The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Onitsha Market: Matters arising

    Onitsha Market: Matters arising

    By IfeanyiChukwu Afuba

    To the disbelief and disappointment of many a critic, traders at Onitsha main market complied with Governor Charles Soludo’s directive for resumption of business on Monday, February 2. For the first time in over four years, excepting for Christmas periods, the market opened for activities on a Monday. News reports spoke of a ‘bustling main market’ and environs, with the protagonist of change, Soludo and team marching through the market streets in proclamation of a new season.

    The blacklisting of Monday as a no-business, no movement, people’s crusade was a terrible siege on the population. The very people who were promised liberation became the major victims of an intervention.

     But the greater tragedy lay in the climate of fear that paralysed reasoning. It was a setting in which it was a virtue to be pedestrian about self-determination. And among those not held hostage by populism, some preferred to politicise a bid for reclamation of the public space.

    And so, a strong pushback by Anambra State governor, Charles Soludo on the lingering Monday sit-at-home protest in Anambra State, and indeed the southeast, sparked heated debates in the last week of January. Soludo’s order for the sealing of Onitsha main market for one week had the trappings of a Donald Trump move – surprise, audacity, and with the objective of redefining the subject.

    The traders, remnant of the IPOB leadership – the group behind the imposed disobedience – and their apologists were caught off guard by the move. Anger, emotion, and finger-pointing dominated reactions. Neutral voices raised the issue of personal freedom within the orbit of law and society. Amidst the storm, Soludo succeeded in shifting the balance on the subject.

    It was a necessary but hazardous task that the Anambra governor waded into. The trying circumstance of the matter was another case of who will bell the cat. Who will brave through the evil forest to retrieve the twin babies mercilessly left to die? The Onitsha market knot was one infused with power of chain reaction. By its strategic positioning as commercial hub east of the Niger, Onitsha main market symbolised not just the face of markets in the region, but the fate of trade as well.

    On the surface, Monday boycott of buying and selling at Onitsha main market bordered on economic impact. But the controversial observance had political and social implications as well. By their three dimensions, the Monday ritual posed challenges of governance. Together, these manifestations of separateness, of a parallel order, constituted a leadership test. Perhaps, other southeast state governors had their different approaches to a common problem. Their steps, if they were not timid and tentative, would have emerged as measures to reckon with. The difference now is that Soludo has moved from the exploratory stages of engagement to now take the bull by the horns.

    A lot of the opposition to Soludo’s initiative thrived on specious argument. Much stock was placed on the presumed indictment of denying traders means of livelihood with the one week market closure. The charge of insensitivity, of putting families on hunger path is a line that’ll whip up emotions any day. But this accusation in the face of available facts is disingenuous. It’s akin to saying that omelette can be made without breaking eggs. Why didn’t he use other options? Why didn’t he engage the traders? Such stuff sound like effort to slyly send someone on a wild goose chase. The governor since coming into office in March 2002 severally engaged stakeholders, including traders towards overcoming the sit-at-home cul de sac. In any case, where lay the greater threat to the economic wellbeing of the traders? Since imposition of the lockdown in 2021, the traders had suffered 225 days of no sales. Without Soludo’s decisive action, the wasted business days would continue on the 300 track. This staggering loss cannot be compared to the one-off seven day shutdown. The former was a disaster, the latter a corrective surgery.

    Much capital was also made about security being a principal factor in the continued Monday “sit at home”. Still, rationalising desertion of markets on Mondays on account of security inadequacy does not preclude the government from restoring the hijacked market day. The linkage reinforces the need for government action. Government’s security responsibility does not involve encouraging the people to live in fear. A government’s mandate on security is not about abandoning citizens to restrictions on their lives by non-state actors. The task of security of lives and property is about the freedom of the people to go about pursuing their legitimate aspirations. Located in this perspective, Soludo’s markets’ reopening reflects integrated security architecture.

    Do we need to stress that the ubiquitous presence of gun-toting operatives is not synonymous with societal safety? But in demonstration of the priority accorded protection of the people, the Soludo administration has invested in different forms of security resources – with good results to show for it. The Agunechemba outfit continues to play an active complementary role to the police. Reduced crime rate is obvious in Anambra State today. The sense of improved security led to resumption of trading in markets on Mondays in most parts of the state. Schools are in session every Monday. Commercial vehicles ply their routes on Monday. So, there is something out of sync about insecurity being behind Onitsha main market Monday closures. It was most unlikely that the state government would have embarked on the Onitsha mission without security threat level assessment.

    For some other critics, it was a straightforward, people have right not to open their shops, if they so choose. That is correct. But it’s also the case that rights go with responsibilities. When organisations entice us with mouth-watering prizes to buy their products, it comes with a caveat. The line “terms and conditions apply” at once protects the interests of the firm as well as limits the claims of the customer in the bargain. Shop holders at the market asserting their right to lock up the stalls as it suits them must contend with the power of government as owner of the property to state the clauses for their use.   Government has the option of revoking the allocations of recalcitrant traders. What answer have those who insist on the personal right to lock shops on Monday to the right of those who want to open their stores the same Monday?

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    Access to the market has been locked against the latter group for about five years now. Does their plight not deserve redressing? A responsible government endeavours to cater for the common good. An objective assessment of Soludo government’s response to the markets closure cannot but situate it in the public interest. The restoration was to the state’s and Southeast’s overall benefit.

