Author: The Nation

  • NBA honours Nunghe, Osigwe, others

    NBA honours Nunghe, Osigwe, others

    By John Austin Unachukwu

     

    THE Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Bwari branch, Abuja,  has honoured some new Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) who are members and friends of the branch.

    Those honoured  were Mazi Afam Osigwe (SAN), who is a former General Secretary of the NBA, Dr M.N Mohammed (SAN) and Chief Henry Okechukwu Akunebu (SAN).

    Also honoured by the branch was Mr Mela Nunghe (SAN), a former Chairman  of the Unity Bar and former sole administrator for Bwari branch at creation.

    The Chairman of the branch, Clement Chukwuemeka stated that Mazi Osigwe during his tenure as Chairman of NBA Abuja Unity Bar, contributed enormously to the creation of NBA Bwari Branch. He is also the Patron and honorary member of the branch.

    Read Also: Buhari, Osinbajo pay respect to fallen heroes

    Apart from the plaque of honour and appreciation presented to the honourees, they also received two copies each of Capital Bar Law Journal Vol 2, special edition.

    Accompanying the chairman of the Branch, Mr Clement Chukwuemeka  at the  presentation were the branch secretary,  Mr.  Oladapo O.I  Owowo, the Chairman, Young Lawyers, NBA Bwari branch,  C. Caleb, Anita C. Amadi  and some executive members of NBA Bwari Young Lawyers Forum.

    The presentation took place in their offices  at Maitama and Utako respectively.

    The remaining Silks will be honoured as soon as the scheduled appointments are confirmed.

  • Court registrars to face disciplinary action

    Court registrars to face disciplinary action

    By Adebisi Onanuga

     

    HENCEFORTH, court registrars who failed to notify counsels of dates their matters will be holding will face disciplinary action, the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Kazeem Alogba has said.

    The warning was handed down in a circular, reference LASJ/312455/VOL. XXV1/69, and dated January 21, 2021.

    It was titled: “Notice to all Court Registrars” and signed by Chief Registrar, Mrs Busola Okunuga on behalf of the Chief Judge.

    It stated: “The Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Kazeem O. Alogba has directed that whenever the court will not be sitting, all Court Registrars must notify counsel and parties involved in the matter via SMS (text/email) or both not less than 48 hours before the date the matter is slated for.

    “Note that failure to comply with this directive will be met with stern disciplinary action.”

    In a related development, Justice Alogba has ordered the relocation of some vital department in the Lagos Judiciary to improve service and quicken justice delivery.

    The relocation followed the vandalisation, looting and burning of the entire Court House of the Lagos High Count, Igbosere during the EndSARS protest.

    A circular reference LASJ/312455/VOI.XXVI/70, dated January 21, 2021 and signed by the Chief Registrar, Mrs Busola Okunuga said major sections and departments of the High Court have been temporarily relocated to Ikeja High Court and Tafawa Balewa Square (Annex of the Lagos High Court).

    Read Also: Court lifts house arrest of Bobi Wine

    Details of the new arrangement showed that the Litigation Section formerly at Igbosere has been relocated to Tafawa Balewa Square (Annex) Lagos while the office of the Deputy Sheriff, Igbosere has been relocated to Rosaline Omotosho Court House, Ikeja

    The Probate Registry of  Igbosere, on the other had has been relocated to lkeja High Court by Polaris Bank Building while the official Receiver’s office has relocated to Tafawa Balewa Square (Annex), Lagos

    The circular sought the cooperation of uses of the court on the temporary measures developed to ease justice delivery.

    It also expressed appreciation to the public for their support during the trying period of the Lagos State Judiciary.

  • Recovery, growth and sustainability of our economy

    Recovery, growth and sustainability of our economy

    By Adeniyi Adebayo

     

    THE Nigerian economy received much attention and was recognised as one of the fastest-growing economies in the world between 2010 and 2014. Yet when oil prices fell in 2014, the economy contracted and eventually slipped into a recession by 2016. The economy recovered from the recession and we witnessed eleven quarters of consecutive GDP growth since exiting the recession. The GDP grew from 0.8% in 2017 to 2.6% in 2019 but declined in the first quarter of 2020 to 1.9% and we entered another recession in the third quarter of 2020 as a result of the downward trend in global economic activities caused by the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    The second quarter of 2020 resulted in a contraction in GDP growth to -6.1% and by the third quarter of 2020, a further contraction for the second time in 2020 at -3.6% indicated we were in a recession. Though we were in a recession, our experience was better when compared to some advanced and other emerging market countries. The United States and the United Kingdom experienced a contraction in GDP to -9.5% and -20% respectively in the second quarter of 2020 while the economy of India and South Africa experienced a contraction of -24% and -17% respectively in the same period. However, Nigeria’s GDP growth is expected to have a modest pickup by the first and second quarters of 2021.

    To accelerate the recovery and growth of the Nigerian economy beyond 2021, the FG has approved and funded an export expansion facility. This will be used to promote export financing, export infrastructure (such as setting up of export warehouses), capacity development for exporters and to facilitate market access for exporters to regional and global markets.

