The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Peace allergy in Rivers   

    Peace allergy in Rivers   

    •Both sides must seek a political solution while there is time

    The politics of Rivers State is cloven. Two parts of the state hierarchy are like falcons that cannot hear the falconer, apologies to Poet William Buter Yeats. Since October last year, the schism between loyalists of the former governor of the state and federal capital territory minister, Nyesom Wike and his successor and governor of the state, Sim Fubara, has been growing by leaps

    and bounds. It is nowhere near letting. It is becoming a humdinger.

    Both sides seem allergic to peace or even dialogue. The president and commander-in-chief, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, cast an avuncular figure when he intervened and worked out a formula for peace in the form of a gentleman’s agreement. Both sides yielded to the moment, including one of the elders, former governor Peter Odili. It was expected that peace may follow. It gave a respite, but not hope. Even elements loyal to the governor stoked new flames, invoking the primacy of the constitution over a political solution. They charged the president with tilting the terms in favour of the FCT minister because of some of the clauses that called for the restoration of the rights of the legislature and members of the state executive council loyal to Wike. Even those guarantees that Governor Fubara executed have fallen apart after tentative and half-hearted implementation. The hawks are still flapping their wings.

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    It was obvious that the spirit of the mini-confab had suffered. Those who did not want peace would not yield to wise counsel. Both sides ratcheted up the tension. In one episode, the 25 lawmakers loyal to the former governor declared they were porting to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the party of the president. That has remained a sore thumb.

    This led to the charge that their seats had become vacant. It is common knowledge that the members came out in public to announce their defection to the APC. Yet, there is no evidence that they have actually abandoned the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).  Saying it does not amount to doing it. Have they gone to their wards and local government areas to change allegiances? Is there any document to that effect signed that they have moved from the PDP to the APC? They may be in APC in spirit but that cannot be proved in the court of law or even in the evidence of our eyes. But it complicates matters in the hearts of the members of the public. That does not mean a defection has taken place. The 25 members could have been urged to come out in public to tell us the status of their declaration. But the matter has moved to the court of law. One point to know about Section 109 that pertains to the state house of assembly debacle is subsection 2, which states: “The Speaker of the House of Assembly shall give effect to subsection (1) of this section, so however that the Speaker or a member shall first present evidence satisfactory to the House that any of the provisions of the subsection has become applicable in respect of the member.” Subsection (1)g says the defecting fellow “becomes a member of another political party…” This process has not happened.

    That is why it should be left as a moot point rather than a factor for a public brawl. Lawyers of different stripes are baying for blood in pursuit of partisan

    fidelities. Now, there are clear breaches of the law that can bring the state to a brink. They are actions of Governor Fubara. One is the series of rhetoric boiling the tempo. Three are actions that clearly fly in the face of law and even decency.

    His assertion, for instance, that the “jungle has matured,” is juvenile and gangster rhetoric and lacks maturity. He was baiting his opponent for a street fight. Two, his words about a rat eating up a bag of ‘garri’ came in the context of his willingness to undertake a probe of his predecessor. This action is lawful, and we even encourage him to go along with it. No one can fight against propriety and financial integrity in a society rotted by corruption in high places. But we have our questions. Is it a tendentious financial inquiry or a wholesale inquest? It is public knowledge that Governor Fubara was the accountant-general under former Governor Wike, and he was privy to the fiduciary stumbles he might have identified for inquiry. If he is going to do it, he should be transparent. We say this because prior to the polls that ushered him in as the state’s chief executive, he was under the searchlight of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and he was a candidate in hiding for most of the period. His election has provided him with immunity. Wike, as minister, has none. Is this the calculation? Or is it just a threat to browbeat his former mentor?

    The other action is the impunity of operating a budget without a legal endorsement of a majority of members of the house. Four people cannot make a state house of assembly in deciding how to spend the state’s money in a full year. Four or five people cannot delegitimse 25 members. It is both a logical and mathematical iniquity. This happened in the wake of the demolition

    of the house of assembly complex. Fubara’s chief of staff, after he was ousted as speaker, is on the run over charges of arson.

    Three, he has withdrawn the local government funds. This is autocracy and arbitrary impulse in a democracy. This drew the attention of the National Assembly for condemnation and another look at the independence of that tier of government.

    The latest infraction was the executive order to convene the state house of assembly business in the state house. This is plain wrong and wrong-headed. The house is constitutionally independent under a separation of powers principle. It does not belong to the governor. What he has done is in bad faith. It cannot and must not be allowed to stand. He is borrowing from the script that began from the days of former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, who in some states, including Bayelsa and Plateau, handpicked a minority to upturn a majority to impeach a governor. It is a military-era style that we had witnessed in neighbouring Edo State under Governor Godwin Obaseki.