    There are two probable interests at the root of opposition to Soludo’s action. The first would be the fanatical supporters of IPOB. They are unable to face reality; the impracticality of their goals and the shift by Nnamdi Kanu, the jailed leader of the organisation. Kanu is reported to have called for discontinuation of the Monday protest. But the hard-line school would prefer to blame other actors than concede the failings of the movement. It’s unacceptable to cripple the southeast in the name of liberation struggle. Every progressive Igbo rejects Nigeria’s injustice to the southeast and believes in Biafra of the mind. Even as some did not share the agenda of an independent state, Ralph Uwazurike’s MASSOB was well received because of its persuasive approach. The necessity of protest was appreciated. Trouble began with IPOB’s introduction of violence into the crusade. No benefit has accrued from the resort to violence. Sadly, pockets of the confrontation bloc, unwilling to lose their emergency privileges, continue to invest in disorder. The diatribe issued by a rogue leadership of IPOB condemning Soludo’s thankless job, is a reminder of the group’s desperation for relevance.

    Politics is at the centre of the other front that railed against the (Onitsha) market stabilisation policy. The problem was not about the propriety of the measures but about who would take the credit. Reopening of markets on Monday in the southeast is sure to be counted a mighty job, drawing accolades for architects of the feat. But Soludo, the potential executor, is considered a rival by certain political interests in the region. Media forces aligned to this political movement led the rush to belittle the Onitsha market repositioning. The irony is that a continuation of the “sit at home” isolates the southeast from mainstream national politics. By severing the isolationist cord of “sit at home”, Soludo has sent out a message of confidence in the region. Soludo’s breakthrough boosts the quest for a Nigerian president of southeast origin.

    •Afuba writes via <afubaifeanyichukwu@gmail.com>

  • Tinubu’s diplomatic offensive and the harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

    Tinubu’s diplomatic offensive and the harvest Nigeria cannot ignore

    By Jude Obioha

    In Nigerian politics, perception often travels faster than facts. Few issues illustrate this better than the chorus of criticism surrounding President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s foreign trips. For months, critics have framed his diplomatic engagements as excessive travel, as political optics over substance. But that narrative is increasingly collapsing under the weight of tangible outcomes. The truth is that Tinubu’s foreign engagements are not leisurely excursions; they are deliberate economic and geopolitical missions, and Nigeria is already harvesting the dividends.

    Democracy indeed demands scrutiny, and no president should be immune from public questioning. Yet accountability must be grounded in evidence. After nearly three years in office, the president’s diplomatic drive has begun to reshape Nigeria’s global standing, unlock investments, deepen security cooperation, and reposition the country as a confident actor on the international stage. What critics dismiss as frequent travel is, in reality, a recalibration of Nigeria’s foreign policy, moving from its hitherto passive diplomacy to assertive economic statecraft.

    Consider the administration’s approach to global partnerships. Tinubu has revived Nigeria’s relevance as a strategic player across multiple power blocs by working simultaneously with the United States, China, the European Union, Türkiye, Brazil, and the Gulf states, amongst others, without surrendering national autonomy. For decades, Nigeria oscillated between dependence and isolation. Under Tinubu, engagement is now transactional but mutually beneficial and balanced, guided by national interest rather than old master–servant dynamics. The renewed geopolitical confidence is evident in security cooperation, intelligence sharing, and the willingness of global partners to treat Nigeria as a regional anchor in West Africa’s fragile security landscape.

    The economic dividends are equally compelling. The president’s visit to China delivered more than ceremonial handshakes; it secured billions in investments aimed at industrialisation and job creation. The $3.3 billion Brass Industrial Park and Methanol Complex alone has the potential to reduce petrochemical imports and strengthen local manufacturing capacity. Agreements with automotive and technology giants are advancing local vehicle assembly, smart city development, and digital infrastructure, which are practical steps toward modernising Nigeria’s urban economy. Added to these are currency cooperation initiatives designed to ease pressure on the naira, making the picture clear: diplomacy is being weaponised for economic stabilisation.

    In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Tinubu’s diplomacy resolved a tense standoff that had grounded flights and restricted visas for Nigerians. The restoration of travel ties was only the beginning. A sweeping economic partnership now offers the UAE duty-free access to thousands of Nigerian products as well as new infrastructure financing and investment frameworks across defence, agriculture, and logistics. The symbolism was powerful: Nigeria negotiated from a position of strength, securing concessions without immediate conditions for debt repayment; an outcome that restored confidence among investors and citizens alike.

    Brazil provided another strategic breakthrough. The $1.1 billion Green Imperative Project promises agricultural mechanisation on a scale Nigeria has long struggled to achieve. At the same time, direct Lagos–São Paulo flights under a renewed aviation agreement could unlock billions of dollars in investment at the same time, by the end of the decade. Meanwhile, partnerships in renewable energy, biotechnology, and local drug manufacturing position Nigeria to reduce import dependence and expand its technological capacity.

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    Türkiye, often overlooked in public discourse, represents one of the most consequential security partnerships. Agreements covering advanced drone technology, intelligence cooperation, and specialised military training directly strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism operations. Trade relations are also projected to more than double, reflecting a pragmatic blend of defence and economic diplomacy.

    Beyond the numbers, Tinubu’s diplomatic posture has demonstrated crisis management. When tensions escalated with the United States over Nigeria’s “Country of Particular Concern” designation, the administration chose dialogue over confrontation. Through structured engagement coordinated by the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria secured deeper defence collaboration and access to much-needed security equipment, as well as training, logistics, and intelligence sharing. It was diplomacy with measurable outcomes.

    None of this suggests that criticism should cease. Nigerians are right to demand transparency, cost-efficiency, and clear metrics for every foreign trip. But fairness requires acknowledging results. The administration’s travels have delivered investments, restored diplomatic bridges, opened markets for Nigerian products, and strengthened security alliances at a time when global competition for capital and influence is intense.

    The gloves may be off in Nigeria’s political discourse, but facts must remain the referee. Tinubu’s foreign trips are not a distraction from governance; they are a core instrument of his diplomatic, economic and security strategy. In a rapidly shifting global order, a president who stays home risks leaving his country behind. By contrast, Nigeria’s current diplomatic offensive is gradually yielding a bounty, one that could define the nation’s economic and geopolitical trajectory for years to come.