    In response to the challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic, the FG developed the N2.3 Trillion Economic Sustainability Plan (ESP), which consists of fiscal, monetary and sectoral measures to enhance local production, support businesses, retain and create jobs and provide succour to Nigerians, especially the most vulnerable. The ESP will provide different avenues of government support for micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) to enable them respond to the economic challenges of COVID-19. This includes safeguarding about 300,000 jobs in 100,000 MSMEs by guaranteeing off-take of priority products; and a Survival Fund to support vulnerable SMEs in designated vulnerable sectors in meeting their payroll obligations and safeguarding jobs from the shock of COVID-19.

    In addition, the FG through the CBN has provided a N1 Trillion Intervention Fund for the manufacturing sector which will ensure a more resilient and self-reliant economy by ensuring funds are available to build a base of high-quality infrastructure.

    Beyond our long-term vision of boosting local production, we must improve the ease of doing business in Nigeria. A common feature of developed markets is a high ranking in the World Bank’s Ease–of-Doing Business Index.

    Nigeria recently moved up 15 places in the World Bank’s Ease–of-Doing Business Index as a result of the removal of several bottlenecks in government processes. Our efforts at further improving the ease of doing business in Nigeria is based on the implementation of the Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council’s (PEBEC) 4-year Business Environment Transformation Roadmap, which we believe will move Nigeria further up and maintain a rate of improvement of 10 places per annum to become a top 100 contender in 2023.

    In order to turn this into reality, we’re focused on enhancing the efficiency of port operations, a critical step to securing a greater share of the global non-oil export market. The key initiative here is the implementation of the National Single Window Trade Platform project.

    In addressing our infrastructure deficit, we are currently engaged with the presidency to fast-track the development of productive infrastructure by directing the further ease of participation by the private sector in the Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme, which will help in improving farm-to-factory-to-market networks, as the scheme will enable and encourage private sector participation in road construction and refurbishment.

    We are also actively engaged with the presidency on issues of fast-tracking the issuance of licenses and resolution of issues in the Power Sector Eligible Customer Framework. We believe this will help in improving power supply as manufacturers and industries will be able to buy power directly from generation companies.

    As part of growing and empowering MSMEs, we must address the critical issue of financing to ensure that a target of 10 million MSMEs gain access to credit. In total, an estimated N658.7 billion is required to fund 10 million MSMEs based on current trends of lending activity by BOI. Clearly this is more funding than government alone can provide, and we are actively exploring sustainable sources to deliver on this target.

    In any case, funding alone cannot address the myriad of roadblocks faced by MSMEs. Facilitating market access for MSMEs is also of utmost importance. We are strongly in support of procurement of locally manufactured items and aim to drive the rate of growth of compliance with Executive order No 003, which aims to boost patronage of goods made in Nigeria, to 50% share of government spend by 2023. On enforcing compliance with Executive Order No 003, our ministry launched the Made-in-Nigeria campaign in 2017, which is still on-going.

    Going forward, we will develop a robust plan to actualise the Order, especially with regards to sanctions for non-compliance. We will also engage other MDAs to solicit support for the Made-In-Nigeria campaign. We will collaborate with the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) to publish a catalogue of locally produced goods as well as monitor compliance as our contribution to achieving this goal.

    In addition, as part of the industrialisation march, there are also several industrial policies expected to be finalised this year, including the Cotton, Textile and Garment Policy, the Oil Palm Policy, as well as the passage of the Automotive Industry Development Bill, to name a few. This will lay out strategies including incentives to ensure self-sustainability in critical sectors. We believe that the implementation of these industrial policies should create over 700,000 jobs with about 207,000 from the garment industry, 12,000 seasonal and non-seasonal sugar production jobs, 75,000 fulltime and 150,000 seasonal jobs in oil palm processing, 230,000 cassava processing jobs and 5,000 direct and 50,000 indirect jobs in the automotive sector.

    Feasibility studies on four sugar backward integration programme sites have been conducted and we will engage with the private sector to garner support for the implementation of the National Sugar Master Plan in the next few months. Our engagement with key stakeholders is primarily targeted at providing additional support, especially in the form of funds and access to land. Nevertheless, we continue to seek opportunities for partnerships in the establishment of domestic export warehouses and are conducting capacity building programmes to ensure our exports can meet the quality and standards required to access our target markets

    The challenges faced by both investors and our ministry are significant but surmountable. For investors, the perception of regulatory inconsistencies and uncertainty pertaining to fiscal and monetary policies remain a major challenge. Our vision is to lead the discourse of industrial development policies and to improve the ministry’s response to investor concerns from one of minimum response to one of active and result-oriented approach to advocacy and dispute management.

    We’re leveraging our platform and presence on inter-agency committees to work alongside relevant agencies with overlapping mandates to the ministry.

     

    • Excerpts of speech delivered at the KPMG CFO Round Table by Otunba Adebayo CON, Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment.

  • Here, our self-help republic

    Here, our self-help republic

    Sanya Oni

     

    IT took two separate – though very related – events in the past week to lay bare any remaining pretences about the state of our union, the sanctity of the so-called constitution and, the impotence of our institutions.

    The first is the order by the Ondo State governor, Rotimi Akeredolu’s on herdsmen to vacate all forest reserves in the state within seven days with effect from last week Monday. The governor had also banned night-grazing with immediate effect because, according to him, most farm destruction takes place at night. In the same vein, movement of cattle within cities and highways across the state was also prohibited.

