Author: The Nation

  • Calls intensify for stronger health regulation after Lagos hospital tragedy

    Calls intensify for stronger health regulation after Lagos hospital tragedy

    Healthcare professionals, legal experts and policy advocates have renewed calls for far-reaching reforms in Nigeria’s health sector following the death of Nnamdi Nkanu, son of celebrated author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, at a hospital in Lagos. The incident has reignited a nationwide debate on patient safety, accountability and the glaring absence of effective regulatory oversight in healthcare delivery across the country. Beyond the individual tragedy, the case has become a rallying point for long-standing concerns about systemic weaknesses that continue to expose Nigerians to preventable harm.

    Speaking in Abuja, experts argued that the growing convergence of opinion among clinicians, legal practitioners and health policy specialists reflects the urgent need for a comprehensive overhaul of Nigeria’s healthcare regulatory architecture. They said such reforms are critical to preventing avoidable deaths and restoring public confidence in a health system many Nigerians increasingly view with apprehension.

    Dr Richardson Ajayi, founder of Bridge Clinic Fertility Centre, Abuja, said the tragedy underscored the need to strengthen healthcare systems rather than focusing solely on individual practitioners. “While healthcare depends on the dedication of doctors, nurses and other professionals, patient safety ultimately rests on the strength of the systems that support them,” Ajayi said. “To build real trust, we need clear standards, transparent oversight and continuous improvement—without resorting to blame for those on the front line.”

    He called for the establishment of a National Health Facilities Regulatory Agency that would be empowered to set and enforce minimum standards, accredit healthcare facilities and ensure consistent quality of care nationwide. Ajayi urged the public to await the outcome of official investigations into the circumstances surrounding Adichie’s son’s death, describing her public account as deeply troubling and reflective of long-standing systemic failures. “Healthcare operates in a life-and-death environment where market forces alone cannot guarantee safe, equitable and affordable care,” he said. “Regulation is essential to define standards, protect patients’ rights, safeguard data and coordinate responses to public health emergencies.”

    Legal experts have also weighed in, arguing that Nigeria’s regulatory framework has failed to keep pace with the growing complexity of healthcare delivery. Dr Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), warned that weak oversight and poor enforcement mechanisms were at the heart of recurring tragedies in the sector. He called for the immediate creation of an independent Health Regulatory Authority and the reinstatement of Chief Medical Officers (CMOs) at both federal and state levels. “The fundamental problem underlying these tragedies is the complete failure of the legal and regulatory framework governing Nigeria’s health sector,” Agbakoba said. “Unless oversight mechanisms are urgently restored, preventable deaths will continue.”

    Drawing on more than two decades of experience in medical malpractice litigation, Agbakoba recalled that Nigeria once operated a more functional supervisory system anchored by CMOs and Health Inspectors. According to him, that structure has largely collapsed under the current legal framework. “Today, under the National Health Act and various State Health Laws, there are no routine inspections, no systematic reporting, and no effective enforcement of professional standards,” he said.

    Agbakoba also criticised the existing arrangement in which Ministers and Commissioners of Health simultaneously oversee policy formulation and regulatory enforcement, describing it as a “fundamental governance failure.” “There must be a clear separation between policy and regulation,” he argued. “You cannot be both the referee and the player.” He disclosed that his law firm is currently handling 25 medical negligence cases across the country, stressing that the Adichie incident represents only a fraction of a much wider and largely under-reported crisis in Nigeria’s healthcare system.

    Questions have also been raised about how best to structure health regulation within Nigeria’s federal system. Mr Jide Falaki, Senior Vice-President, Finance and Treasurer at McKesson, United States, noted that healthcare falls under the concurrent legislative list, making states constitutionally responsible for regulating healthcare delivery within their jurisdictions. “This reality must be carefully considered in designing any national regulatory framework,” Falaki said. “Any reform must respect federalism while ensuring minimum national standards that protect patients regardless of where they seek care.” He added that effective regulation would require coordination rather than duplication, with clearly defined roles for federal and state authorities.

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    Clinicians working within the system say the consequences of weak regulation are evident in daily practice. Dr Ndayi Amdii, a consultant gynaecologist and fertility specialist at Bridge Clinic Fertility Centre, said consistent and timely regulation of healthcare facilities in Nigeria is long overdue. “Although in Adichie’s case there appears to be more than meets the eye, I speak from experience, having also been at the receiving end of Nigeria’s healthcare delivery system,” Amdii said.

    He noted that inadequate supervision, poor infrastructure and inconsistent enforcement of standards have become normalised across both public and private facilities, with patients often bearing the cost. “Stronger regulation is not optional; it is fundamental to patient safety,” he said. “Regulation is not a luxury or a bureaucratic exercise—it is as basic as the air we breathe.”

    Observers say the renewed debate presents a rare opportunity for policymakers to confront entrenched weaknesses that have long been acknowledged but insufficiently addressed. From poorly monitored private hospitals to overstretched public facilities, Nigeria’s healthcare landscape remains fragmented, with regulation often reactive rather than preventive.