    •Obioha is the Director of Strategy, Hope Alive Initiative (HAI), a group dedicated to good governance in Nigeria

  • Bauchi State government keeps getting it wrong

    Bauchi State government keeps getting it wrong

    Sir: The Bauchi State government recently approved monthly stipends for Imams and Pastors across the state, a decision that has generated mixed reactions among citizens, especially at a time when critical sectors such as education and healthcare are struggling.

    Briefing journalists after a closed-door meeting with Governor Bala Mohammed, the Head of Service, Mohammed Sani Umar, the governor’s Chief Economic Adviser, Yahuza Haruna, said that the State Economic Council approved monthly stipends for Imams of various Juma’at mosques and pastors across different churches in the state. He stressed that the allowances would cut across all Islamic sects and Christian denominations.

    He further revealed that the council also deliberated on the commencement of salary payments to newly created emirs and district heads across Bauchi State, noting that the government has made provisions for their sustenance. Citizens might wish to recall that Bauchi State government created new emirates and appointed about 141 new district heads across the state – decisions that have significantly increased the financial burden on the state, placing long-term obligations on future administrations.

    All of these at a time public schools in Bauchi State lack teachers, classrooms, and learning materials—and public hospitals are short of medical personnel, drugs, and basic equipment.

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    Education and healthcare are the backbone of any developing society. Without them, there can be no sustainable development or social stability. Illiteracy does not promote peace, and weak healthcare systems only deepen poverty and suffering.

    Across Bauchi State, many young people are at risk of dropping out of school due to lack of financial support. Small-scale business owners struggle without access to grants or soft loans that could help them grow and create jobs.

    Instead, government appears focused on flyovers, massive buildings such as the International Conference Centre (ICC), and road projects that are not urgently needed. While infrastructure is important, such projects do not directly secure the future of Bauchi’s youth or address the immediate challenges facing the state.

    And why the allowances for Imams and Pastors as well as expanded traditional structures now?

    One is not against religion or traditional institutions. Rather, it is a call for responsible governance and proper prioritization. The Bauchi State government should channel its limited resources toward improving public education, strengthening healthcare systems, empowering youths, and supporting small businesses. These sectors have a direct and lasting impact on citizens’ lives and the economic future of the state.

    Here is a call on the Bauchi State government to rethink its priorities and focus on what truly benefits the people. Education and health must come first.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman) Bauchi.

  • Lewis Obi (1948 – 2026)

    Lewis Obi (1948 – 2026)

    •Distinguished editor, columnist, writer

    Lewis Obi did not belong to the tribe of glamour editors the nation has known. He was not a man of sartorial charisma or highflying rhetoric or commanding presence. But he was no less a professional virtuoso.

    He died at 77 not in the days of his prime. But the story of Nigerian journalism cannot be written without the contribution of Obi, as feature writer, columnist and editor. He is best known and appreciated as both editor and columnist.

    He was the founding editor of ‘The African Concord’ magazine, one of the publications of the Concord Group owned by Chief Moshood Abiola, the billionaire and philanthropist, and adjudged winner of the 1993 presidential election.

    The magazine, for its first few years, was not distinguished. An editor cannot function without a great vision and stellar journalists to pursue his quest. He did exactly that. He embarked on perhaps one of the most consequential drives for talent. He brought together a collection of young men who were bubbling with gusto for the trade, some of them had their first journalism jobs under him.

    They included Kunle Solaja, Ohi Alegbe, Babafemi Ojudu, Femi Macaulay, Kunle Ajibade, Dele Momodu, Seye Kehinde, Sam Omatseye, Dapo Olorunyomi. His deputy editor was Bayo Onanuga. Other competent people within the Concord stable included Okey Ifionu and Victor Omuabor. Obi turned into a one-man clearing house of talents.

    The magazine suddenly improved in style, voice and investigative content. It became, under Obi, a publication of influence and an unlikely source of irritation for the military junta of General Ibrahim Babangida. The military was in the throes of its transition programme that ultimately exploded in the June 12 imbroglio. But the magazine tracked the personalities, laws, hypocrisies, rigmarole and serpentine decoys.

    The new crop of writers, under Obi, blossomed because he was not a suffocating boss. Rather, individual voices were allowed to sway and play, and that showed in about a year after all the stars assembled in one newsroom. ‘African Concord’ became the top selling magazine in the country and the most influential.

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    Onanuga became the editor and Obi was made editor-in-chief. The magazine was not only an audacious political content, but in every area, including the arts and books. Obi’s style allowed free debate, and the atmosphere he nurtured fertilised ideas readers enjoyed.

    As a columnist, his style was simple, elegant and accessible, but he did not write with angry metaphors or epithet. His subtlety packed a punch and his insight stood its poise against any writer in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s, leading up to the June 12 saga.

    The magazine became too defiant to the junta and it was shut down. That ended the song of one of Nigeria’s great publications because it saw the exit and exodus of its glorious talents.

    All the names who grew under him were never bullied or pampered, but they retain a quiet gratitude for a man who shied away from public spotlight.

    He also belonged to a generation of journalists who did not have to use the gizmos and gadgets of today, and worked the way a yeoman does. He was also one of those who had to flee the country in the days of persecution under General Abacha.

    Obi graduated in mass communication from the University of Lagos, and was one of the top students. Obi always credited working under the great Dele Giwa as a valuable part of his career.

    He grew, of course, into his own as one who did not need to be called an icon to be one.

  • Adekunle Ojora (1932 – 2026)

    Adekunle Ojora (1932 – 2026)

    •A great industrialist and boardroom giant

    His longevity was accompanied by enduring business success. Otunba Adekunle Ojora, who passed on January 28 at age 93, left a lasting mark across Nigeria’s corporate landscape as a boardroom titan, investor and industrialist.

    Remarkably, he began his career in journalism before venturing into the business world. After studying journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, London, he had a distinguished stint at the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) where he rose to the position of assistant editor.