    The other is the seven-day ‘quit notice’ issued by the Yoruba activist, Sunday Adeyemo a.k.a. Sunday Igboho, on Fulani settlers in Igangan, Ibarapa North Local Government Area.

    The first was clearly a revelation in the Buhari administration’s penchant for cant and subterfuge over a matter that demanded tact, wisdom, even-handedness and if you like, some dose of magisterial detachment. For whereas the governor, a learned Silk, could not be accused of sloppiness with his clear, unambiguous directives, the Presidency on the other hand, which has all of these while, been practically AWOL while the spectre of insecurity raged, couldn’t be persuaded that the directives meant no more than the elegantly worded text – which is that the forest reserves, over which the state government has exclusive proprietary rights, and which had become a haven for criminal activities, should return to its original purpose!

    For the purpose of clarity, here is what Governor Akeredolu said: “We have taken major steps at addressing the root cause of kidnapping, in particular, and other nefarious activities detailed and documented in security reports, the press, and debriefings from victims of kidnap cases in Ondo State.

    “These unfortunate incidents are traceable to the activities of some bad elements masquerading as herdsmen…These felons have turned our forest reserves into hideouts for keeping victims of kidnapping, negotiating for ransom, and carrying out other criminal activities.

    “As the Chief Law and Security Officer of the state, it is my constitutional obligation to do everything lawful to protect the lives and property of all residents of the state.

    “ Under-aged grazing of cattle is outlawed. In its usual magnanimity, our administration will give a grace period of seven days for those who wish to carry on with their cattle-rearing business to register with appropriate authorities.

    “Our resolution to guarantee safety of lives and property within the state shall remain utmost as security agencies have been directed to enforce the ban.”

    To the above, our not-exactly-disinterested presidency would resort to the puerile arguments on the “need to delink terrorism and crimes from ethnicity, geographical origins and religion…!

    Who is doing the linking here? The governor sworn to uphold the law or those who choose to interpret well-meaning directives designed to secure the peace for the greater majority from the narrow prism of ethnicity and religion? We are referring to those who not only appropriate undeserved privileges but see them as something to be defended at all costs?

    Talk of a sense of priority not only egregious but most dubious. Clearly, if the Presidency chose to feign ignorance to the Ondo State Forestry Law regime (Forestry Law of Western State and National Forestry Policy, 2006), which I understand, makes it a criminal trespass for an individual to occupy a forest reserve without obtaining permit from the state government through the forestry department of the agriculture ministry, couldn’t the fragile security situation in the state and elsewhere have dictated a more nuanced response particularly by an administration often accused of turning a blind eye to the atrocities perpetrated by the herdsmen?

    And why should the activities of one particular occupational group continue to threaten the collective peace of the society?

    Now it is said that nature abhors vacuum. Last week, we saw more than the typical vacuum associated with absentee governance. In Ibarapa Division of Oyo State, that is, we witnessed what most Nigerians probably feared most: an open clash between constitutional order and a militia in which the former, even with all its pretences to constitutional authority, couldn’t even guaranteed to win!

    It took the antics of the self-styled Yoruba activist to jar us out of our reverie about constitutional governance still existing in any real sense here. Two Fridays back, the activist had stormed the Ibarapa area of Oyo State to serve a seven-day ‘quit notice’ on alleged kidnappers and criminals terrorising the axis. Prime target was the Seriki Fulani of Oyo State, Alhaji Saliu Abdulkadir, whom he accused of complicity in several reported cases of kidnaping for ransom in the axis. Not for him the niceties of the law and due process; the police and the court system. The Seriki, he decreed, just has to leave town!

    Poor Governor Seyi Makinde; unlike the “Constituted Authority” that once bestrode the state – he could only rail and wail! “No one”, he had said of the ultimatum, “had any right whatsoever to order any Nigerian out of the state”!

    That ultimatum expired Friday. And guess what, the man not only made good his threat, it was for him a triumphant rally of youths who sang and danced before their train moved to Igangan Town Hall where he addressed them.

    “The criminals”, he had pronounced, “had fled the community”. “Non-Yoruba”, he also let it be known, “are welcome in Yorubaland but that anyone involved in kidnapping and other crimes would no longer be accommodated in the land”.

    And in a tone of finality he proclaimed: “They have gone. We have sent them out of our land and they cannot come back again.

    For the executive governor that had sworn that the eviction order would not take place, it was a case of formal power residing in Agodi, the seat of government, while the real power had shifted to the streets!

    Beaten, the Chief Security Officer could only restate the instruction to the new Police Commissioner Ngozi Onadeko: “Arrest and treat like common criminals those fuelling ethnic tension and fanning the embers of crisis in the state”!

    In a country where moral equivalences are never in short supply; and where duplicity has since become a directing principle of state policy, don’t ask me whether or not the latest order – which in any case, is no different from the earlier one – will ever be carried out!

    Between the triumvirate of an, effete, ineffectual presidency, a governor unafraid to tread where angels tread, and a militia leader consumed by a messianic even if opportunistic streak; the much that could be said for now is that interesting times lie ahead. However, the forces that have been unleashed are such that the country would not remain the same again.

  • Endless conflict

    Endless conflict

    Editorial

     

    AGAIN, lives have been lost and properties destroyed in the seemingly intractable communal conflict between the Aguleri and Umuleri communities in Anambra State. In a way, the decades-old conflict seems to have taken the metaphoric image of communal conflicts in a nation that had seen the Tiv-Jukun, Itsekiri-Urhobo, the Ife-Modakeke, and numerous other conflicts amongst neighbouring communities in Nigeria.

