re-election in 2015. It was his decision to concede victory to President Buhari as the votes were counted in March 2015 changed the narratives. It was an unprecedented and courageous act in Nigerian politics, and it caught many observers by surprise. Since that historic concession, he has been widely regarded as a statesman.

     Obiano:

    The Anambra State governor will also feature prominently in the news this year. Obiano who will be stepping down from office early next year will be expected to annoint a successor; being the leader of his party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Little was known about Obiano before he became governor.

    Born in Aguleri, a town in Anambra North senatorial district, Obiano, a banker-turned politician, benefitted from zoning when former Governor Obi used it as a pretext to engineer his emergence as the next governor. Obiano left the banking system to contest the Anambra governorship election in November 2013 and won. He was sworn in on March 17, 2014 to succeed Obi. On November 18, 2017, he was re-elected as governor.

     Obi:

    Obi, a two-term former governor of Anambra, was the Vice Presidential running mate to Atiku during the last general elections. As the state elects a new governor this year, to succeed Obiano, Obi is expected to play a prominent role within the PDP.

    Besides, since the presidency is likely to be zoned to the South in 2023, the former Anambra State governor may be aspiring to contest for the plum job during the next general elections. Like Atiku, Obi has also been very vocal on national issues in recent times. While delivering the 60th Founder’s Day lecture, titled “Nigeria at 60 and the Journey So Far” at the University of Nigeria , Nsukka (UNN), last October, he blamed inadequate funding for public education for the country’s poor economy. He said education remains the engine room and driver of any economy .

    Obi, 59, regretted that 60 years after independence, succeeding administrations had not focused on education to develop the country .

    Ngige:

    As a founding member of the APC, Dr. Chris Ngige,  the current Minister of Labour and Employment, is also likely to play a major role within the APC during the forthcoming governorship election in Anambra State. Ngige was appointed to serve in President Buhari’s first term and reappointed for the second term. He was elected senator to represent Anambra Central in the National Assembly in April 2011. Ngige was the governor of Anambra State from May 2003 to March 2006 under the PDP, but he later joined the defunct AC.

    Ngige who was born on August 8, 1952 in Alor, Idemili South Local Government Area of Anambra State would also play a role in determining who gets his party’s presidential ticket for the 2023 race. He was the party’s governorship candidate in 2013 but lost to Governor Obiano.

     Fayemi:

    Although the next governorship election in Ekiti State is scheduled to take in mid 2022, much of the drama that is expected to characterise the nomination process for his party’s candidate would take place this year and Governor Fayemi would play a key role in it. Fayemi, a member of the APC, assumed power on October 16, 2018. He was previously governor between 2010 and 2014. He lost his re-election in 2014 to Ayodele Fayose.

    Fayemi,55, from Isan-Ekiti, Oye Local Government, was also the Minister of Solid Minerals Development in President Buhari’s cabinet from November 11, 2015 to May 30, 2018, when he resigned to contest again for his second term.

    This year, he would be in the news not only because of next year’s governorship election in his state, but also in respect of his rumoured presidential ambition.

    Fayose:

    On the platform of the PDP, Fayose would also want to prove that he is still relevant within Ekiti politics, as his party prepares for the next governorship in the state. Born on November 15 in Ibadan, Oyo State, Fayose who hails from Afao-Ekiti, served for two term as governor on PDP platform. He became the second governor of Ekiti on May 29, 2003, after defeating the then incumbent Governor Niyi Adebayo.

    Fayose could not complete his tenure as a result of an impeachment on October 16, 2006. However, he contested again in 2014 and won. He is now the only governor in Nigeria so far that has defeated incumbent governors two times.

     Olujimi:

    As the highest-ranking member of the PDP from Ekiti State, Senator Biodun Olujimi would also be a major newsmaker this year, as her party prepares for the 2022 governorship election. Olujimi represents Ekiti South senatorial district in the upper legislative chamber. She is also the Minority Leader of the chamber.

    Olujimi, 62, is regarded as one of the most experienced female politicians in the country. The former deputy governor is at loggerheads with his former principal (Fayose) over the leadership of the PDP in Ekiti.