    The River State elite is coquetting with disaster. A state cannot be governed by sticking to laws conjured from the imagination. We commend the president for trying to be the adult when the state has lacked elders to bring both parties to a table to thrash out the issues. If both go down the drain and a political solution becomes impossible, there are precedents in this democracy on how the issues were resolved. It is obvious the president does not want to go the route of invoking the constitution to evict those in office in a state of emergency. Let it not be that when words of counsel fail on both sides, the hammer becomes the only path to social order. Let it not be that if the hammer falls, new recriminations erupt in the form of blame games. Those fuelling the flames in their streets, caucuses and law chambers may become mere cymbals when the chips are down.

    There is time now for peace. Let both sides embrace it.

  • Towards sustainable economic development

    Towards sustainable economic development

    Sir: The United Kingdom is a nation of small businesses. In UK, there are more than 12.5 million small businesses employing half the work force and accounting for half the turnover. The federal government should take a cue from the UK by paying serious attention to small and medium enterprises.

    Nigeria with a population of about 220 million people is blessed with abundant human and mineral resources.

    Recall that in the past five decades, the country had developed so many economic policies; however implementation has been the problem.

    Some of the challenges that have militated against the country’s economic development include but not limited to corruption, lack of clear cut vision, lack of policy direction, lack of political will, policy somersault, lack of involvement of relevant stakeholders, insecurity and erratic power supply.

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    Power is very critical as far as economic development is concerned. It is quite unfortunate that the country can only generate 4000 MW of electricity while South Africa generates 50,000 MW. The federal government should declare a state of emergency in the power sector.

    To ensure food security, the federal government should encourage the sub-national governments to embark on aggressive farming by embracing mechanized farming. The state governments should ensure that farmers in their respective states are provided with necessary inputs such as lands, fertilizer, tractors, ploughs and harvesters. Farmers should be encouraged to form cooperative societies to make it easier for them to have access to equipment.

    Furthermore, it would be a good idea if the state governors could establish Agro-allied industries in each of the three senatorial districts. This will enable them to process their farm produce. Food crops like rice, corn, cassava, yams, tomatoes and dairy products can be processed, packaged and exported to generate forex for the country.

    Moreover, the federal government should try to develop our mining and tourism sectors so as to generate foreign exchange. Kenya makes a lot of money from tourism. We should learn from them. There are quite a number of mineral deposits that the country can explore to generate money. What is needed is the political will on the part of the government and commitments on the part of the masses. Finally, the federal government should set up a think-tank of economic experts that will develop an economic blueprint for the nation. It should ensure that the ongoing insecurity in the country is nipped in the bud. It should move to guarantee 24 hours’ power supply; strengthen the anti-graft agencies to enable them discharge their duties effectively.

    •Oladele Oladipupo,Oladeleoladipupo@gmail.com

  • Nigerian scapegoat pepper-soup

    Nigerian scapegoat pepper-soup

    Sir: In many societies, the “blame game” is a prevalent phenomenon where individuals and groups deflect responsibility for societal problems onto others. This tendency is particularly pronounced in Nigeria, where political, economic, and social issues are often attributed to a myriad of scapegoats rather than being addressed through constructive solutions.

    A politician starts out in PDP, joins APC, and then blames PDP, he leaves and moves to LP and blames both PDP and APC, along the line he goes back to PDP and says that he has gone back to where his heart!

    That’s why blamers like the former vice president and his once upon a time running mate and presidential candidate of the LP are stopping the blame to plan a game.

    Nigeria’s colonial history has left deep scars, with the artificial creation of the Nigerian state leading to persistent ethnic and regional divisions. These divisions have been exploited by politicians, fostering a culture of blame rather than unity.

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    Another fact is widespread corruption and ineffective governance which has eroded public trust in institutions. Politicians and public officials often shift blame to avoid accountability for their failures, perpetuating a cycle of corruption and inefficiency.

    Moreover, Nigeria’s wealth is unevenly distributed, leading to significant economic disparities. This inequality fuels resentment and finger-pointing, with different groups blaming each other for their economic woes. I listened only recently to a governor in the south-south (another aberration resulting from the blame game) crying foul about how oil wealth is shared by all but no one sees the mineral wealth of the north. In this blame game, no one is held accountable for the wealth waste.

    Nigerian politicians frequently engage in identity politics, using ethnicity, religion, and regionalism to deflect blame and rally support. This manipulation deepens societal divisions and distracts from addressing core issues.

    The blame game has several detrimental consequences for Nigeria:

    The focus on blame rather than solutions hampers progress. Critical issues such as infrastructure development, education, and healthcare are neglected as leaders and citizens engage in finger-pointing.

    Persistent blame-shifting erodes trust in institutions and leadership. When leaders fail to take responsibility, public confidence in governance diminishes, leading to apathy and disengagement. The blame game exacerbates social divisions, deepening ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages. This fragmentation undermines national cohesion and makes collective action more challenging.