    For many Nigerians, the tragedy in Lagos has amplified fears that access to care does not necessarily translate into safety or quality. As public attention intensifies, experts argue that meaningful reform—rooted in transparency, accountability and independent oversight—will be the true measure of whether the health system can honour its most fundamental obligation: to protect life rather than imperil it.

  • On the chopping block

    On the chopping block

    Seven Days Have passed between last Thursday and today that the Rivers State House of Assembly adopted a motion to initiate impeachment proceedings against Governor Siminalayi Fubara. According to the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the impeachment notice must be served within seven days.

    Speaker Martin Amaewhule promised to ensure that it  was served within the stipulated time. The assembly later claimed that it had served the governor the notice. When was it served? Who acknowledged receipt of the notice? What time was it served? The answers to these posers are not in public domain.

    This first hurdle is critical to any planned impeachment. It must be followed strictly in order to give the governor fair hearing as enshrined in Section 36  of the Constitution. If at any point in time, it emerges that he was not granted fair hearing, the exercise will be rendered a nullity. So, for both parties the time element is essential. When do we start counting the time in this instant case? If we start from the day of the assembly’s special plenary where the decision was taking, seven days have passed.

    Meaning that the governor is left with seven days to respond to the allegations of gross misconduct against him and his deputy, Prof Ngozi Odu. It must also be stated that it is also within his right not to reply, but that would not be a wise thing to do. Why? This is because whether or not he responds, the assembly is constitutionally empowered to go on with the exercise. He can also not say that he was not served.

    The office of governor is one and  it is staffed by people expected to receive such communication on his behalf. Things should not be complicated for the governor by those who are now saying that he was not served the impeachment notice. Are those in the governor’s office saying the document was not delivered there and received by them? The governor is not expected to, and should not, receive correspondence personally by virtue of his office.

    Impeachment is serious business, and nobody knows this more than the governor himself. You cannot evade the service of an impeachment notice. Those thinking the governor can do that by saying that he was not served, and as such ignore the notice, should perish the thought. That is a dangerous path to tread. The governor, and not those people, is at the receiving end and they should not worsen things for him. For the sake of emphasis, this is what Section 188 (3) of the Constitution say:

    Within fourteen days of the presentation of the notice to the Speaker of the House of Assembly (whether or not any statement was made by the holder of the office in reply to the allegation contained in the notice), the House of Assembly shall resolve by motion, without any debate whether or not the allegation shall be investigated. That Fubara was not around when the notice was served is not sufficient ground to vitiate the process. Wherever a governor is in the world when such katakata bursts, they are expected to rush back home to douse the fire.

    Fubara can still save the situation, even though the assembly has vowed not to spare him this time around. Upon his return to office following the lapse of the six-month state of emergency in Rivers, he should have courted the lawmakers rather than continue to antagonise them. Politics is about give and take. The more reason he should have done this is hecause he knows their loyalty lies elsewhere. Who says he cannot woo them to his side, if he plays his politics right?

    We have seen such happen elsewhere before. But to get them, he has to play their politics and talk to them in the language they understand. He must have heard about the anecdote of ‘people talk to people, people understand’ in political circles. If he has chosen to remain a minority and be in the shadow of those he should lead as their governor then he is not a politician. No political godson can unseat his godfather that way. Wooing the lawmakers would cost him nothing, but treating them as a pariah may be the beginning of the end.

    He may have the President’s ears, but he must understand the political terrain well to continue to enjoy this privilege. Saying that the President asked him to join APC,  or brandishing a membership card bearing ‘001’ does not confer automatic leadership right or an assurance of a second term ticket on an incumbent who acts out of turn. Are there anything to the allegations of gross misconduct against him? Did he act in breach of the Constitution as alleged? It is a grave offence to breach the Constitution.

    Read Also: 10 Nigerians arrested as Spain, Germany crack down on criminal network

    Why should a governor spend public funds without appropriation by the assembly or decline to send a list of commissioner-nominees for screening and confirmation? Can special advisers constitute the executive council of a state (EXCO) and approve the Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) on which fiscal budgets are predicated? Fubara’s mistake is not knowing how to manage the lawmakers in the face of his feud with their common benefactor, Nyesom Wike. If he had handled things well, he might have won the lawmakers over to the consternation of their godfather.

    This may be too late now. The battleline is drawn again. His only hope is in the President. But for how long will he continue to run to the President? The President has many other matters to contend with, without being bogged down by Fubara’s self-inflicted woes. He knows what to do, but has deliberately refused to do it for reasons best known to him. Those calling for peace today should have intervened long before things got to a head. They should not have waited for the impeachment proceedings to be initiated before wading in the crisis.

    What this says about them is that they do not want the governor impeached, but they are comfortable with him governing without following due process. When the Supreme Court described Fubara as a “despot”, they did not call him to order. When the President declared a state of emergency in Rivers last March to save him from impeachment then, some of them described it as illegal. Strangely, now that the assembly has again resorted to impeachment, they want peace because his neck is on the chopping block!