    He joined the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) as a reporter in 1955, and was subsequently posted to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the Regional Premier.

    His move to the United Africa Company (UAC) as public relations manager in 1961 catalysed his transition into the commercial sector.  He rose rapidly within the organisation, becoming an Executive Director of UAC by 1962.

    He further broadened his leadership scope in 1966 through his nomination to the Lagos City Council, gaining vital experience in grassroots governance. By 1967, his proven competence led to appointments in two government agencies.

    In that same year, he was appointed Managing Director of Wemabod Estates Limited, a major regional property and investment firm. Simultaneously, he assumed the chairmanship of the Nigerian National Shipping Line, marking his entry into the highest echelons of national corporate leadership.

    He later became an investor in various firms, including AGIP petroleum marketing, and technology company NCR Nigeria. He was notably chairman of the board of AGIP Nigeria Limited from 1971 until it was acquired by Unipetrol in 2002.   He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders, and a holding company, Lagos Investments.

    The introduction of the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act led to his expansion as an investor. He acquired equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria, including Bowring Group, Inchcape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up.

    The range of his investments included oil and gas, food, insurance, office equipment, pharmaceuticals, real estate, ICT and financial sectors in Nigeria and abroad.

    As a giant boardroom player, his activities extended to his advanced years. For instance, at an event to mark the 50th anniversary of Evans Brothers (Nigeria Publishers) Limited in Ibadan, Oyo State, in 2016, Ojora, who was then 84 and board chairman, noted that despite Nigeria’s large population, the publishing industry was still struggling to remain profitable in the face of overwhelming challenges, including piracy.

    Also, in 2017, when Insurance Brokers of Nigeria (IBN), a major insurance broking and risk advisory firm, unveiled a new brand identity in its 62nd year, Ojora, who was its chairman, observed that “one thing that has never changed is our commitment.”

    A member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos, he was a prince who nearly became king. He lost the succession battle for traditional rulership that followed the death of Oba of Lagos Adeyinka Oyekan in 2003.

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    He was a Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Management, the Institute of Directors (UK), and the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, as well as a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts. These decorations illustrated his professional achievements. He received an honorary doctorate from Central State University in Wilberforce, Ohio, USA, in 1992.

    He was a recipient of both the Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR), which he received in 1982, and the even higher rank of Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON). These Nigerian honours signified recognition of his laudable national service.

    He also held the traditional titles of Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife.

    President Bola Tinubu, in a posthumous tribute, noted his “significant contributions to both the private and public sectors, particularly his role in advising governments – national and subnational – on best practices for safeguarding the future of institutions.”

    Interestingly, he maintained a deliberate distance from party politics. “I will never go into politics,” he declared in a 1990 interview. Instead, he chose to focus on boardroom politics, and corporate governance.

    His exit reignited a broader discourse on the role of personal wealth within the social fabric. For a man of such immense resources, his legacy invites reflection on how private success can—and should—interact with the public good.

  • Group backs Adediran’s Lagos governorship bid

    Group backs Adediran’s Lagos governorship bid

    A coalition of Lagos-based professionals and innovators under the auspices of the Lagos Progressive Initiative (PLI) has endorsed Dr Abdul-Azeez Adediran (Jandor) for the governorship race in the 2027 general election. Founded to drive transformative growth in Lagos, PLI aims to harness professional expertise to support policies that promote sustainable development and innovative governance.

    The group announced its endorsement at a meeting in Lagos last Sunday, where members discussed the “way forward” for the state as preparations for the 2027 general election begin.

    PLI convener Mr Wole Oladunjoye said the group supports Jandor because they believe Lagos can achieve more with fresh ideas and renewed energy in governance. Oladunjoye described Lagos as one of Nigeria’s most progressive states with steady development, but noted it has not yet reached its full potential compared to similar global cities.

    “Lagos is a progressive state and perhaps the most advanced in our country. However, we believe it can improve further by building on its current achievements,” he said.

    He explained that PLI consists mainly of middle- and working-class professionals in Lagos, a group often underrepresented in politics despite being well-informed and engaged.

    Oladunjoye said many professionals avoid politics because they see it as “dirty” and not suitable for people focused on their careers. He added that while many join conversations about politics and governance on social media, they often lack the wherewithal to make a difference.

    “Many people discuss politics but lack the means to participate, such as a permanent voter’s card (PVC). They engage in conversations and criticism but ultimately have no impact on the process,” he said.

    He said the new group wants to close this gap by giving professionals a way to help develop and implement policies that benefit people in Lagos. PLI encourages professionals to join by applying for membership, attending policy discussions, and helping draft policies. They can also participate in outreach programmes that promote civic engagement and voter registration.

    Oladunjoye stressed that professionals, because of their experience with global standards, should help improve local government. He said that staying out of politics has hurt the state and called on professionals to get involved and help shape Lagos’s future.

    The convener said the group is backing Jandor because they believe good leadership needs both new ideas and someone who can put them into action. He described Jandor as a young, energetic leader who can bring people together and get things done.

    “We believe Jandor’s candidacy will help galvanize these ideas. He has declared his intention to run for governor, and we are confident he will benefit from the ideas generated by this platform, ultimately improving Lagos State,” Oladunjoye said.

    In his presentation titled “The Man Jandor”, Mr Seun Soyinka, the Director of Communication and Strategy for the Lagos4Lagos Movement, explained why the movement sees Adediran as a strong candidate for the Lagos governorship position.

    Soyinka said Lagos has plenty of people who want to be governor, but not many who are truly qualified. He admitted that while many show interest in leading the state, it is understandable that people in Lagos are cautious, given the job’s big responsibilities.

    “The question is not about who wants power, but who understands the responsibilities attached to it. And I think somebody like Jandor does,” Soyinka said.