    The repetitive incidents, the loss of lives, the arson, the rise in youth unemployment, the high rate of crime and other ancillary problems from the Aguleri-Umuleri conflict just show that man in his delusional utopia fails, almost always to learn from history.

    In a weird, ironic way, legend has it that the two communities are descendants of Eri, the alleged progenitor, but again, the two communities are locked in an argument of who amongst them is a direct descendant of Eri. The two names coincidentally ends with the exact same four alphabets –‘Leri’. This, in linguistic and phonetic interpretations, signposts some sociological and linguistic affinity.

    As always with such communal conflicts, land and boundaries are at the centre of the crisis, beyond the struggle over who can lay claim to being a direct descendant of Eri. These two communities had been co-habiting along the Omambala (possibly the original version of Anambra) River in Anambra East Local Government Area of the state. The Otuocha land has been historically traced to be the bone of contention and this dates as far back as 1933.

    Spontaneous conflicts have repeatedly happened between the two sister communities and, as always, with the passage of time, each side decides to either trace history, or through other superior claims lay claim to the land in question. So, issues of indigene/settler had resurfaced amongst the sister communities and the fratricidal war seems endless and has left tears, sorrow and blood in its wake for nearly a century.

    We understand that conflicts are part of humanity and must happen because of circumstances surrounding events. However, we also know that most communities that have faced this kind of conflict over centuries have adopted dialogue and peace as a means of saving the communities, states and even nations from themselves.

    We equally realise that other communal conflicts as earlier mentioned have seemingly been brought under control, given the fact that such communities seemed to have found internal solutions to their problems. In such conflicts, only those involved are in the best position to sit round the table and sort out their problems peacefully.

    However, we also know that very often, the embers of hatred are fanned by certain people who tend to gain from such conflicts, but the earlier these communities chose peace over war, the better for them. Wars have never in the history of mankind been a solution to any problem. What sets humanity apart from wild animals is our ability to reason with each other and negotiate for justice and peace.

    The aftermath of the Aguleri-Umuleri war has been insecurity that affects the whole state and even the South East in general. The proliferation of light arms and weapons within the two communities is an ill wind that blows no one any good. Shedding blood and destroying property is retrogressive and efforts must be made to bring the two communities to a round table dialogue.

    We understand that the governor of Anambra State, Chief Willie Obiano, is from one of the communities – Aguleri. It would be a legacy worth appending his name to use his influence to bring peace to his state by initiating and concluding a peaceful settlement of whatever has been at the root of this conflict that has claimed lots of lives. It is never too late to broker peace in a way that justice is seen to be done to all. Anything short of obvious justice would continue to be a fertile ground for endless conflict.

  • Exploring the possibilities given by the Nigerian branch of 1xBet

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  • Coronavirus in Africa could reverse 30 years of wildlife conservation gains

    Coronavirus in Africa could reverse 30 years of wildlife conservation gains

    By Edwin Tambara

    Growing strains on local economies have led to concerns about food security

    For wild animals in Africa on the verge of extinction and the tight knit communities who protect them, COVID-19 is a specter, disrupting a delicate balancing act of survival for both humans and endangered species. African officials and conservation experts from Kenya, Uganda and Gabon briefed members of Congress on May 12 about the growing impact of Coronavirus on protected wildlife areas.

    Their overarching message: new policies must take into account both national security concerns, and sustaining livelihood in communities hardest hit by the lockdown measures.

    Unless African governments can maintain strong networks of community conservation areas, supporting thousands of jobs dedicated to wildlife conservation, protected wildlife areas face a difficult road to recovery.

    The fear is that Coronavirus in Africa could reverse 30 years of conservation gains, including communal conservancy programs in multiple countries.

    Traditional funding and economic development in these areas will not bounce back into place overnight. We don’t yet know the lasting impact of COVID-19 on Africa’s tourism industry. Early data show the fractures in the system, but the full effect of travel bans, border closures and vacation cancelations on protected areas and the local communities co-existing with wild lands is just starting to sink in across the African continent.

    The large revenue streams that supported livelihood and a stable economy were abruptly cut off in late March. No job in these areas was left unscathed.

    In Namibia, 86 conservancies stand to lose nearly $11M in income from tourism operations and salaries to tourism staff living in conservancies. This means that 700 community game guards and rhino rangers, 300 conservancy support staff, and 1,175 locally-hired tourism staff members are at high risk of losing their jobs. In larger countries, the stakes are higher. In Kenya, for example, conservancies are poised to lose $120M in annual income with unfathomable consequences.

    On top of losses from the tourism sector, well-intended lockdown measures in densely populated cities are exacerbating the situation in smaller rural communities.

    An estimated 350 million people in Africa work in what’s known as informal employment. Social distancing and unemployment across this large segment has influenced many city-dwellers to move back to their home towns.

    But with rural communities also experiencing high unemployment and severe wage cuts, people returning home will have few options available for subsistence, which raises the possibility of being lured into illegal activities such as poaching and wildlife trafficking.

