Author: The Nation

  • Australian Open: Osaka opens ‘jellyfish season’ with stylish win

    Australian Open: Osaka opens ‘jellyfish season’ with stylish win

    Twice Australian Open champion Naomi Osaka floated onto Rod Laver Arena in a jellyfish-inspired outfit and claimed a see-sawing 6-3 3-6 6-4 win over Croatian battler Antonia Ruzic to reach the second round at Melbourne Park.

    Turning centre court into a catwalk, the former world number one raised gasps in the crowd as she entered in a riot of colour, toting a white parasol, a matching broad-brimmed hat and wearing a marine-themed top complete with pastel yellow tassels on the sleeves.

    She had teased the outfit on social media this month, posting “Pick up the phone, it’s jellyfish season”.

    “Nike let me design this one… I’m just so grateful that I get to be able to do the things that I love,” Osaka said on court.

    Read Also: Morocco 2025: NFF backs  Chelle to achieve future greater things with Eagles

    Dressed in a more conventional, blue-and-white tennis kit, Ruzic could hardly compete in the fashion stakes but the world number 65 was decidedly up for the tennis battle.

    Unbowed by Osaka’s firepower, Ruzic had her own designs on Grand Slam success, and lit up the arena with an array of sparkling winners to force a third set.

    There was no seamless victory march for either player, with both wavering on serve repeatedly.

    In the end it was Osaka, though, taking the decisive break at 5-4 and thumping a backhand winner down the line to wrap up the contest in style.

    The Japanese will meet Romania’s Sorana Cirstea for a place in the third round.

  • APC chieftain donates equipment for e-Registration in 57 councils

    APC chieftain donates equipment for e-Registration in 57 councils

    •Declares interest in governorship race

    A chieftain of All Progressives Congress (APC), Samuel Mawuyon Ajose (SMA), has donated donates funds, equipment for the ongoing e-Registration exercise of the party in 57 councils.

    This, he said, was to boost continuous voter registration and strengthen party membership mobilisation ahead of the 2027 general election.

    Ajose, through his SMA Movement, provided 24 brand-new printers and 44 brand-new tablets to facilitate seamless registration across centres.

    He seized the ooportunity of the exercise to declare interest in contesting the governorship elections on the platform of the party.

    Ajose, an entrepreneur and development advocate from Badagry Division, is seeking the party’s ticket amid renewed calls by stakeholders from the division for the governorship to rotate to Badagry, citing fairness, inclusion, and the area’s historical role in the development of Lagos State.

    According to him, funds had also been released for the training of additional personnel to complement those already deployed by the party.

    Read Also: Google-Ipsos report highlights Nigeria’s rapid rise in AI adoption

    Ajose described himself as a visionary entrepreneur committed to building people, cities, and systems that are sustainable.

    Through the Samuel Mawuyon Ajose Foundation, he has implemented several social intervention programmes, including a quarterly feeding initiative that supports over 1,100 families across Badagry, Ojo, and Ikorodu.

    The beneficiaries include widows, the elderly, low-income households, and other vulnerable persons.

    Ajose said his interest in the governorship is driven by the need to expand access to quality education, empower women, create jobs for young people, and diversify the economy through tourism, small and medium-scale enterprises, and technology.

    He added that leadership should be defined by service and the number of lives positively impacted.

  • Aruwe gifts party member N100,000 for outstanding mobilisation

    Aruwe gifts party member N100,000 for outstanding mobilisation

    The Chairman of Mushin Local Government,  Tunbosun Haruna Aruwe, yesterday convened a strategic stakeholders’ meeting on the ongoing All Progressives Congress (APC) e-membership registration exercise in the local government.

    The meeting was aimed at strengthening the party’s grassroots structure and accelerating the pace of registration across all wards in Mushin. In recognition of exceptional commitment to the exercise, Aruwe presented a cash reward of N100,000 to Mr. Mutiu Balogun (BMA) for successfully registering 20 new party members.

    The Chairman further announced that the same reward would be extended to any party member who registers 20 new members going forward, as part of efforts to incentivise participation and deepen grassroots engagement.

    Reaffirming his commitment to party growth, Aruwe urged stakeholders to intensify mobilisation, canvassing, and sensitisation of residents, with a view to positioning Mushin Local Government among the leading APC e-membership registrants in Lagos State and across Nigeria.