    By deflecting blame, corrupt individuals and institutions evade accountability. This perpetuates a culture of impunity, where corrupt practices go unchecked and unpunished.

    Addressing the blame game in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach.

    Strengthening institutions to hold leaders accountable is crucial. This includes enhancing the judiciary, anti-corruption agencies, and oversight bodies to ensure that public officials are answerable for their actions. Efforts to promote national unity and reduce ethnic and religious tensions are essential. This can be achieved through inclusive governance, equitable resource distribution, and initiatives that foster intergroup dialogue and understanding.

    Political leaders must be encouraged to focus on solutions rather than blame. This involves cultivating a culture of responsibility and service, where leaders prioritize the common good over personal or partisan interests.

    Educating and empowering citizens to engage in the political process can reduce the tendency to blame. An informed and active citizenry can hold leaders accountable and demand better governance.

    Media and public commentators should prioritize constructive dialogue over sensationalism. Responsible journalism and public discourse can shift the focus from blame to solutions, fostering a more productive national conversation.

    The blame game in Nigeria is a pervasive and deeply ingrained phenomenon that hinders progress and perpetuates division. Addressing it requires a concerted effort to promote accountability, foster unity, encourage responsible leadership, empower citizens, and improve public discourse. By moving beyond the blame game, Nigeria can unlock its potential and build a more cohesive, prosperous, and just society.

    •Prince Charles Dickson,

    <pcdbooks@gmail.com>

  • The ‘coup’ in Togo

    The ‘coup’ in Togo

    President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo early this month signed into law a new constitution for his country that is suspected aimed at indefinitely prolonging his stay in power. The new law essentially swaps the tiny West African nation’s presidential system with parliamentary system, adjusts the presidential tenure, and creates a new position of head of government that could offer the 57-year-old, who has been in power for two decades already, a platform for a lifetime of rulership.

    Under the new framework, Togolese voters will no longer directly choose the country’s president, as parliament will now have that power. Besides, the constitution raises the presidential term from five to six years and introduces a single-term limit. The nearly 20 years Gnassingbé has been in office would not count and he is eligible to take office under the new law when his current tenure expires in 2025. The constitution also creates a new office of de facto head of government known as ‘president of the council of ministers’ – a position reserved for the leader of the ruling party or coalition in parliament.

    Gnassingbé signed the constitution into law on the heels of Togo’s electoral commission announcing his ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) party as having won the country’s parliamentary poll held on April 29th by landslide. Ahead of that election, there was crackdown on civic and media freedoms in Togo. The government prohibited protests by civil society actors as well as politicians against the proposed new constitution and arrested opposition figures. The electoral commission banned the Catholic Church from deploying observers for the election. About mid-April, a French journalist who arrived in Togo to cover the elections was reported arrested, assaulted and expelled; and the country’s media regulator subsequently suspended accreditation of foreign journalists for the poll. With his party credited with winning 108 out of 113 seats in parliament, and 137 out of 179 seats in the senate, Gnassingbé – already in his fourth term in power – is well placed to be voted for another term in 2025 that will last until 2031 under the new framework.

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    The president’s supporters argue that the reworked constitution curtails his powers by changing the presidency into a ceremonial role. One of his ministers was reported saying the move would “improve democracy” in the country, while an adviser to the president claimed the constitutional changes would strengthen democracy and improve political stability because “the aspirations of our people are not served by the current constitution.” But Togolese opposition argue that Gnassingbé is looking beyond the 2031 expiration of the presidential tenure to an indefinite stay in the newly-created position of ‘president of the council of ministers.’ Under the new constitution, the presidency will become a largely symbolic role and power will reside with the president of the council of ministers – a sort of prime ministerial post that opposition suspect Gnassingbé aims to assume so he could bypass the presidential term limit. The position is reserved for the leader of the party with the majority in parliament, and it is Gnassingbé who currently fits in that profile.

    Togo, a French-speaking country of about nine million people, has been ruled by the same family for 57 years. Faure Gnassingbé came to power in 2005 after the death of his father, Gnassingbé Eyadema, who seized power in a 1967 military coup and ruled the country with iron fist for 38 years. It was the military that installed Faure Gnassingbé as president on the heels of his father’s death, but following intense domestic and international pressure he called an election that he won at the cost of hundreds of Togolese nationals losing their lives in crackdowns against protests over that poll victory. Gnassingbé has since won three more elections: in 2010, 2015 and 2020 – all of which were disputed as shams by the opposition.