    Growing strains on local economies have led to concerns about food security. According to the World Economic Forum, lockdown measures have disrupted internal supply chains, halting food production. To make matters worse, huge swarms of desert locust are devastating crops in Eastern Africa, and parts of Southern Africa recovering from recent severe drought and floods – all of which makes the continent more dependent on food that is externally sourced.

    The comparatively smaller number of cases in African countries is no reason to discount the abrupt economic reversals in community conservation areas.

    The spread of COVID-19 is still on the rise and will continue to have broad-based impact on protected areas. There are reported outbreaks in every African country. At the time of this writing, there were 184,333 officially infected with 5,071 deaths, according to Africa CDC. South Africa has reported 48,285 confirmed cases – an increase of more than 20 percent over the past week.

    Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria, is struggling to respond to both the spread of COVID-19 and to the dramatic drop in oil prices, which has crippled its economy.

    The World Health Organization has warned that hot spots in Africa could experience a second wave of Covid-19 as lockdown orders are lifted in June, and that appears to already be occurring in the Western Cape. South Africa has its largest daily increase in reported infections on June 4, with 3,267 new cases.

    The World Bank has estimated that as many as 60 million people could be pushed into extreme poverty by the end of 2020. If the situation continues to deteriorate, more vulnerable communities will turn to wildlife as a source of food. Such a scenario of unrestrained consumption of bush meat raises the risk of pathogen transfer from wildlife to humans.

    As the US and other countries pivot to help Africa, stimulus packages must be designed to include support for communities on the frontlines of wildlife conservation.

    If we don’t act to channel aid and investment for job creation to African communities most in need, we run the risk of reversing 30 years of gains in changing behaviors toward wildlife.

    African Wildlife Foundation and organizations working on the front lines and monitoring developments, have flagged sustaining land leases and providing opportunities for livelihood as critical stop gaps during and in the immediate aftermath of lockdowns.

    Emergency support throughout the apex of the disease event will ensure conservation is secure for Africa’s people, economy and environment.

    The US Government is no stranger to community-based conservation in Africa. It has been supporting these efforts for decades, helping to ensure that local communities benefit from wildlife conservation, which in turn incentivizes conservation efforts and helps combat threats to wildlife. This model needs a lifeline now more than ever.

    COVID-19 shines a light on the fragility of wildlife conservation in Africa. With limited funding for most state-run nature agencies, there has been an over-reliance on tourism to support efforts. In the wake of the pandemic – after immediate needs are addressed – Africa has a chance to show the world how to develop a regenerative economy.

    We must strive to strengthen and mainstream wildlife conservation into all sectors of the African economy in response to the pandemic to prevent future outbreaks

    Countries facing limitations and resource constraints during lockdowns will be reopening economies soon, and rethinking development pathways as they do. The community development agenda in Africa agenda stands to benefit if nature is front and center, and whatever we put into these efforts now will lessen the risk of another global pandemic happening in the future.

  • The hard truth about Joe Biden

    The hard truth about Joe Biden

    By Osita Nwanevu

    In January 1973, Joseph Robinette Biden Jr., a 30-year-old county councilman who won an upset election by just over 3,000 votes, was sworn in as one of the youngest senators in the nation’s history. Today, at 78, he will take office as our oldest elected president. The 48 years Biden has spent in national politics are often referred to as years spent in “public service” to this country. But not even our best politicians of long tenure can claim to have served the country as consistently well as they might have in retrospect. By his own admission, Biden has spent significant portions of his career on the wrong side of issues ranging from criminal justice to foreign policy.

    The substantive case against him as a political figure has been made repeatedly and at length over the last two years; the response to many of these criticisms has been that Biden is a different man today than he once was. But the better part of his career has been marked by one damning and instructive constant: Despite his failures in judgment and policymaking and through years of sweeping social and political change, Joe Biden’s preferred solution to the problems facing the American people has always been Joe Biden. And in his third run for the presidency, evidently the charm, he finally got a majority of the American electorate to agree with him.

    The job Biden’s been angling for all these years is a terrible one in the best of times. And these, to put it mildly, are not the best of times. By the time Biden lays his hand on the inaugural Bible, the coronavirus pandemic will have killed over 400,000 Americans. His first major legislative push will be for a nearly $2 trillion relief package aimed at keeping the economy above water and reshaping the federal government’s public health response. Everyone in Democratic and progressive politics agrees that his main project afterward will be “rebuilding.” What the word actually means is an open question. As the pandemic worsened and November drew closer, Biden and his surrogates took to insisting, after a primary campaign defined by a promise to govern from the center, that he would instead pursue “an FDR-size presidency.” Democratic control of Congress will give him the power to make good on that commitment if the party’s moderates eliminate the Senate filibuster. Biden has yet to push for this, in part because the move conflicts with a task he has suggested is even more important: healing our political divide.

    This cannot be done, and Biden probably knows it. But there’s a chance he, like many Americans, has been fooled by the relative peace and concord of the past few decades into believing peace and concord have been the American norm—a stable state we might return to if the right leaders say the right things. This isn’t so. Our history as a country has been bloody and fractious. It is violence and division that have been the norm. The domestic tranquility of the years since the early 1970s have been an odd interlude, one that is apparently ending. And every spiritual crisis we’ve ever faced has been produced or dwarfed by long-standing material ones. They are not hidden, although sometimes they manage to surprise us.