    The stakeholders’ meeting was attended by key party leaders, including the APC Chairman, Mushin Local Government, party executive members, ward executives, and zonal executives of the APC.

    Addressing participants, Aruwe conveyed resolutions reached at the Lagos West APC stakeholders’ meeting, stressing the importance of party leaders at all levels taking full ownership of the e-membership registration process.

    Read Also: Google-Ipsos report highlights Nigeria’s rapid rise in AI adoption

    He encouraged each executive member to personally facilitate the registration of at least 20 members, assuring that such efforts would be duly rewarded.

    The Chairman also addressed concerns surrounding the National Identification Number (NIN), assuring members that it would not constitute a barrier to registration, as adequate solutions have been put in place. He called on party faithful to remain proactive, committed, and deliberate in their efforts, noting that collective action must be visible and impactful.

    Commending outstanding performance, Hon. Aruwe lauded Balogun of Ward C for emerging as the individual with the highest number of registered members, describing his achievement as a model of dedication, leadership, and party loyalty.

    APC Chairman in Mushin Local Government, Alhaji Rafiu Shitta-Bey, applauded party members for their cooperation and urged them to sustain the momentum to ensure Mushin remains a stronghold of the APC.

  • Odi-Olowo/Ojuwoye organises three-day free medical outreach

    Odi-Olowo/Ojuwoye organises three-day free medical outreach

    By Aishat Ahmed

    The Chairman of Odi-Olowo LCDA,  Seyi Jakande, has organised a three-day free medical and eye care outreach as part of his administration’s continuous commitment to improving access to healthcare for residents, particularly the most vulnerable.

    The outreach held at Olateju Street, Mushin, was carried out by the council in partnership with Precious Sight Foundation.

    “This is a continuation of the medical outreach we started some weeks ago. Healthcare is very important to us, and this programme is designed to ensure that our people have access to quality medical support.  Some cases may be beyond what we can immediately handle here. Such cases will be referred, and once we have the data, we will follow up through our existing medical partnerships to ensure those patients receive the care they need,” Jakande said.

    Read Also: Nigerian doctor wins Martin Luther King Jr. Community Service Award

    Manager of Precious Sight Foundation, Mr Abdul Aziz Awoniyi, said the foundation partnered with the council to provide free eye care services

    “We discovered that many people here are vulnerable and need free eye care. This is what we do across Nigeria and even outside Lagos. Odi-Olowo/Ojuwoye is part of us,” Awoniyi said.

    He said the foundation hopes to attend to over 2,000 people in the coming year through its partnership with the council, with funding support from philanthropists within Nigeria and abroad.

    A beneficiary, Mrs. Mopelola Anomo, expressed gratitude for the free services,

     “This programme is completely free, and I am very grateful. I pray the chairman continues to do more for the people,” she said.

  • Lagos partners councils for pilgrims’ medical screening

    Lagos partners councils for pilgrims’ medical screening

    The Lagos State Government has taken medical screening for all intending pilgrims for this year’s Holy pilgrimage exercise in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia to local governments and local councils development area.

    Secretary, Lagos State Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board, AbdulHakeem Ajomagberin in a statement, said the screening is expected to end on Saturday.

    He emphasised that for easy accessibility and operational flexibility, the Local Government Areas were grouped under designated screening sites and health facilities for testing. These include, Agege and Ifako-Ijaiye LGAs (Agege LGA Secretariat/General Hospital,Orile-Agege); Ikeja and Oshodi-Isolo (Ikeja LGA Secretariat/BT Diagnostic Center, LASUTH, Ikeja); Shomolu and Mushin (Mushin LGA Secretariat/Bukyano Medical Diagnostic/BT Diagnostic, LASUTH, Ikeja); Eti-Osa, Epe and Ibeju-Lekki (General Hospital, Ibeju-Lekki) and Badagry and Ojo (General Hospital, Badagry).

    Others are Amuwo-Odofin, Apapa and Ajeromi-Ifelodun (Ajeromi LGA Secretariat/Bukyano Medical Diagnostic); Surulere, Lagos Mainland and Lagos Island (Surulere LGA Secretariat/Bukyano Medical Diagnostic); Ikorodu and Kosofe (Ikorodu LGA Secretariat/GH Ikorodu); Alimosho (Alimosho LGA Secretariat/Bukyano Diagnostic) and Government officials (Adeyemi-Bero/BT Diagnostic LASUTH, Ikeja).