    He described Adediran as someone who has studied Lagos politics for years, not just someone who joined suddenly. He pointed out that Adediran has spent time learning the system, working with local communities, and challenging the usual way of doing things because he believes in it.

    Soyinka said Jandor is not against the political establishment, but he does not accept complacency. He believes Lagos can do better. Soyinka added that Jandor’s readiness to challenge powerful groups demonstrates his political courage.

    “The system needs this kind of rare political courage: the courage to confront doyens without demonizing success, the courage to disagree without being disrespectful, and the courage to step forward even when the odds are heavily stacked against him,” he said.

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    Soyinka said good leadership requires skills, structure, the ability to negotiate, and the ability to build partnerships. He said Jandor understands that running Lagos requires real systems, not just words, and is ready to work with many groups, including market traders, professionals, young people, and business leaders.

    Soyinka said Jandor wants to lead to serve, with the goal of making Lagos better for future generations. He called Jandor visionary, focused on people, creative, and strong.

    He said that if professionals, whom he called the “brainbox” of Lagos, stay involved, it will improve political discourse and lead to better results in government.

    During a question-and-answer session, participants asked what would happen if Jandor did not secure the All Progressives Congress (APC) ticket. PLI representatives said Adediran has committed to supporting the party’s chosen candidate, referencing his support for party candidates in the last local government elections in Lagos State.

    Participants also wanted to know if the Progressive Lagos Initiative would last beyond this election cycle. Organisers explained that the group is meant to support Lagos-focused ideas and civic engagement over the long term, not just Jandor’s campaign.

    When asked about trust after Jandor recently switched from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the APC, organisers said they are reaching out to explain why he made the change. They said they believe his message and past work will connect with both party members and many people living in Lagos.

    The meeting ended with a call for professionals and other stakeholders to get more involved in politics, stressing that building the “Lagos of our dreams” needs everyone to take part.

  • ‘Why I’m not returning to Abia State Assembly’

    ‘Why I’m not returning to Abia State Assembly’

    Solomon Akpulonu, who represents Obingwa East State Constituency, is the longest-serving lawmaker in the history of the Abia State House of Assembly. In this interview with reporters in Umuahia, he speaks on issues ranging from local government autonomy and state police to the crisis with the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), his decision not to return to the State Assembly in 2027, and more. Correspondent, SUNNY NWANKWO reports

    It was my way of saying thank you—especially to those who have supported me since 2003 but have never received anything from me. I selected beneficiaries from across party lines, even those who are no longer in my party. I looked back on my political journey and decided to appreciate those who stood by me, even with what little I could offer.

    The generators I gave out were specifically for those who have skills. In the past, many people I empowered ended up selling the items I empowered them to sell. This time, I focused on skilled individuals. Many of them were trained with funds I provided, while others learned on their own. This is my way of empowering them to become self-reliant and hopefully grow into employers of labour. If managed well, these tools can transform their lives.

    The selection process involved ward chairmen, and I ensured due diligence. I made sure each person had either a shop or was in the process of setting one up. I was firm about only empowering people with proven skills.

    Apart from this empowerment initiative, have you supported your constituents in other ways?

    Yes, empowerment for me is not a seasonal thing. Unlike others who only give out rice during elections, I focus on lasting support that can uplift lives.

    Over the years, I have facilitated over 100 jobs at both the state and federal levels, and I’ve bought several vehicles for people. Some of those I supported with equipment as far back as 2007 are still using them today. That’s why I keep winning elections—because the impact is real. Today alone, I empowered close to 70 people, and the ripple effect will extend to their families.

    Was the money for the empowerment from your personal funds or constituency allowance?

    It was a mix of both. Constituency allowance is a special fund, but it doesn’t cover everything—like buying machines, paying hospital bills, and handling other issues. As a politician, people come to you for all kinds of help. Whether it’s from my personal funds or constituency allowance, I released the money for my people.

    How do you manage the pressure of meeting people’s needs?

    Well, I’m a veteran. I’m a people manager. I talk to people. Those who didn’t benefit today will benefit tomorrow. Except for one or two who lost their items, all the beneficiaries today are new people.

    There are rumours that you won’t return to the Abia State House of Assembly. Are you aiming for a higher office?

    I won’t be returning to the State Assembly—even if I’m offered the Speakership or asked to run unopposed. I’ve done my bit, and God has been good to me. My people have also supported me immensely. It’s time to make room for younger people. I’m not one to cling to power. Honestly, I didn’t even plan to go for a third term.

    So, are you quitting politics?

    No, I’m not quitting. I’m going to run for the Federal House of Representatives.

    There are rumours that your position in the PDP is shaky. Do you plan to dump the party?

    For now, there are two factions in the PDP, and the court has yet to decide. But regardless of the faction, I’m still in PDP.

    Do you think you stand a chance of winning the federal seat under PDP?

    Look, 90 per cent of voters on election day are not party members. A political party is just a vehicle to get to your destination. I could decide to join any party tomorrow.

    Most rural women don’t attend party meetings, but they show up on Election Day to vote for who they believe in. It doesn’t matter whether it’s PDP or not; we are on the ground and doing grassroots work.

    Are you not bothered that the PDP factional crisis may affect your chances and those of others in 2027?

    No, it won’t. By January or February, the Court of Appeal will deliver its judgment. Within three months, the Supreme Court will also rule. By the time party primaries begin, PDP will be standing strong—whether it’s the Wike group, Makinde’s, or Bala Mohammed’s. PDP is still the only organic party with structures in every household across this country.

    Which faction of the PDP do you belong to?

    I belong to both factions. What matters is that I’m in PDP.

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    You’re the longest-serving lawmaker in the state and currently the leader of the opposition in the House. What do you plan to achieve if elected to the Federal House?

    Look at what I’ve been doing as just a State Assembly member. Since 2017, I’ve consistently empowered people. That’s why, despite the “Obi wave” in 2023, people I had empowered stood by me and voted me back. God willing, we’ll keep going forward.