    On Monday, the Capitol was locked down once again as smoke rose ominously behind the building. A rehearsal for the inaugural ceremony was evacuated. There had been an explosion—not a bomb from one of the president’s supporters, but a propane heater at a nearby homeless encampment. A woman trying to keep warm had set a fire that engulfed her tent. She declined a trip to the hospital. It was decided by the authorities that she posed no threat to the Capitol and the people within it. They were right. Our institutions have been placed safely beyond her reach.

    Before we set about trying to restore our nation’s soul, shouldn’t we prove to ourselves, first, that we have one?

    Before we set about trying to restore our nation’s soul, shouldn’t we prove to ourselves, first, that we have one? Is there really some noble purpose that we’ve strayed from? One of President Trump’s last acts in office, the release of the partially plagiarized 1776 Report, was putatively an attempt to silence the skeptics on this question; it’s implausible that it convinced any of the unconverted. But what would? How might Joe Biden and our political leaders renew faith in the American project? This was the question on the minds of the nation’s least interesting commentators throughout last summer. And then, as now, the answer was simple: commit to making America a democratic society capable of meaningfully addressing its largest problems.

    We have an economy built upon extraordinary and abominable inequities of wealth and power—one that leaves thousands of people in our nation’s capital and in cities across the country searching for warmth on cold January mornings. Reorder it. We face an ecological crisis that will disrupt and destabilize American life 10 times more than another 10 years of Donald Trump would have. Confront it. We are governed by skewed political institutions that, by design, grant some Americans more political power than others. Remake them.

    None of these objectives will unite America. But neither did most of the moral and political advances we’re now urged to take pride in. Biden has an opportunity now to remind the American people of this—to frame division as the price for progress and not an obstacle to be evaded. He will not take it. The interests governing his party and our politics will not permit it. And so the tasks of speaking frankly to the American people and agitating for the deepest changes they require will fall to activists and voices outside our political system.

    We will fall short—the work of remaking this country will be the work of decades and generations. But we might succeed in setting ourselves off on the right foot. Joe Biden and the political actors who will be subjected to pressure from the left in the coming months and years will not be ideologically converted. They will not be made stewards of progressive values or crusaders in a fight against capitalism. They will remain, forever, dogged opponents in that fight. But there are moments in history when, if conditions are right, the resolve of critical actors with an instinct for political self-preservation can be cracked and material gains can be made. We may well be on the cusp of one now. Let’s find out.

    • This article was first published in www.newrepublic.com

  • Philosophy and my undying quest for reform

    Philosophy and my undying quest for reform

    By Tunji Olaopa

    AS blows of increasing fatalities from Covid-19 and untimely death of many close friends, especially intellectual colleagues, weigh in lately, I have found myself retreating into my study to engage in largely philosophical reflections, simply as a form of escape. I had asked myself that if revered colleagues continue to be ravaged at this rate, how many eulogies and tributes could one possibly write with a troubled mind that wonder more about meaninglessness and one’s mortality.  In this philosophical state, I found that, even in the midst of the woes, there are people to celebrate. Indeed, at the very depth of my heart, I am a philosopher. This is an admission that is so easy for me to make. It comes from the realization that my failed attempt, when preparing to enter the university, to professionally become a philosopher does not stop me from being one in practice. In other words, philosophy is not only a scholarly pursuit but also a way of life. I of course took my lifelong vocation from the motivation invoked in a philosophical statement. According to Margaret Mead, “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed, citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has.” It is that fascination with the relationship between thought and reality that has kept me in a love relationship since I read Plato’s Republic many years as a secondary school lad.

    Why have I returned to my persistent pursuit of the philosophical? Just last week, the University of Ibadan announced the promotion of some of her scholars and academics to the professorial cadre. One of them is Adeshina Afolayan, the brilliant scholar and philosopher whom I have known since 2006. This piece is meant as a celebration of an enduring intellectual romance between the reformer in me and philosophy, between intellectual vision and administrative renewal. I am very pleased to be associated with the newly minted Professor Adeshina Afolayan of the UI department of philosophy as a friend, a brother and a philosophical sparring partner with whom I have been in continuing conversation over the years, and who had, in the process, bore my philosophical tantrums.

    The journey that led to my providential meeting with Prof. Afolayan commenced in 2006. I had just completed my doctoral programme, and I was involved in the herculean task of purging the dissertation of excessive jargons and theories to make it a readable and functional public service reform text that will eventually become a valuable addition to Nigeria’s public administration scholarship and literature. While I was refining my manuscript, I approached my teacher at the Department of Political Science, Prof. Bayo Okunade, to suggest a critical reviewer for the proposed volume. I was extremely gratified when he recommended the late Professor Olusegun Oladipo of the Department of Philosophy. This turned out to be a most fundamental suggestion that would embolden my numerous embryonic thoughts about launching my institutional reform efforts on a sound philosophical basis, and with an even more significant African continental contextual foundation.

    Professor Oladipo turned out in the long run to be an insightful technical adviser and intellectual partner. There are two distinct issues in my manuscript that sparked prolonged debates and discursive iterations between us. The first concerns my initial attempt to outline the value foundation of Nigeria’s inherited colonial institutions and structures. I had found Jacques Derrida’s notion of deconstruction a useful methodological instrument for determining, exhuming and reevaluating the western value assumptions about Nigeria’s administrative realities. These assumptions have led to vast institutional contradictions and structural dysfunctions that ought to ignite the culture change essential for governance and institutional reforms that public administration and the public service in Nigeria urgently demand.