    The Board Secretary appealed to every intending pilgrims to ensure their presence at the exercise, warning that any intending pilgrims that fails to present his/herself for the screening would automatically be denied entry visa by the Saudi embassy.

    Meanwhile, the Lagos State Muslim Pilgrims Welfare Board has appointed Local Government Schedule Officers whose responsibility is to coordinate and see to the welfare of the pilgrims both in Nigeria and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

    Read Also: Nigerian doctor wins Martin Luther King Jr. Community Service Award

    The coordinators appointed for coordinating the pilgrims in each of the LGAs are, Sanusi-Alaka Hajara (Agege); Kadiri Kudirat Oluwatoyin (Ajeromi); Bello Aminat Yetunde (Alimosho); Oladipupo Sherifat Abeni (Amuwo-Odofin); Mumeen Rabiu Adebayo (Apapa); Gafar Mojeed (Badagry); Gatta Tajudeen Abiola (Epe/Eti-Osa); Adeoye Rohimot (Ifako-Ijaiye); Ige Rasaq Kolade (Ikeja) and Murtador Morenikeji Saudat (Officials).

    Others include, Shitta Riskat (Ikorodu); Hassan Sikirat Temitope (Kosofe); Lawal Abubakar Abolore (Lagos Island); Muhammed Rukayat (Lagos Mainland); Oshile Mudirat Bukola (Mushin); Akinyemi Suraju (Ojo); Famosa Olabisi Ibironke (Oshodi-Isolo); Coker Esther (Shomolu); Ganiu Ridwan Abiola (Surulere) and Hassan Taofeek (JAIZ/NIA/ROYAL).

    Ajomagberin who stated that the appointment was approved by the Commissioner for Home Affairs,  Olanrewaju Ibrahim Layode, during a scheduled meeting with the coordinators at the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, added that the Special Adviser to the Governor on Islamic Matters, Ahmad Abdullahi Jebe was also present at the meeting.

    He urged the Schedule Officers to show utmost commitment to the assignment by ensuring that the pilgrims enjoy their deserved comfort before and during the spiritual exercise, stressing that the State Government is very passionate about providing the pilgrims with the enabling and conducive environment to actualise their dreams of fulfilling the spiritual obligation and would therefore not condone any untoward or unlawful acts that could derail the commitment.

  • Face of Africa: Zamfara governor accepts nomination

    Face of Africa: Zamfara governor accepts nomination

    Zamfara State Governor, Dauda Lawal, has accepted his nomination for 2026 Face of Africa Leadership Award, organised by Triangle International Magazine.

    The governor said the nomination is a reflection of the organisers’ assessment, and reaffirms his commitment to leadership that delivers result.

    He said it was an honour for his government and people.

    Speaking at the Government House, Lawal dedicated the honour to the people, noting that the recognition went beyond personal achievement.

    Read Also: ‘Tinubu taking Nigeria out of the woods’

    The awards recognises public office holders and private sector leaders, whose leadership is considered impactful in governance, development, and service delivery.

    Lawal’s nomination places Zamfara among states spotlighted for reforms and renewed public engagement.

    The governor acknowledged the organisers’ objective evaluation process, adding the decision to nominate him demonstrated confidence in his leadership direction.

    He said it is also an opportunity to highlight Zamfara’s progress and potential.

    The  Face of Africa award organisers  said the 2026 edition would celebrate leadership that demonstrates accountability, inclusiveness, and commitment to development in Africa.

  • Arewa, this has to stop

    Arewa, this has to stop

    By Hannatu Bilyaminu

    Arewa is tired. Not the kind of tiredness that sleep can fix, but the kind that settles into the bones and shows itself in lowered voices and in how mothers count their children before dawn and again before dusk.

    We are tired of bad news arriving before morning prayers. Tired of names turning into numbers. Tired of asking where it happened before asking who, because the where already tells us how likely justice is to follow. Tired of knowing which roads to avoid, which hours are dangerous, and which villages have learned to sleep lightly.