    Let’s be clear: the new constitution in Togo was ostensibly at the behest of the parliament, which mid-April gave final approval to the changes. The law was initially approved by the lawmakers in March; but in the face of public outrage, President Gnassingbé paused the reforms and said they should be subjected to further  consultations and a second parliamentary vote. Pro-government lawmakers travelled round the country to “listen to, and inform civilians on the constitutional reforms.” They met with traditional rulers and select opinion leaders, although they eventually didn’t effect any change to the constitution before passing it again in April. Opposition figures and civil society activists plied resistance to the new law, which they dubbed a constitutional coup, but they were harshly repressed by Togolese security forces. In March, an opposition press conference under the banner of “Don’t Touch My Constitution” was broken up by the police. Amid the turmoil, the president momentarily held down the parliamentary poll, but that move further fuelled the unrest. The government then announced that the election would go ahead after all and rescheduled it to April 29th, which was just over a week later than the original date. The ruling party emerged with a sweeping victory in that poll, thereby securing the leverage needed to implement the new law to self-advantage. It was on the heels of that outcome the president signed the constitution into law.

    Prior to Gnassingbé signing the constitution into law, Togo’s opposition parties filed a lawsuit with the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in a bid to overturn the controversial law, which they contend is illegal because the parliament lost its mandate already by virtue of elections having been delayed beyond its statutory tenure. In the lawsuit, 13 opposition parties and groups requested the court to condemn Gnassingbé’s government for violating democracy and good governance, according to court documents seen by AFP. The litigants also argued that the constitutional reform was “made in absence of any prior public debate and without political consensus,” and that the opposition had their rights violated by the state of Togo.

    Another front of opposition since Gnassingbé signed the constitution early in May has been by a group of Togolese civil society organisations that called for protests to defend and preserve the old constitution. “We will never accept this new constitution, even after its promulgation. The Togolese people must decisively look towards 2025,” a spokesperson for the civil society groups told The Associated Press, adding: “A presidential election is absolutely necessary for the people to choose a new president and finally achieve a democratic transition in Togo.” But there hasn’t been much these objectors could do because the authorities have blocked all protests against the new law. Violent crackdowns on political demonstrations have been routine under President Gnassingbé, as they were during his father’s long rule. Meanwhile, an implication of the new law is that there will be no election in Togo in 2025, but Gnassingbé will most likely be handed a six-year tenure renewal by the parliament that is under his party’s control.

    Togolese people need help to resist the new law that is foisting a lifetime hegemony on them. Democracy is embattled enough in the West and Central African region that has witnessed eight military coups in three years, and forced constitutional alterations in some countries allowing rulers to prolong their stay in office. Gnassingbé apparently has the Togolese military under his thumb, but that is no reason why the world should ignore the travails of democracy in his country. The least ECOWAS leadership can do at this time is speak out against harsh suppression of dissent and authoritarian enactment of the new constitution in that country. Actually, the regional authority should work at mediation in Togo’s crisis. The bloc shouldn’t only be fighting military adventurers who illegally seize power in member-states, it should also exert moderating influence on civilian leaders who hold their citizens in oppressive thrall while overreaching the bounds of democracy. The bloc did that deftly when Senegal was recently in crisis, and it can do same now for Togo. If ECOWAS posts proactive oversight on member-nations during political crises, that might go a long way to avert intervention by military goons.

    •Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

  • Cardoso’s apex bank and financial institutions

    Cardoso’s apex bank and financial institutions

    Sir: as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration clocks one year in office, the Central Bank of Nigeria must change the discourse, the narrative, the relationship between it and the institutions it regulates to that of “two elephants fighting”, instead of that of “two elephants copulating” for anything meaningful and impactful to be achieved.

    I need not emphasize here that surely the governor is aware that for every patriotic decision or policy made by him and his team towards revamping the naira and the economy, there are millions of people and even institutions ready to sabotage such policies for selfish and unpatriotic reasons. Suffice to say the apex bank must be ready to monitor and evaluate all its policies and more especially, the instructions and regulations passed down to the financial institutions for proper implementation thoroughly and punitive measures must be effected for infractions. 

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    Even before the tenure of Yemi Cardoso as governor, the Central Bank of Nigeria has practically done huge financial interventions in virtually all sectors of the economy in last two decades from aviation to agriculture, manufacturing, small and medium scale businesses, and several other sectors. Almost all of these interventions disbursements were done through the commercial banks.

    Can these interventions be described today as full-fledged successes if an audit is to be carried out on them? Were the rightful targets for the interventions the eventual beneficiaries? Aside the ones that were outright grants, were the ones that were loans duly recovered or performing as at today? Though one can see the few positive exceptions in the bank intervention for rice farmers, but what about the rest?

    One major reason why policies of government fail in this clime is because of institutional breach of procedures and protocol; so also is Iack of proper institutional synergy and coordination,

    Iack of proper monitoring and evaluation and lack of punitive measures for institutional and personal infractions of laid down policies, rules and regulations.