    The second issue revolved around my deployment of the critical insights in Max Weber’s definitive work, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, towards the theoretical understanding of how institutional values—founded on religious dynamics—could be squared within what Ali Mazrui rendered famously as Africa’s triple heritage of the Islamic, the Christian and the traditional African. The proper iteration of these ideas in administrative and philosophical terms brought me and Professor Oladipo together many times in deep intellectual exploration of the nuances embedded in worldviews and argumentations. How, for instance, do we begin to reckon with the supposedly Protestant values of hard work and frugality within the context of traditional African ethical worldview about a good society? Or: how does the “spirit of capitalism” function within a continent subjugated by capitalist exploitation? How does this “protestant ethic” actuate the reform of the public service in a postcolonial context?

    On one of these occasions, Prof. Oladipo made the perceptive decision to bring in and introduce Adeshina Afolayan, who was then a freshly minted doctor of philosophy, to the regular discursive meetings. In retrospect, it was as if Oladipo had an intimation of his demise, and did not want to leave me philosophically forlorn and desolate. By 2009, I had made up my mind to concretize my reform mission and thoughts about establishing the Centre for Public Service Innovation—which later metamorphosed into the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP)—as the structural arrowhead for my governance and institutional reform research. The Center was supposed to be in partnership with Prof. Oladipo’s publication outfit, Hope Publication. The whole structural set up was modeled after my mentor, Professor Ojetunji Aboyade’s Development Policy Centre (DPC). And as all these institutional dynamics were taking shape, Dr Afolayan was also increasingly being thrust by Oladipo to the forefront of this whole conversation. However, 2009 was a very sad year because the excitement of the institutional and intellectual rapport between the three of us was suddenly interjected by the demise of Prof. Olusegun Oladipo.

    Prof. Oladipo’s death played a key role in my decision to postpone the establishment of a think tank inspired by my then growing attachment to Nigeria’s National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) and Harvard Kennedy School of Government. But Afolayan was already around to step into the intellectual gap left by the brilliant and formidable Oladipo. At this point, my pursuit of sound philosophical basis around which to situate my administrative, governance and institutional reform dynamics was already manifesting most definitively. When I finally arrived at the moment in time to establish the ISGPP, it was only natural that Prof. Afolayan would be invited to come on board. And the opportunity presented itself in 2016 when he took out a one-year sabbatical to bring his philosophical and academic expertise on board the ISGPP management team.

    Let me confess that I have been immensely influenced by Prof. Afolayan’s strategic blend of African philosophy, philosophy of politics and the philosophy of culture, with an especial emphasis on Yoruba philosophy. He drew me into the nuanced and significantly ideological debate into whether Africans possess the humanity, and indeed the rational capacity to propose a unique “African philosophy.” Afolayan’s attempt at deploying postmodern insights into the understanding of Africa’s struggle with the colonial and the postcolonial also inspired my political theory- rekindled interest and excavation of the reconstructionist intent in the critical works of scholars like Claude Ake and Peter Ekeh, and especially the yeoman anticolonial and historiographical efforts of the Ibadan School of History. Ake’s Social Science as Imperialism and Ekeh’s Colonialism and Social Structure became critical theoretical launchpad from which to continue distilling the dynamics of Africa’s and Nigeria’s institutional and governance revival and rehabilitation for the wellbeing of Nigerians.

    Prof. Afolayan’s abiding interest in the interplay of cultural and philosophical elements between Africa and the West also played a role in my continuing attempt at understanding and conceptualizing the interesting theological and historical relationship between Christianity and African spirituality and cultural practices. I have often found my Christian affiliation in conflict with my cultural affirmation as an African and a Yoruba person with a full understanding and appreciation of my cultural beingness. I have therefore been involved in finding a common point of intersections for my being Christian and being Yoruba. Prof. Afolayan has refused to be a mere sounding board for my biases. On the contrary, he would interject critical questions and queries that I would sometimes find irritating but cogent to my need for self-reflexivity.

    Most refreshing, however, is the fact that my growing fascination with Christianity and African traditional spirituality led not only to my increasing understanding of public service as a calling in the Levitical order of priesthood, but also my interest in outlining spirituality as a fundamental reform element in the institutional reform of the public service. Prof. Afolayan facilitates my critical engagement with the significance of Nigeria’s plurality, and how the iteration of a spiritual dimension to the reform of the public service could de-emphasize the ethnicization of such a critical institution and its governance value in transforming policies into an implemented tool for making the lives of Nigerians qualitatively better. The spirituality of service therefore complements the professional imperatives required of anyone who truly wants to be called a public servant. And such a concern plays out within a larger intellectual interest in national values reorientation and cultural adjustment programme as critical component of governance reform to change the mind of the nation, to birth a new generation of leaders, especially a new crop of public officials and managers who will be able to manage the emergence of a new public service democratically recalibrated to achieve an efficient democratic governance and service delivery.

    It is a fundamental understatement to say that Professor Adeshina Afolayan has been a critical partner in my enduring pursuit of philosophical understanding. I salute his philosophical depth and intellectual foresight. And I toast many more years of productive collaboration.