    Recently, news broke that a woman and her six children were killed in Charanci, Kano. Not long before that, we heard of a boy who killed a mu’azzin, ending a life in a place meant for prayer. Across Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara, Niger, and Katsina, banditry has become a constant drumbeat of fear. Schoolgirls are taken at will, as though schools have become human donor centres where armed men arrive, choose as many children as they wish, and leave without consequence.

    Phone snatchers have killed, maimed, and injured people over devices not worth the weapons used to take lives. Gang fights erupt without warning. Ethno-religious violence feels perpetually imminent. We have normalized living on edge. We now grieve consistently and collectively.

    Fear has become ordinary here. It rides with us on highways, sits beside us in markets, and follows us into spaces that once felt sacred. Schools, farms, mosques, and homes are no longer guaranteed places of safety. We no longer announce fear. We simply adjust our lives around it.

    A mother waits by a school gate in Niger State, her hands trembling as she whispers prayers until her children return. In Katsina, a farmer digs a grave for his brother, only to receive news that another village has been attacked. In temporary shelters across Zamfara, children grow up believing that fear and flight are the natural rhythm of life. These are not isolated stories. They are the shared language of grief in northern Nigeria, where banditry and terror have turned mourning into a collective experience.

    Grief is usually private. It is the tears shed behind closed doors and the silence around a dinner table with one chair missing. But here, grief spills into the open. It is carried in the hush of emptied classrooms, the silence of deserted markets, and the weariness of camps where families wait for a return that may never come. Loss arrives too fast and too often for individual mourning to suffice, so communities grieve together.

    For some time now, two stories have haunted me, robbing me of ease during the day and sleep at night. The first is of a young girl who was violated and then groomed to revere her assaulter. The second is of a toddler among the 53 people kidnapped from a village close to home. Frightened in captivity, he cried often, as toddlers do, perhaps from hunger, fear, loneliness, or all three. Unable to endure it, the kidnappers ended his life in the presence of his mother. I was told she lost her sanity after witnessing the horror.

    How did we arrive at a society that snuffs out the lives of its weakest so quietly, so mercilessly? How safe are we really, when we believe these horrors only happen to other people?

    Behind every statistic is a wound. More than two million people have been displaced in the northeast. Tens of thousands have been killed by insurgency and banditry. Over 11,000 schools have closed because it is no longer safe for children to learn. On paper, these numbers appear cold. In reality, they are empty chairs, abandoned farms, and the haunting quiet of children robbed of laughter.

    What makes this grief especially heavy is its relentlessness. One man told me, “We dig graves in advance now. We do not even have time to mourn properly. Before we bury one person, news comes that another village has been attacked.” This is what collective grief feels like: an unending wave that allows no pause to breathe and no space to heal.

    Yet this grief is not only emotional. It is the seed of a looming humanitarian crisis. Families displaced from their land cannot plant or harvest, deepening hunger. Schools that remain shut deny a generation the chance to grow beyond this cycle of violence. In overcrowded camps, children learn trauma before they learn to read. Left unaddressed, this grief will shape not only memories, but entire futures.

    What frightens me most is the numbness settling in. When killings become headlines we scroll past and funerals grow so frequent they no longer shock us, we risk normalizing the unacceptable. A society that stops mourning begins to lose its humanity.

    Northern Nigeria does not need sympathy. It needs responsibility. This is not a regional problem; it is a national failure. Government must move beyond statements to visible and sustained action. Justice must prevail in cases of murder, abduction, and serious injury. When crimes go unpunished, violence learns that it can wait out outrage. Hanifa was murdered over four years ago, and justice has yet to be served. That delay sends a dangerous message to both victims and perpetrators.

    The government must also confront, honestly and decisively, the crisis of drug trafficking and substance abuse. Many of these crimes are committed by people who have lost, or at least suspended, their humanity under the weight of addiction and desperation. Policing without rehabilitation will fail. Rehabilitation without accountability will fail. We need both. This includes stronger border control, community-based intelligence, functional rehabilitation centres, and the serious prosecution of traffickers, not just users.