    The foreign exchange transactional regulations from the central bank to the commercial banks are another very critical area that the apex bank needs to evaluate constantly and follow it up to the last end user. It beggars belief how corporate customers apply for foreign exchange through the commercial banks to the central bank, filling all the required details of usage, tax, company directors and contacts as required by the central bank, and after all scrutiny,  the forex is approved by the central bank, and the fund is not eventually made available by the commercial bank. This is a critical recurrence that the apex bank department saddled with overseeing this aspect has failed in its supervision. It is as culpable as the commercial banks involved.

    If the apex bank conducts a survey of bank customers’ experiences with their respective bank today, I am certainly sure that a higher percentage of the customers are totally not happy or satisfied with the services rendered. Hardly is there a customer who knows exactly what the bank charges on their respective accounts aside the apex bank stipulated charges. I will rather call these the “invisible deductibles”.

    There are financial institutions profiteering from sabotage, which may be in collaboration with the supervisory organs of the main regulatory institution, the apex bank. Nigerians want to see commercial banks sanctioned for seemingly visible infractions committed against apex regulatory rules and regulations. Especially on infractions committed in foreign exchange dealings and those committed against numerous unaware bank customers.

    The governor must be always be a step ahead of the game, putting into consideration that those who are about to sabotage his policies are also on the drawing board looking for ways to circumvent the desired end results of such policies. Therefore, for Cardoso to succeed, and succeed effectively in turning around our economy, such that the common man can breathe, it is just rational that the “two elephants must fight and not copulate”, “so that the grass will not die”.

    He must activate all possible means of monitoring and evaluation of the Central Bank rules and regulations guiding every banking transaction as stipulated by the government and the law. This will help the country in this current “battle” of determining the exact value of our currency. Nigeria is at a situation of “a bird at hand is the only bird”, and is not worth anything in the bush. This is the only opportunity the apex bank has of getting it right. May God help Cardoso and his team.

    •Fola Aiyegbusi,hefzibar2006@yahoo.com

  • Death penalty for drug convicts

    Death penalty for drug convicts

    Barring other interventions, the senate is about to return death penalty for convicts of drug offences into our status books. This is sequel to a bill that passed its second reading in the upper legislative chamber penultimate week seeking capital punishment for convicts of drug offences.

    The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency, (NDLEA) Act (Amendment Bill 2024 which is now billed for third reading provides for death sentence for those dealing in the manufacture, trafficking, delivery or use of drugs. The existing law has a maximum of life imprisonment for offenders.

    Senate Whip, Ali Ndume while contributing to the debate on the bill, had argued that the sentence for drug convicts should be toughened to death penalty. This he claimed, “is the standard practice worldwide. We have to do this to address this drug problem that has seriously affected our youths. It should be death sentence either by hanging or any other way”.

    Spirited efforts by some of the senators to have the matter put on vote were rebuffed by the deputy senate president on procedural grounds. If the bill scales the third reading, it will require the assent of the president to come into force of law. Then, we would have returned to the era of execution of convicts of drug related offences-a retrogressive step one may wish to say. We shall return to this.

    The mortal harm the consumption, manufacture and sale of hard drugs pose to the wellbeing of the society has been of serious concern to the government. Much of the violent crimes that assail the social space, are somewhat traceable to the use and abuse of harmful drug substances by our youths. Hard drugs destroy the youths.

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    The frequent arrest of drug couriers and barons in and around the entry and exit points of the country speak of the quick source of illicit money the export of the substances has become. Even with stringent measures put in place by the relevant agencies of the government to fight the scourge, the malfeasance seems not abating. It is therefore only proper that our laws are regularly fine-tuned to respond to the challenges posed by hard drugs. That is the raison d’être for the bill seeking to amend the NDLEA Act.

    The Chief Executive Officer of the NDLEA, Mohammed Marwa painted a grim picture of the growing sophistication in the illicit business in January last year, when he disclosed that within the first two years of his assumption of duty, 26,485 drug traffickers including 34 drug barons were arrested by his agency.

    The agency also secured the conviction of 3,733 drug dealers who were awarded various jail terms within the same period. The volume of arrests and convictions underscore how degenerate the illegal trade has become.

    It is a thing of worry that despite measures to deter potential dealers and manufacturers of hard drugs, these do not seem to have acted as sufficient deterrent to prospective offenders. That is the reason Ndume would want death sentence by hanging or other means for convicts. He is entitled to his opinion.

    But the ranking senator obviously erred when he claimed that death penalty for drug convicts is the practice the world over. The facts on the ground are at variance with that claim.

    In verity, most of the advanced democracies in the world have for long, done away with capital punishment. Whereas the United States of America (USA) is one of the few advanced countries where capital punishment still exists, it is applied to such capital offences as murder, treason, genocide, the killing or kidnapping of the president, congressman or supreme court Justices. Even then, a jury must decide whether to impose the death sentence.

    The United Kingdom (UK), Germany and Canada have all abolished capital punishment. Capital punishment has been completely thrown overboard in all European countries save Belarus and Russia; but Russia provides for a moratorium and has not carried out any execution since Sept, 1996. Capital punishment in France (French: Peine de mort en France) is banned by Article 66-1 of the constitution of the French Republic.