     

    • Prof. Retired Federal Permanent Secretary & Directing Staff, National Institute For Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Jos,  tolaopa2003@gmail.com tolaopa@isgpp.com.ng

     

     

     

  • African Games gold medalist, Gbenga Oluokun: I attempted suicide twice

    African Games gold medalist, Gbenga Oluokun: I attempted suicide twice

    By Olanrewaju Agiri

    One of Nigeria’s promising heavyweight boxers and African Games gold medalist Gbenga Oluokun has been to hell and back. The ebullient boxer who made it to the round of 16 at the 2004 Summer Olympic in the colours of Nigeria moved abroad shortly after the Olympics where he had a fledging professional career going.

    At the early stage of his career he was on a roller-skater winning his first 16 bouts with more than half by KO. Boxing buffs instantly nicknamed him ‘Bang-Bang’ to give credence to his ferocious KO instincts that seemed to come from the blues. Oluokun could go toe to toe with an opponent and in a split second knock him out.

    Thereafter, his career took a nosedive as he suffered successive defeats, 14 in all winning only three in between. Due to the turn of fortune, the Germany based suffered depression. Oluokun in a recent interview while promoting his come-backing campaign in Ibadan, Oyo State revealed that he almost took his own life during the worst state of his depression. Twice, he said he thought of ending his life.

    The skillful boxer, who represented Nigeria in the 2004 Summer Olympic after clinching the gold medal in the super heavyweight division in the in Abuja 2003, said this in Ibadan during an unveiling event held for him by D’Colossus Boxing Promotions

    The Ibadan-born boxer started well after the Olympic Games by turning professional and won his first pro-fight against Vlado Szabo in Germany.

    He had a blissful boxing career for about eight years in Germany doing well and raising a family and not until 2019 that he considered coming home to help Nigerian boxing and raise grassroots boxers, before he lost it all. A loss he claimed is unexplainable. He became depressed, deteriorated mentally and fell back to the street.

    “I started well and everything was going on smoothly, until suddenly everything turned sour. I won my first 16 fights as a professional boxer then I lost to Syrian boxer, Manuel Charr in 2009.

    “After a professional career of 19 wins with 13 knockouts, 14 losses, I decided to come back home in 2019 to help Nigerian boxing and raise grassroots boxers to international standard, I lost it all. A loss that led to depression, deteriorated mentally and I had to fall back to the street to survive,” Oluokun said.

    In a bid to bounce back, Oluokun narrated how he sought help from with old friends to get a contract in Dubai as a trainer and a fighter, but unfortunately, the whole trial turned pitifully bitter when he suddenly collapsed on his arrival at Dubai International Airport and went into coma for about 115 days.

    “After my bitter experience in Nigeria, with the help of some of my old friends, I got a contract in the United Arab Emirate as a trainer and boxer and unfortunately, I collapsed on my arrival at the Fujairah International Airport, Dubai and I was in coma for over 3 months.

    “Having recovered from the coma, I was brought back to Nigeria and I was in a hellish, traumatic, and a pitiable condition,” he added.

    “After my recovery from coma I had to relocate to Ibadan from Lagos where I believe many people will not identify me but when I cannot bear it, I attempted to kill myself with over dose of different drugs but to my disappointment, I excreted all the drugs I took the previous night. Again I tried it the second time and I got the same result. That was when I knew that God still had a mission for me to fulfill,” Oluokun said.

    Oluokun is back on his feet and ready to return to the ring at 37 years-old.

    On his comeback bid, as fate will have it, Oluokun came in contact with an Ibadan based boxing promoter, Mr Ezekiel Oshinmi the CEO of D’Colossus Boxing Promotions, who went into the streets to recruit boxers into his stable. After having intense discussions with the embattled former champion, the promoter became touched by his predicament and decided on a mission to help him find his footing and get him back to the boxing gym.

    Speaking on the Oluokun’s recovery and come-backing bid, Oshinmin said. “Serena Williams said ‘I really think a champion is defined not by their wins but by how they can recover when they fall’ Oluokun has returned to been training vigorously for three months. He’s back on his feet. He’s healthy and mentally stable after going though medical doctors that specialize in the treatment of mental, emotional, or behavioral problems.”

    Finding motivation from Serena Williams’ quote and Tyson Fury’s comeback, Gbenga Oluokun is ready to come back to the ring, and his case is a potential booster to other people around the world that are suffering setbacks and those in different hopeless conditions.

    “With a winner mindset, Gbenga “Bang Bang” Oluokun is looking forward to a comeback bout anytime soon”, said Oshinmin.

    “I’m now better and I believe I can do it more that before because I trained twice a day now, Oluokun said.

    Dr. Oladimeji Odewale, the CEO of Mocdim health and fitness center, who handled his medication, said a lot of detoxification programs had been done for him, and that is flushing of his system to reduce the alcohol in his blood streams to the barest minimum.

    “He’s still has strength and is more positive than ever before. A good boxer needs somebody to tell him how good he is and I think I have been able to assure him; we placed him on treadmills and essentially worked on his stamina.

    “We’ve changed his diet which was the first priority, after flushing his system as you can see we’re all over him, monitoring him and encouraging him that he can do better and I can assure you that he’s fitter to return into boxing ring and do better”, said Dr. Odewale, the Psychiatrist who claimed was once an amateur boxer.