    Read Also: We will continue to support Nigerian law school — Sanwo-Olu

    Protection of schools, farms, and roads must be proactive rather than reactive. Early warning systems must be strengthened. Security presence must be consistent, not episodic. Communities must be engaged as partners, not treated as afterthoughts. As we have learned to grieve collectively, we must also learn to guard our communities collectively, supporting local vigilance structures while ensuring they operate within the law and with respect for human life.

    Humanitarian response must also recognize that this is not only a security crisis, but a mental health emergency. Trauma care and psychosocial support are not optional add-ons; they are necessities. They are needed for the young girl who survived sexual violence and now lives with pain that follows her into every waking moment. For the woman who watched her child die in her presence and must now live with a memory no mother should carry. For the man who left home in the morning after saying goodbye to his wife and six children, only to be called back by midday to learn that all seven lives were lost in a single moment.

    These are not isolated tragedies. They are accumulating wounds. Without accessible mental health support, trauma festers into silence, rage, illness, and further violence. We need trauma-informed care embedded in temporary shelters, primary healthcare centres, schools, and communities. We need trained counsellors, culturally sensitive support systems, and long-term follow-up, not one-off interventions that disappear when headlines fade.

    If we continue to ignore the psychological toll of this violence, we risk raising a generation shaped more by untreated trauma than by hope. This cannot be the inheritance we pass on. Our children deserve safety that does not require courage and peace that is not temporary.

    Arewa is tired, but it is still breathing. Still hoping, even if quietly. I write this not as an observer, but as a mother, a daughter, and one of the tired ones, wondering what kind of tomorrow we are being asked to accept, and whether exhaustion will ever be allowed to rest in this land.

    •Bilyaminu is a writer and storyteller focused on activism, mental health, and social issues affecting her community. She writes from Dutse, Jigawa State.

  • Tinubu’s leadership and democratic restoration in Guinea

    Tinubu’s leadership and democratic restoration in Guinea

    By Ademola Oshodi

    Guinea’s presidential inauguration on January 17 marked a formal return to constitutional rule following the September 2021 military coup that dismantled the country’s democratic order. That ceremony did not conclude Guinea’s transition. Instead, it inaugurated a broader regional test: whether the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), with the leadership of Nigeria and commitment of President Bola Tinubu, can still enforce its democratic norms, and whether Nigeria, as the bloc’s most influential member, can translate diplomatic weight into principled leadership

    The presidential election held on December 28, 2025, Guinea’s first since the 2021 coup, has assumed significance beyond national politics. It has become a measure of how West Africa manages post-coup transitions at a time when elections increasingly function as instruments of political closure rather than democratic renewal. How ECOWAS responds, and how Nigeria shapes that response, carries implications beyond Conakry. It speaks directly to the credibility of regional democracy promotion in an era when unconstitutional changes of government and tightly managed transitions are no longer exceptional.

    Guinea’s transition sits at the intersection of two competing imperatives: the need to stabilise post-coup states and the obligation to prevent the normalisation of power acquired through unconstitutional means. Nigeria’s role within ECOWAS places it at the centre of this tension. Since the overthrow of President Alpha Condé, the bloc has relied heavily on Abuja’s diplomatic engagement to balance pressure with dialogue. This reflects Nigeria’s long-standing assessment that unconstitutional seizures of power generate security, economic, and political risks that rarely remain contained within national borders. In practice, instability in one member state reverberates across the region through insecurity, disrupted trade, and weakened collective institutions, costs that Nigeria often absorbs disproportionately.

    The December 2025 election represented an important procedural milestone, but it did not constitute a definitive democratic settlement. Mamady Doumbouya, who led the 2021 coup, was declared the winner with 86.72 percent of the vote from an officially reported turnout of 80.95 percent. International reporting confirmed that voting day itself was largely calm. It also documented deeper structural constraints that shaped the political environment, including the dissolution of multiple political parties, restrictions on opposition activity, and the side-lining or exile of prominent political figures. These conditions are not incidental. They determine whether elections operate as mechanisms of genuine competition or as vehicles for consolidating post-coup incumbency.

    Nigeria’s diplomacy has had to operate within this reality. On the one hand, the organisation of a presidential election marked a necessary departure from prolonged military rule following the suspension of the constitution and the dismantling of democratic institutions after the 2021 coup. On the other, the political conditions surrounding the vote raised legitimate questions about inclusiveness and competitiveness. Nigeria’s engagement has reflected an effort to recognise procedural progress without collapsing democratic legitimacy into the mere occurrence of an election.