    Some PDP members are decamping to the APC. Why are you still in PDP?

    That’s their personal decision. Some of my colleagues are Labour Party members. Some will go to ADC. In fact, many PDP members in Obingwa may join ADC. Politics isn’t rigid—people are free to move to APC, ADC, Labour, or APGA. It’s their choice.

    How do the four PDP members cope in a House dominated by the majority?

    In the House of Assembly, party lines blur. Once you step inside, what matters is the welfare of the people. There may be a minority and a majority, but as lawmakers, we work together for the common good.

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    What’s your assessment of Governor Alex Otti’s government?

    I want to give this government another six months before I offer an assessment—and I have my reasons. You can’t compare the revenues the government is receiving now with what was received from 2015 to 2023. We’re keeping records, and in six months, we’ll give Abians an honest assessment. If the governor is doing well, we’ll say so. If not, we’ll also say so. I don’t want to make any conclusions yet, especially regarding whether the funds received match the work being done.

    The governor recently presented the state budget. What’s your view?

    I’m not in the Executive; I’m a legislator. My role is to scrutinise what they bring to the House, and we have done so. A budget is just an estimate. A governor can propose N20 trillion but end up receiving only N5 million or N500 million.

    Judging by his spending since 2023, would you say he has used Abia’s funds wisely?

    As I said, I’ll assess that in the next six months.

    What’s your message to your constituents?

    It’s not easy for people to support one person for this long. I’m the longest-serving lawmaker in Abia—dead or alive. I thank my constituents. With all I’ve done, the next step is to go to Abuja and do more.

    What’s your message to Abians regarding the state’s security situation?

    As lawmakers, our role is to encourage the government to use security votes for the benefit of the people. But security is everyone’s business. I urge the government to do more to ensure the safety of our people.

    Do you support the idea of state police?

    No, I don’t. Governors already have too much power under the Constitution—they coerce everyone. If they’re given state police, it will be used to intimidate opposition members.

    What’s your view on the issue of local government autonomy and the role of the state government?

    The State House of Assembly is not the problem. The issue lies with the federal government’s failure to implement the Supreme Court’s judgment. The court ruled that funds should be sent directly to local governments. So what’s holding them back?

    The Supreme Court also barred state governors and assemblies from legislating on local government revenue. But the same federal government that went to court and won the judgment has refused to implement it.

    So, who should we blame—the governors? It’s the federal government’s responsibility to implement the July 1, 2024 judgment. Even after the ruling, the President is still appealing to governors to release local government funds. That’s unacceptable.

  • Ekiti governorship poll: The intrigues

    Ekiti governorship poll: The intrigues

    The stage is set for the June 20 governorship poll in Ekiti State. While 12 political parties have fielded candidates, the race is shaping up around the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC), People’s  Democratic Party (PDP) and the Action Democratic Congress (ADC). Correspondent RASAQ IBRAHIM examines the candidates, the platforms and the issues that will shape the exercise.

    Following the conclusion of primaries by the political parties and the submission of candidates’ name to the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) the stage is firmly set for the June 20, 2026 governorship poll in Ekiti State.

    INEC has since formally activated the election process with the release of a timetable for the election, a move that has intensified political activities across the state. With the election date fixed, the race for the Oke-Ayoba Government House has shifted from the behind-the-scenes manoeuvring to open political engagement by parties and candidates.

    In line with the timetable, political parties conducted their governorship primaries between October 20 and November 10, 2025, producing candidates across party lines. However, the exercise has exposed internal divisions within several parties, some of which are yet to be resolved.

    The ruling All Progressives  Congress produced Governor Biodun Oyebanji as its standard bearer through consensus primary mode.The process, however, has continued to generate internal disputes, with aggrieved members accusing the party national leadership of undermining internal democracy and imposing a predetermined outcome.

    The APC’s internal crisis predated the shadow poll. The disqualification of two aspirants, Engineer Kayode Ojo and Mrs Oluwajumoke Olawumi by APC national leadership sparked outrage and widened existing cracks within the party. Olawumi has since challenged Oyebanji’s emergence in court, leaving the party grappling with post-primary litigation.

    On December 29, 2025, INEC released the provisional list of governorship candidates submitted by political parties. While the list confirmed candidates from several parties, it also generated controversy following the exclusion of the Peoples Democratic Party’s candidate, Dr Wole Oluyede, over pending court cases linked to the party’s national leadership.

    The omission of the PDP from the list sent shockwaves across Ekiti’s political landscape. For a party with deep roots in the state’s age-long political history, the development has raised fresh concerns about the opposition party’s cohesion and preparedness for the governorship contest.

    Despite assurances by INEC that parties with outstanding issues could rectify them before the release of the final list, the PDP failed to meet the required conditions. The commission’s final list, released in January 2026, confirmed that the PDP would not be on the ballot. The party has since approached the court, describing its exclusion as unjust and insisting that legal redress remains its last hope of returning to the race.

    INEC’s final list shows a crowded race with 12 political parties, excluding the PDP participating in the poll. The ruling APC is fielding Governor Biodun Oyebanji with Monisade Afuye as running mate.Other candidates include Opeyemi Falegan of the Accord Party, who is running with Omoyeni Bayode; Mr. Akande Oluwasegun of African Action Congress, paired with  Oluwasanmi Fajuyigbe; and Ayodeji Ojo of the Action Democratic Party, with Itunu Ibitoye as his running mate.

    The African Democratic Congress is presenting Ambassador Dare Bejide and Babatola Ayodeji, Bidemi Awogbemi, and Akinyemi Adewumi of the Action People Party (APP) ; and Joseph Anifowose with Margaret Ilesanmi of the Allied People’s Movement.