    So the claim that capital punishment is the practice the world over is not supported by available facts. If capital punishment has been abolished for heinous crimes in advanced democracies, it is inconceivable how drug related offences can possibly attract the same punishment.

    Admittedly, countries like Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, India and Indonesia among others still retain capital punishment for drug convicts. But that does not qualify as a universal practice. And as can be gleaned from the category of countries involved, there exist some other underlying reasons why they retain capital punishment for drug offences. Nigeria does not properly fit into that common denominator.

    Rather than a world-wide practice as the senator would want us to believe, capital punishment is old fashioned. The world is increasingly laying emphasis on the sanctity of the human life, reformatory and correctional laws.

    Marwa spoke along these lines when he said the agency had broadened access to treatment and rehabilitation through the inauguration of the NDLEA drug abuse call centres.  More of such interventions offer better prospects in the fight against hard drugs.

     I guess it was this principle that informed the recent change of the nomenclature of the Nigerian Prisons Service to Nigerian Correctional Services. We run the mortal danger of rubbishing the spirits of that visionary change by legitimising death penalty for drug offences.

    Unfortunately, this country had treaded that odious path in the past. The trauma inflicted on the psyche of our people by the retrogressive application of Decree 20 of 1984 during the military regime of Muhammadu Buhari will for long linger.

    Then, three Nigerians-Bernard Ogedengbe, Bathlomew Owoh and Lawal Ojuolape were tied to the stake and shot dead for drug offences. Our laws have since abolished death penalty for drug offences. It has gone out of fashion and any piece of legislation that seeks to bring it back is patently retrogressive.

    It is a truism that our laws still retain capital punishment for such offences as murder, culpable homicide and armed robbery. But many of those sentenced to death for these offences have for long remained in prison custody as state governors show increasing reluctance to sign their death warrants. This is not unconnected to the belief in the sanctity of human life and doubts on the propriety of death sentence as an effective deterrent to offenders.

    Just last year, the Nigerian Correctional Services corroborated the situation when they disclosed that 3,413 inmates on death row were still in the country’s custodial centres across the country. This is part of the reasons for the congestion of available facilities. 

    It is a mark of the unpopularity of death sentences that this high number of those convicted for such offences are still unable to have a date with the hangman. If the governors are not keen in signing death warrants for murderers, armed robbers and convicts of culpable homicide, their attitude to the execution of drug convicts should be anybody’s guess.

    Beyond this, the piece of legislation that seeks to return death penalty into our laws brings to question the propriety of capital punishment as deterrent to prospective offenders. Armed robbery, murder and culpable homicide are still a regular feature in our society despite the death sentences convicts face.

    Death penalty has rather emboldened offenders to operate in the most cruel and ruthless manner knowing the consequences that await them. The society has largely been at the receiving end for it. The emphasis on death sentences loses sight of the factors that conduce for the high prevalence of crimes in societies as ours. These are some of the issues our lawmakers should be addressing. What of the high level of corruption in public offices that deprives the people of their common patrimony, reducing them to hewers of wood and fetchers of water despite the abundance of wealth nature placed at our disposal?

    The NDLEA is obviously making serious progress in the fight against hard drugs. It should be encouraged with all it takes to lighten its duty in this daunting task.

    Extant law which provides for imprisonment, fine and forfeiture of assets for convicts is enough to debar prospective offenders. No to death sentence as it has become an anachronism of sorts. The senate can save precious time by discontinuing with that piece of legislation.

    But where the bill manages to scale through, President Bola Tinubu should not waste time in refusing assent as it is a rusted piece of legislation.

  • Tinubu’s big bets on gas

    Tinubu’s big bets on gas

    By Abdulaziz Abdulaziz

    Three distinct events in the course of last week all point to the unmistakable direction of the Tinubu administration in putting Nigeria on a firm and sustainable energy path.

    First was the order that government ministries and agencies must prioritise vehicles powered by Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) in their procurement. The second was the commissioning by the president of three important gas projects through a virtual ceremony on Wednesday. The third in chronology was the announcement of the mass deployment of 530 CNG-powered buses nationwide followed by a heart-warming inspection tour by a federal government team to a company taking the lead in provision of CNG vehicles in Nigeria.

    We take them one at time.

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    At the Federal Executive Council meeting on Monday, a bold decision of the government to cease purchase of petrol-powered vehicles was announced. It was a move championed by no other person than President Bola Ahmed Tinubu himself. In considering a council memo for the proposed purchase of 200 Toyota Land Cruiser vehicles for use by the Nigerian Customs Service, the president made a deft move by drafting in his vision for Nigeria’s energy future into the play. At the end, the council agreed that it should be a policy that henceforth government money should not be used to purchase petrol-only vehicles.