    Nigeria’s decision to maintain high-level engagement with Guinea should be understood within this context. The attendance of Vice President Kashim Shettima at Guinea’s presidential inauguration was not an ad hoc gesture. It was framed by the presidency as a reaffirmation of Nigeria’s leadership role within ECOWAS and its commitment to regional stability. Nigeria’s presence in Conakry signalled support for constitutional order while preserving channels for continued engagement on democratic consolidation and governance reforms. This approach aligns with ECOWAS’ established logic of phased reintegration rather than abrupt normalisation.

    Crucially, Nigeria’s engagement with Guinea neither began on election day nor ended with the inauguration. It has been anchored in process-oriented diplomacy, working through ECOWAS to sustain pressure for a return to constitutional rule while avoiding the kind of isolation that can entrench military dominance and deepen instability. This method is consistent with Nigeria’s historical approach to regional crises. In Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s, and in The Gambia in 2017, Nigeria combined sustained engagement with clearly articulated normative boundaries. The current cycle of coups has complicated this model, but not rendered it irrelevant.

    Recent ECOWAS precedents underscore what is at stake. The imposition of heavy sanctions on Mali in 2022 following repeated election delays, and the suspension of Burkina Faso after its coup the same year, established expectations that unconstitutional changes of government would attract collective consequences. These actions signalled that transitions would be assessed against substantive benchmarks, not merely the scheduling of elections. Guinea’s case tests whether those standards will be applied consistently, or whether the threshold for democratic restoration risks being lowered through selective accommodation.

    For Nigeria, this question is not abstract. Guinea is a strategically significant state whose political economy has regional implications. Mining accounts for roughly 90 percent of Guinea’s exports and over one fifth of its GDP, and the country holds the world’s largest bauxite reserves at 7.4 billion tonnes. Governance outcomes in Conakry therefore shape investment patterns, resource governance norms, and economic stability across West Africa. For Nigeria, whose economy and security environment are deeply intertwined with regional dynamics, the consolidation of accountable civilian rule in Guinea is a matter of pragmatic foreign policy rather than normative idealism.

    This strategic realism explains Nigeria’s tone within ECOWAS. Rather than treating Guinea’s transition as a binary success or failure, Nigeria has emphasised the restoration of constitutional order as an ongoing process, with a focus on the post-election phase. This includes credible legislative and local elections, the restoration of political party rights through due process, and effective civilian oversight of the security sector, expectations that remain fully consistent with the 2001 ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance.

    Read Also: Nigeria produces 19.66mbd in 2025

    Nigeria’s leadership under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been shaped by this dual imperative of stability and standards. As ECOWAS confronts its most serious credibility challenge in decades, including the announced withdrawal of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso in 2024, Abuja has sought to prevent further erosion of the bloc’s normative authority. Engagement with Guinea, in this context, is not an endorsement of every aspect of its transition. It is an effort to keep Guinea anchored within a regional framework where democratic benchmarks remain negotiable only in sequence, not in principle.

    That said, clarity remains essential. If ECOWAS restores Guinea to full decision-making status solely on the basis that an election has occurred, it risks reinforcing a precedent in which coups are converted into civilian incumbency through tightly managed ballots. Nigeria’s responsibility, as the bloc’s most consequential actor, is to ensure that reintegration remains conditional, transparent, and tied to measurable reforms. This is not punitive. It is protective of ECOWAS’ credibility and of the democratic standards the organisation was created to uphold.

    Nigeria’s diplomacy toward Guinea thus reflects a broader foreign policy logic. It recognises political realities while insisting on institutional standards. It avoids isolation that could push states further from regional frameworks, while resisting the temptation to redefine democracy downward for the sake of short-term calm. This balance carries risk, but it remains consistent with Nigeria’s historical role as a stabilising anchor in West Africa.

    Guinea’s reintegration into ECOWAS should therefore continue to be phased and conditional, linked to concrete benchmarks such as credible legislative and local elections, the restoration of political party rights through due process, protection for peaceful opposition activity, and effective civilian oversight of the security sector. These measures are not obstacles to stability; they are the mechanisms through which stability acquires democratic substance.