    Oyetola:

    After Ekiti, Osun State would be the next battleground for electoral contestation in 2022 and Governor Gboyega Oyetola would be in the middle of the contest; as he would be seeking for re-election for a second term. Like Ekiti, much of the politicking for the governorship would take place this year.

    The major challenge that may confront the Iragbiji, Boripe Local Government Area-born politician would probably be from within his own party, the APC. But, party elders were reported to have waded into the matter recently, to prevent it from degenerating into a major crisis.

    Off-cycle elections such as the ones in Anambra, Ekiti and Osun are significant for the two major parties because they will serve as dress rehearsals for the 2023 general elections.

     

  • NSE chief seeks policies to aid industrialisation

    NSE chief seeks policies to aid industrialisation

    Okwy Iroegbu-Chikezie

     

    NIGERIAN Society of Engineers (NSE)  President Babagana Muhammed has  called on the government to initiate and pursue policies that will help in industrialising the country.

    He said the nation never lacked industrial policies, what was absent was the political will, continuity, and enthusiasm of the administrative class, which resulted in the abandonment of most policies.

    Muhammed stated this on the sidelines of an event held by the  Apapa Branch of the society.

    He stressed that weak legislation, judiciary and government policies have made the world leave Nigeria behind in terms of industrialisation.

    Read Also: Insecurity: Growing calls for change of tactics

    According to him, many people are not interested in doing business with Nigeria as a result of its weak legislation.

    Investors, he said, could not come into a country where laws could not protect their investments.

    Managing Director, Kresta Laurel Limited, Dideolu Falobi, who spoke on the theme: “Industrialise Nigeria: Now or never”, highlighted the critical role of industrialisation to the economic development.

    Lamenting the effect of Nigeria’s 60 years over-dependence on oil, Falobi urged engineers to take an active role in setting -up industries in the country.

    He lamented that the country is suffering from all sorts of maladies because of a lack of industrialisation.

    He urged President Muhammadu Buhari to declare a state of emergency in the sector to protect industries while new ones should be established to save the nation from the recession, hunger, crime, and other negative effects.

  • From creating content for fun to social media personality 

    From creating content for fun to social media personality 

    Our Reporter

    Millennials have proven time and again that in this day and age content is the new black gold, and that you can make a career from just owning a smart mobile device and creating content targeted at the right audience.

    One of such millennials making their mark online and cashing in on their huge following and popularity on social media platforms is Ogechi ‘Caramel’ Ukonu better known as the Caramel Plug. Born to Abia state natives Mr. & Mrs. Ukonu on May May 28th 2000 in Lagos State, Nigeria. She is currently living in Vancouver, Canada. She attended Loral international school and graduated in 2016 before moving to Canada to further her education at the University of Fraser Valley Vancouver.

    Her journey began when she opened her own Youtube channel in 2018. She began making funny skits and videos sometimes about controversial issues and topics other times just funny memes and content.  Her first video was released on the 5th of December 2018. She gained instant popularity when one of her videos where she ranted about what she considered the unnecessary hype of the TV series, Game of Thrones went viral as many top Nigerian celebrities reposted her video on their pages. The attention multiplied her followers quickly and brought her instant notice from brands and businesses. One of such brands is Payporte an online portal for fashion and lifestyle accessories whom signed her on as one of their brand ambassadors on 23 December 2020. One of the unique things about Oge is that she has made her brand recognizable by wearing pyjamas and bonnet in all the videos she puts out.

    In 2020 Ogechi interned with the United Nations habitat group, where she and others contributed to the research on the impacts of covid on youths and their environment. An experience she claimed enlightened her more on the role the UN plays in world health and why everyone should participate in global developmental goals. Oge as she is fondly called has worked with several brands as an influencer. Leveraging on her large social media following she has promoted brands like FashionNova, Divine Looks Makeovers, Rachi Hairthentic, Ko Si Wahala Fashion Store, Jurlly She, Ego Shoes and Chic Me.

    Ogechi is currently in her final year of study and hopes to graduate in late 2021. She is also the founder and CEO Caramel Shop her own clothing brand.