    The policy has far-reaching implications. With 209.5 trillion cubic feet of proven gas reserve, Nigeria ranks 9th in the world among gas-rich countries.  Yet, the country is still far away from full utilization of this abundant natural resource for both domestic use and export. Since his coming, President Tinubu has shown his eagerness to change Nigeria’s energy story using the potentials of our gas deposits.

    In driving the point to members of his cabinet, the president noted that Nigeria “will not progress if we continue to dance on the same spot. We have the will to drive the implementation of CNG adoption across the country, and we must set the example as public officials leading the way to that prosperous future that we are working to achieve for our people. It starts with us, and seeing that we are serious Nigerians will follow our lead.” 

    As if it were a planned sequel to that powerful statement, two days later, the president launched three salient gas projects with collective capacity to generate $500 million for Nigeria in the next 10 years.

    The three milestone projects were the expanded AHL Gas Processing Plant; the ANOH Gas Processing Plant, and the 23.3km ANOH to Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) Custody Transfer Metering Station Gas Pipeline.

    Speaking during the virtual inauguration of the projects at the State House, President Tinubu assured citizens that his administration is stepping up its coordination of other landmark projects and initiatives that will ensure the earliest realization of gas-fuelled prosperity for Nigeria.

    The president noted that the projects are fully in line with the Decade of Gas Initiative and his government’s vision to grow value from the nation’s abundant gas assets while concurrently eliminating gas flaring and accelerating industrialization.

    “This event is highly significant to our country as it demonstrates the administration’s concerted efforts to accelerate the development of critical gas infrastructure geared at significantly enhancing the supply of energy to boost industrial growth and create employment opportunities.

    “It is pleasing that when these projects become fully operational, approximately 500MMscf of gas in aggregate will be supplied to the domestic market from these two gas processing plants, which represents over 25% incremental growth in gas supply,” the president said in his remarks.

    The new projects are purposed to bolster more gas to the power-generating sector, gas-based industries, and other critical segments of the economy which would build into the government’s bid to leverage the nation’s vast gas capacity to drive economic growth.

    The president was, expectedly full of praises for the NNPC Ltd under Malam Mele Kyari, and its partners for heeding to the clarion call to ramp up efforts to accelerate investment and developments of projects in the gas sector on a win-win basis.

    For President Tinubu, the goals are clear: The government is ready to partner private sector in deepening domestic gas utilization, increase national power generation capacity, revitalize industries, and create multiple job opportunities for economic growth.

    At another part of the country on the same day, excited transport sector stakeholders were taken through the government’s agenda for CNG vehicles and the torrents of incentives targeted at investors in the new energy vista.

    The event was a stakeholders’ engagement for the Southwest region organized by the Presidential Compressed Natural Gas Initiative (P-CNGi). It was a follow up to the major event held with stakeholders in Abuja to secure their buy-in for the government’s vision for the cheaper and cleaner transport sector.

    Launched last year, the P-NGi aims to midwife transition into gas-powered transportation in Nigeria. Aside working with private sector players to widen gas infrastructure nationwide, the programme has facilitated opening of conversion centres and placed order for hundreds of buses for mass transport on campuses and cities to pilot this new energy source. Michael Oluwagbemi, P-CNGi project director said 530 of those buses would soon be rolled out on our roads.

    Encouraged by the government’s desire to develop the CNG ecosystem, a number of businesses such as NIPCO, Matrix, BOVAS, Mikano, JET and Innoson are making huge investments in making available the CNG infrastructure and flooding the market with CNG-powered vehicles. On the trip to Lagos, the federal government delegation had tour of Mikano plant along the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway where the company is assembling assortment of vehicles with a new focus on CNG compatibility. From what we saw at the Mikano plant and the explanation by its chairman, Mofid Karameh, as well as comments from stakeholders at the Wednesday gathering in Lagos, the bright future for the CNG in Nigeria is clear. 

    It is important to stress that President Tinubu’s vision of utilisation of Nigerian immense gas resources is not new. As someone familiar with the energy market, the president has been a front line advocate for exploring our gas resources for cheaper and cleaner energy. His goal is to hasten domestic utilisation and quicken its export to fertile Europe gas market. He had said it as a candidate and has reiterated it again and again since coming to office. Thankfully, the president is not one given to lip service to issues he feels strongly about. These latest steps, among others, have given unambiguous expression of his political will to save Nigeria and Nigerians from perpetual energy crisis and boost prosperity.

    •Abdulaziz is a senior special assistant to President Tinubu.

  • Illicit money flow: ICPC to combat terrorism financing

    Illicit money flow: ICPC to combat terrorism financing

    Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Commission Related Offences (ICPC) has resolved to stop terrorism financing to curtail illicit finances.