    The Labour Party is presenting Oyebanji Olajuyin and Ayokunle Okumade while New Nigeria People’s Party has Blessing Abegunde as its candidate, with Francis Ajayi as running mate.  The People’s Redemption Party is fielding Olaniyi Ayodele and Modupe Adebiyi while the Young Progressive Party is presenting Osinkolu Segun and Arowolo Olusesan, the Zenith Labour Party’s candidates are Victor Adetunji and Adesina Oyeniyi.

    Meanwhile, the political atmosphere in the Fountain of Knowledge has grown increasingly charged. Across the state, political activities have intensified with parties mobilising supporters, fine-tuning strategies and positioning themselves ahead of the governorship election.

    Parties’ offices have become beehives of activities. Even the fringe political parties whose offices were barely noticeable in the past have intensified activities in a bid to remain relevant. The Party leaders are also engaging in weighing alliances, recalculation,  managing post-primary intra-party crisis and exploring possible defections.

    Across towns and communities in Ekiti, discussions about the governorship poll now dominate the public spaces, social gatherings as well as the social media platforms.From market squares to motor parks and newspaper stands, the June 20 poll has become the central topic of conversation, reflecting growing public interest in the political future of the state.

    Ekiti people appear increasingly eager to exercise their civic rights,  with many already weighing  options before them. For some electorates, the governorship election is an opportunity to sustain the current direction of governance, while for others, it offered a chance to push for change of leadership.

    Beyond party affiliation, the governorship race is increasingly being shaped by the personality of parties candidates, their antecedents, competence and political history. The voters are weighing familiar faces against newer entrants in the state political firmament, examining past records in public offices, competence, character and credibility.

    Manifestos and ideas are also beginning to take centre stage. From promises of infrastructural development and wealth and job creation to education, healthcare and governance style, the election is fast becoming a contest of competing ideas and visions for a greater and prosperous Ekiti.

    At the centre of the governorship poll is the incumbent governor. Having secured the APC ticket, Oyebanji enters the race with the full weight of incumbency, party structure, financial warchest and access to state-wide political machinery.

    Oyebanji’s emergence as the APC governorship candidate followed a consensus shadow poll. The ruling APC hierarchy maintained that the consensus option was adopted to preserve internal harmony and consolidate support ahead of the 2026 governorship election.

    Despite the party’s public display of unity and cohesion, the process left pockets of dissatisfaction within the APC. Some aggrieved members have continued to express resentment over the manner the primary was conducted, arguing that the consensus arrangements  suppressed internal competition. These grievances have continue to linger within the party.

    Oyebanji’s campaign has been built largely around continuity and stability. His supporters frequently highlight achievements recorded during his first term, including improvements in road infrastructure, increased investment in education and healthcare, agricultural revolution and the  maintenance of a relatively peaceful political climate in the state. The administration’s emphasis on inclusive governance has also been cited as a reason for seeking a second term.

    The governor has also benefited from endorsements by key stakeholders in the state including traditional rulers, union leaders, market women, APC leaders and opposition leaders. These endorsements have strengthened his position within the party and reinforced his image as the frontrunner in the race . To many within the APC, Oyebanji remains the candidate to beat in the June 20 election.

    However, analysts opined that the post-primary tensions within the APC present a subtle challenge. While the disputes may not threaten Oyebanji’s candidacy directly,unresolved grievances, and court actions could affect the party’s ability to mobilise effectively and efficiently at the grassroots level. How the APC manages these internal crisis in the months ahead may ultimately influence its electoral fortunes.

    For the PDP, the electioneering season has been marked by crisis since its lost power to APC in 2018. Although Oluyede emerged from a keenly contested primary and was initially seen as a rallying point for a possible resurgence, the party’s exclusion from the ballot has dealt a severe blow to its ambitions.

    The crisis has been compounded by the open support of ex- governor Ayo Fayose for Oyebanji and the defection of several PDP members to the ruling APC. While remaining a PDP member, Fayose has  repeatedly stated publicly that Oyebanji would complete two terms in office, a declaration that has weakened the party.

    Despite insisting that it has a credible alternative agenda, the PDP’s immediate focus has shifted from campaigning to litigation, as it seeks a court order to overturn its exclusion. Political analysts say the legal battle has cast uncertainty over the party’s role in the 2026 poll.

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    Filling the opposition vacuum is the African Democratic Congress, which has emerged as the main challenger to the APC. Its candidate, Bejide, a former Secretary to the Ekiti State Government and ex-Nigerian High Commissioner to Canada, has broadened political choices for voters.

    The Ilawe-Ekiti born politician is not a political neophyte. Bejide brings with him years of public service experience at both state and international levels. His résumé has helped the ADC overcome one of the usual limitations of lack of a recognised flag bearer with a proven administrative background often faced by the smaller parties.

    Bejide’s emergence has resonated with voters who feel alienated by the familiar APC–PDP rivalry. For this segment of the electorate, Bejide represents a departure from the recycled political battles and entrenched party interests. The ADC has tapped into this sentiment, projecting itself as a platform for those seeking a fresh political direction.

    Beyond public sentiment, the ADC has harvested members from both the PDP and the APC, swelling its  ranks with aggrieved politicians. These defections have strengthened the party’s presence across the state.

    Capitalising on this  momentum,  the party has framed its campaign around the idea of a credible third force, arguing that socioeconomic development in Ekiti has been stifled by alternation of power between PDP and APC.

    Despite the party’s strengths, the ADC faces structural challenges. Unlike the APC and PDP, the party lack entrenched grassroots network across all the local governments. Mobilisation and funding remain areas of concern, and analysts noted that converting public goodwill into real votes will require organisation and strategic alliances.

    However, keen political watchers of Ekiti politics cautioned against  dismissing Bejide’s chances. In a political climate marked by internal party crises with the major parties and voters’ frustration, they argured that ADC buoyed by defections, grassroots reach and wider acceptability may not just be a fringe contender, but a factor capable of reshaping dynamics of the governorship race.