    For West Africa, democracy remains a process rather than an event. The region’s future will be shaped by whether regional leaders insist that transitions remain credible, competitive, and accountable over time and not by isolated election days. Nigeria’s engagement with Guinea demonstrates how leadership within ECOWAS can reinforce that principle, if elections are treated as gateways to sustained accountability rather than endpoints.

    •Oshodi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Foreign Affairs and Protocol.

  • Rebuilding Nigeria’s tax base amid public exhaustion

    Rebuilding Nigeria’s tax base amid public exhaustion

    Sir: Nigeria entered 2026 with a tax story unlike any it has faced in decades. From social media speculation to radio debates, conversations about the new tax laws have been urgent and, at times, anxious. Citizens worried whether their hard-earned money might be taken unexpectedly, while entrepreneurs fretted over new obligations. Yet, a careful reading of the laws shows that most Nigerians, particularly low-income earners, face exemptions and net relief.

    It is noteworthy that the new tax regime is Nigeria’s gradual movement away from oil rents and borrowing toward taxation as a core state resource. Rather than a technical adjustment, it is a fundamental transformation of the social contract. When governments rely on oil, fiscal distance allows them to remain unaccountable to citizens. When governments rely on taxes, citizens expect tangible returns including better roads, functional hospitals, quality schools, and reliable public services. The legitimacy of the state is now measured not by promises, but by visible outcomes.

    Low-income earners are mostly exempt under the new regime, yet Nigeria’s economy remains largely informal. Millions earn irregular incomes through trade, agriculture, and small-scale services. While these workers may owe no tax, administrative requirements such as Unique Taxpayer Identification Number (UTIN) registration, filings, and declarations can still create anxiety.

    This anxiety is often expressed with humour and caution on social media. One student, for example, posted a receipt from their bank account, circling the balance and writing: “Na my school fees ooh. FG no touch am.” This simple, relatable act captures the mix of fear, vigilance, and resilience many Nigerians feel as they navigate a system they are told to trust but do not yet fully understand.

    Here lies a subtle risk: fear arises not from payment, but from navigating unfamiliar systems. Reform fatigue magnifies this, as citizens recall previous initiatives that promised inclusion but delivered exclusion. To be humane, a tax state must distinguish contribution from compliance, offering gradual, supportive, and educational pathways for informal workers and microbusinesses.

    SMEs are vital to Nigeria’s economic recovery. They have been reassured of exemptions and thresholds, yet growth can paradoxically trigger fear over new reporting obligations, digital infrastructure requirements, and professional fees may accompany increased visibility.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s crypto market transactions hit $92.1billion

    A tax system that punishes growth inadvertently discourages formalisation. Humane reform means phased obligations, clear guidance, and support for compliance, ensuring that entrepreneurial success is encouraged, not penalised. This is essential for SMEs to participate fully in Nigeria’s new economic order.

    The timing of these reforms is politically significant. As Nigeria approaches the 2027 electoral cycle, perceptions of fairness, trust, and service delivery are heightened. Tax policy is therefore not merely fiscal; it is political, shaping public sentiment well before votes are cast.

    Reform fatigue amplifies suspicion as citizens wonder if the policy is genuine or politically motivated. The antidote is transparency, empathy, and consistent administration. When citizens perceive taxation as a tool for collective benefit rather than partisan advantage, compliance grows, and trust is reinforced.

    The anxiety surrounding Nigeria’s new tax economy is understandable. Reform fatigue tells us that citizens are alert, invested, and sensitive to fairness. It is a signal, not an enemy. On balance, the reforms are reassuring that most Nigerians will pay no additional tax, exemptions are explicit, and rates have been clarified.

    Yet reassurance alone will not build trust. Trust grows from clarity, fairness, visibility, and respect for citizen dignity. If Nigeria manages this transition with empathy, operational coherence, and accountability, the tax state can become a foundation for shared progress, not a source of fear.