    ICPC Chair, Dr. Musa Aliyu, spoke at a dialogue on preventing terrorism financing, organised by Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre with Transparency International in Nigeria and Inter-Governmental Action Against Money Laundering in West Africa in Abuja.

    Aliyu reaffirmed its commitment to combat terrorism financing, adding by targeting causes of illicit financial flows, ICPC would disrupt funding channels and uphold integrity of global financial systems.

    He noted ICPC’s determination to dismantle networks facilitating illicit flows, which sustain terrorism through arms procurement, terrorist recruitment and operational logistics.

    Aliyu stressed the essential nature of addressing terrorism financing, highlighting its role in debilitating extremist groups’ capacities and restoring peace and security to Northeast.

    He listed poverty and illiteracy as key drivers of terrorism in Nigeria, noting that addressing these is imperative.

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    Aliyu said ICPC would lead collaboration with international partners, law agencies and financial institutions to prevent corruption and safeguard national and global security against terrorism.

    Executive Director of CISLAC, Auwal Musa (Rafsanjani), echoed concerns about rising financing of terrorist activities, citing adverse global terrorism indices and government identification of entities involved in terrorism financing.

    He stressed the need for collective action to combat terrorism and its adverse effects.

    Chairma of Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede,  highlighted prolonged suffering endured by Nigerians in Northeast due to insurgency, banditry and kidnapping.

  • Panel seeks partial regulation of cocoa sector for quality, others

    Panel seeks partial regulation of cocoa sector for quality, others

    National Cocoa Management Committee (NCMC) has called for a partial regulation of cocoa industry to guarantee quality, transparency, traceability, and sustainability.

    Secretary, Dr Patrick Adebola spoke during a visit to the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Abubakar Kyari in Abuja.

    Adebola, represented the chairman, identified funding and lack of legislative backing as some of its major challenges.

    He appealed to the Federal Government to fund the industry to achieve its mandate of revitalising cocoa sector.

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     The chair stressed the need to strengthen NCMC to become National Cocoa Board as in Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire and Cameroon.

     Adebola highlighted the need for an emergency in the sector to avoid EUDR threats and access to carbon credit funds.

    Kyari promised that the ministry would assist NCMC to access cocoa fund from African Development Bank (AfDB) .

    He said  the ministry would, through NCMC, access this to develop the sector and implement National Cocoa Plan (2023-2032).

     “On the European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) threats to Nigerian cocoa, it is more urgent for Nigeria’s EUDR Preparedness Assessment Check to be undertaken and therefore FMAFS will support European Union to embark on assessment as was done for Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire and so on”.

    He said; “In January 2024, a ton of Cocoa bean was valued at N 1.8million while it is of total value at N11.2million/ton presently in Nigeria market. “

     “As you are aware, Nigeria’s cocoa export accounts for 28.72% of total Agricultural exports (N1.24 trillion) in 2023 and 5.6% of non-oil exports.

    In January 2024, a ton of Cocoa bean was valued at N 1.8million while it is of total value at N.2million/ton presently in Nigeria market.

  • Senate panel on Health lauds LUTH

    Senate panel on Health lauds LUTH

    Chair of Senate Committee on Health, Secondary and Tertiary Services, Ipalibo  Harry-Banigo, has lauded Chief Medical Director of Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Wasiu Adeyemo, for upgrading infrastructure in the health institution.  

    She spoke during a visit to the hospital by the committee in LUTH, Idi-Araba.  According to her, Adeyemo and his team were passionate about providing health services to the people.  

    “We saw the Cancer Centre. It was well attended. The equipment they have are modern and the work they do precise”, she said.  

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    Mrs Harry-Banigo said part of the committee’s mandate was to do oversight visit and they had quite an exciting experience in LUTH.

    She added that the committee, aware of old dilapidated site, was happy with the expansion that was going on from the 2023 budget.

     “As you can see, the old site was so dilapidated and uninviting and so, this new one is the kind we are looking for. We also noticed that there is a Geriatric Center, which is coming up. Furthermore , Mrs Harry-Banigo said that they agree to the issue of the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) that was seen in the site, particularly the NSIA Cancer Centre and some other PPPs that are on going. She encouraged health workers to put hands together to stay back and serve this great nation as the new ward coming up would definitely need more staffs.

    She said that the Senate committee on health would support the CMD and his team and encouraged them to continue doing what they were doing.

     Responding, the Chief Medical Director (CMD)  said that the health committee came to see the projects being executed under the 2023 budget.

     He added that the health committee were received with open arms and excitement as they came to look around, as it gave them an opportunity to pass message across and commend them for the provision in the budget.

    Adeyemo stated the challenges bedeviling the health institution, particularly the issue of energy and pleaded for provision of more funds for payment of electricity, an item in the budgetHe also notified the committee of overstretched members of staffs noting that the numbers were  going down.

    According to him, he has no doubts that the challenges facing the hospital will be looked into by the health committee.