  • Fani-Kayode decries false narratives on Sokoto bombings

    Fani-Kayode decries false narratives on Sokoto bombings

    A former Minister of Aviation, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, has condemned the claims in some quarters that the recent precision air strikes carried out by the United States military on insurgents in parts of Sokoto State were done without the knowledge of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu or the Federal Government.

    The ex-minister said the “false and mischievous” narrative was purposely put out by New York Times to belittle, demean, embarrass, and debase the Nigerian and the U.S. governments as well as their intelligence-gathering capabilities.

    He described the narrative as puerile and childish.

    Fani-Kayode said: “Anyone who honestly believes that the U.S. government based its intelligence to bomb parts of Sokoto State on the intel supplied by an Onitsha-based screwdriver seller who used Google map to source his information and not on the intel supplied by the Nigerian intelligence services must have a low self-esteem and a low intelligence quotient.

    “I respectfully urge such a person to get a sense.

    The false and mischievous narrative, which has been purposely put out by the New York Times to belittle, demean, embarrass and debase both the Nigerian and the U.S governments and their intelligence-gathering capabilities, is puerile and childish.

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    “No country will allow its country to be bombed in the name of fighting ISIS or anyone else on the words of an Onitsha utensils trader and neither would the Americans take such a precipitous and consequential course of action on the words of such an individual.

    “The Nigerian Foreign Minister, Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, has made it clear that the Americans took the action in collaboration with our Armed Forces and intelligence agencies, and that the intel they used to do so was given to them by our government.

    “I spoke with him exactly 10 minutes after the bombing took place and he not only assured me of this but also provided me with details of the build-up to the event.

    “The New York Times story can best be described as not only fake news but also nothing but a hefty load of disingenuous and infantile hogwash, and the paper is better washed down the toilet.”

  • Fed Govt intensifies anti-cancer efforts with new policies, eight oncology centres

    Fed Govt intensifies anti-cancer efforts with new policies, eight oncology centres

    The Federal Government has stepped up efforts in cancer prevention, screening and treatment.

    It has unveiled new national policies, expanded vaccination, upgraded facilities and free nationwide screening programmes.

    Minister of State for Health and The Social Welfare, Dr. Adekunle Salako, announced this while addressing reporters in Abuja to mark this year’s World Cancer Day. The minister said the government was prioritising prevention by integrating vaccines into the national immunisation programme, expanding screening services and addressing modifiable risk factors linked to cancer deaths.

    He noted that over 40 per cent of global cancer deaths are linked to risk factors such as tobacco use, alcohol consumption, unhealthy diets, obesity and air pollution, adding that many cases can be prevented through public health interventions.

    Salako said Nigeria has developed two key policy documents to strengthen cancer control: the National Nuclear Medicine Policy and Strategic Plan, and the National Cancer Control Plan (NCCP) 2026- 2030.

    The minister promised that the NCCP would guide federal and state governments, development partners and other stakeholders in improving prevention, screening, early detection, diagnosis, treatment, research, survivorship and end-of-life care.

    He added that the plan prioritises vaccination, equitable access to screening, timely diagnosis and treatment, expansion of palliative care, adoption of precision oncology and artificial intelligence, workforce development and sustainable financing.

    Salako said the policies align with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, the National Health Act, World Health Organisation cancer strategies and global initiatives on childhood and breast cancer.

    He also announced that Nigeria was collaborating with Egypt and Kenya to establish the African Oncology Collaborative Network, expected to be unveiled before the end of the year.

    Highlighting the global burden of cancer, Salako said about 20 million new cases and over 10 million deaths were recorded worldwide in 2025.

    The minister warned that new diagnoses could exceed 30 million by 2050 due to population growth and ageing, with low- and middle-income countries bearing a higher burden.

    He said government has expanded screening and treatment capacity through the National Institute for Cancer Research and Treatment (NICRAT), with mammography machines and other equipment deployed to Federal Medical Centres in Abuja and Ebute-Meta; University of Benin Teaching Hospital; University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital, Enugu; Usmanu Danfodio University Teaching Hospital, Sokoto; Federal Teaching Hospital, Gombe; Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital; and Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital, Ile-Ife.

    Salako said the facilities now offer routine breast cancer screening services.

    He added that, as part of World Cancer Day activities, the ministry, in collaboration with NICRAT, is providing free cancer screening services nationwide throughout February.

    The programme started at the FMC in Abuja and will be officially flagged off tomorrow at the FMC Abeokuta (Ogun) before moving to Abakaliki (Ebonyi) and Jos (Plateau).

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    The minister said the programme targets screening at least 1,000 Nigerians per region.

    Salako formally unveiled the two policy documents and declared eight preventive oncology clinics operational nationwide.

    The Director-General of NICRAT, Prof. Usman Aliyu, said gaps persist in prevention, early detection, treatment and palliative care, largely due to uneven access to quality services.

    He said late presentation of cases were undermining treatment outcomes, prompting the launch of the Renewed Hope National Initiative for Cancer Early Detection, Screening and Coordinated Access to Networked Care.

    The initiative has established National Cancer Screening Centres in eight facilities across the six geopolitical zones.

    Aliyu said NICRAT was also reviving brachytherapy services and strengthening workforce capacity through specialist training and continuous professional development.

    He added that the centre’s Strengthening Institutional Capacity for Cancer Research project was boosting research capacity, while expansion of the National Cancer Registry is improving data for policy formulation.

    According to him, the screening centres will focus breast, cervical, prostate, colorectal and liver cancers, common in the country, adding that skin cancer screening would be provided for persons living with albinism.

    Aliyu said NICRAT is working with the National Health Insurance Authority to integrate cancer screening into health insurance coverage to reduce out-of-pocket expenses.

    He added that the screening centres, including the FMC Jabi facility, have commenced weekday services with multidisciplinary teams comprising oncologists, surgeons, dermatologists, gynaecologists and family physicians.