    Ultimately, reform fatigue is not just a bureaucratic hurdle; it is a mirror of the relationship between state and citizen. Nigeria’s tax reforms will only endure if they rebuild trust, show tangible fairness, and invite people into a shared project of nationhood. The success of these measures will be measured less by legal texts than by the public’s sense that the state is not merely demanding, but deserving of their cooperation.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • A whole-of-society call to transform education

    A whole-of-society call to transform education

    Sir: As the world marks the International Day of Education, Nigeria stands at a pivotal crossroad. Today, according to UNICEF, over 18 million children in the country are out of school, the highest number in the world, and learning poverty, defined as the inability to read and understand a simple text by age 10, exceeds 70 percent at the primary school level. This is not merely an education problem; it is an economic, social, and security crisis with profound implications for the nation’s future.

    Every day that Nigeria delays bold action, we risk an entire generation growing up without the skills to participate fully in society, compromising productivity, innovation, and even national stability. If we are serious about building a resilient and prosperous nation, education cannot remain the responsibility of the government alone. It must become a whole-of-society project, mobilizing all sectors—government, private sector, civil society, communities, development finance institutions (DFIs), and international NGOs, around a shared North Star: By 2030, every Nigerian child acquires foundational literacy, numeracy, and life skills, regardless of geography, gender, or income.

    This simple and collective goal allows governments, donors, civil society, and communities to align budgets, policies, innovation, and accountability toward a single, life-changing outcome: learning for every child, everywhere.

    Recent multi-stakeholder dialogues on education financing and reform have reinforced three non-negotiable truths. First, coalitions outperform isolated efforts. Second, multi-year funding is essential for sustainable impact. Third, education finance must be catalytic, coordinated, and outcome-driven.

    Stakeholders across government, the private sector, development partners, and philanthropy increasingly recognise that education transformation cannot happen in silos; it requires coordinated, long-term, multi-sector action.

    Education is too complex to be solved by one sector alone. Each sector has a role: the government provides policy, regulation, financing, and teacher development; the private sector invests capital, technology, and innovation; civil society and local communities ensure relevance, advocacy, and accountability; DFIs and INGOs offer patient, catalytic financing, technical expertise, and global best practices; and the media and citizens drive awareness, public support, and social mobilization.

    When these actors work together, the result is not just incremental improvement but systemic transformation.

    Global experience illustrates what is possible. In Rwanda, pooled financing and long-term partnerships significantly expanded classroom access and teacher training over a decade. Ghana’s education technology collaborations now reach hundreds of thousands of learners in underserved communities through private sector co-investment catalysed by development finance.

    In Vietnam, sustained government commitment combined with multi-year development financing helped raise literacy rates from 58 percent to over 95 percent within two generations.

    The lesson is clear: meaningful transformation requires patient capital, multi-year funding, and coalition-driven action. Short-term grants and fragmented programmes cannot deliver the scale of impact Nigeria urgently needs.

    Read Also: ‘Nigeria ready for front seat in global economy’

    Education is not only a development priority; it is national security infrastructure. Research shows that each additional year of schooling reduces the risk of youth participation in violent extremism by up to 20 percent, while countries with high learning poverty experience lower productivity growth and higher crime rates. Many of Nigeria’s current insecurity hotspots overlap with regions of persistent educational exclusion. Investing in education is therefore a direct investment in peace, productivity, and national resilience.

    The private sector, in particular, has a critical role to play beyond traditional corporate social responsibility. Strategic co-investment, aligned with national priorities and designed for scale, can strengthen education systems while delivering measurable social returns. When private capital is coordinated with public policy and development finance, it can help unlock innovation, improve accountability, and accelerate outcomes across the education value chain. Every naira invested in education also strengthens human capital, digital infrastructure, gender and inclusion, climate resilience, future jobs, and social protection, the six pathways the UN identifies as essential for transformative development.

    Nigeria must choose transformation over incrementalism. Governments must align budgets, data systems, and accountability frameworks to learning outcomes. Private sector leaders should commit to sustained, multi-year co-investment. Development partners and DFIs must deploy catalytic financing at scale. Civil society and citizens must continue to demand education as a national priority. If Nigeria unites around a common North Star and mobilizes the full strength of society, our education crisis can become the greatest opportunity of this generation. Every child who learns is a step closer to a nation that thrives economically, socially, and securely.

    Education is Nigeria’s most powerful investment, in prosperity, peace, and the promise of the future. The time to act is now, not tomorrow, not next year. When society, finance, and governance align, every child can learn, thrive, and contribute to a stronger, more secure nation and the global economy.

    •Olapeju Ibekwe, Lagos.