    Only Fubara can save Fubara from himself. He knows what to do if he wants this cup to pass over him.

  • Toxic exposure and the true cost of cheap food

    Toxic exposure and the true cost of cheap food

    By Donald Ikenna Ofoegbu

    Nigeria’s food system is often judged by one metric alone: price. Cheap food is assumed to be good food, and high yields are treated as proof of success. But this narrow focus hides a dangerous truth: When food is produced through widespread toxic chemical use, its real cost is not paid at the market stall. It is paid later in hospitals, lost livelihoods, and declining national productivity.

    What appears cheap today is proving extraordinarily expensive tomorrow.

    Nigeria records about 127,000 new cancer cases each year, most of them detected among Nigerians with access to hospitals and diagnostic services. Yet Nigeria is a country of more than 210 million people, over half of whom live below the poverty line. When cancer incidence among wealthier Nigerians is used conservatively as a baseline and applied to poor Nigerians, it suggests over 200,000 new cancer cases annually among the poor alone. When higher exposure to pesticides, contaminated food and water, weak regulation, and late diagnosis are factored in, the true burden plausibly rises to 300,000–400,000 cases each year among the poor Nigerians alone.

    This is not a coincidence. It is the predictable outcome of a food and agricultural system that relies heavily on toxic inputs while failing to account for their downstream consequences.

    Across Nigeria, pesticides including highly hazardous formulations banned or restricted elsewhere are widely sold, poorly regulated, and routinely misused. Farmers often apply them without protective equipment and knowledge of proper application. Vendors sell them without training or clear understanding of labeling, while those considering suicide use pesticide as a means of exit. Residues travel through food, water, and air, exposing not just farmers, but consumers far removed from farms.

    The result is invisible exposure. Nigerians who do not farm, do not spray chemicals, and do not smoke are still finding pesticide residues in their bodies. Exposure does not require intent; it requires only participation in everyday life.

    The economic implications of this system are profound. Most poor Nigerians depend on informal livelihoods that require physical strength and consistency. When illness strikes – whether cancer, chronic kidney disease, respiratory conditions, or neurological disorders productivity falls immediately. Income declines just as medical costs rise.

    Even under conservative assumptions, cancer alone drains N45 – N70 billion every year in lost productivity among poor Nigerians. This figure excludes treatment expenses, caregiver time, premature death, and intergenerational effects such as school dropout and asset depletion. Chronic Kidney Disease, which now affects over two million Nigerians, compounds these losses and often pushes households into irreversible poverty.

    Yet none of these costs appear in food price calculations, agricultural budgets, food export rejection or development plans.

    This is Nigeria’s development trap. By externalizing health and environmental costs, the system creates the illusion of affordability while steadily eroding human capital. Productivity gains achieved through chemical intensification are quietly cancelled out by illness, lost labour, and rising health burdens.

    The tragedy is that this trap is not inevitable.

    Agro-ecological and organic approaches show clearly that food production does not have to depend on hazardous chemicals. By working with ecological processes rather than against them, these systems reduce toxic exposure, protect soil and water resources, and safeguard the health of both farmers and consumers. They are not anti-growth or anti-farmer; they are economically rational pathways that protect long-term productivity and resilience.

    Read Also: ‘Why Nigerians will re-elect Tinubu in 2027’

    This transition is also realistic. Over 70 percent of Nigeria’s food is produced by smallholder farmers, family farms, and household gardens, where the adoption of basic agro-ecological and organic practices is often simpler and more cost-effective than in large-scale industrial systems. With the right support, many farmers are already positioned to reduce chemical dependence without sacrificing yields.

    What is missing is deliberate public policy. If the Nigerian government actively supported and incentivised the use of bioprotectors, biofertilisers, and other organic inputs, it would accelerate adoption at scale. Such a shift would also send a clear market signal to agrochemical companies, many of which are already diversifying into safer, nature-based alternatives in countries where governments and citizens prioritise health and environmental protection.

    Nigeria can shape its agricultural future by choosing which inputs it encourages. Supporting safer alternatives would protect public health, strengthen food systems, and align agricultural growth with long-term national development goals.

    Countries that have restricted highly hazardous pesticides have not collapsed agriculturally. They have reduced health costs, protected workers, and strengthened resilience. Nigeria’s continued tolerance of toxic exposure reflects policy inertia, not necessity.

    Development is not only about how much food a country produces, but how that food is produced and at what cost. A system that feeds people today while poisoning them tomorrow is not sustainable. It merely postpones payment.

    Cancer and chronic kidney disease are warning signals. They reveal a deeper failure to integrate health, environment, and economics into development planning. Ignoring these signals does not save money; it simply shifts costs onto households least able to bear them.

    The choice facing Nigeria is clear. It can continue to pursue “cheap food” while absorbing rising health and productivity losses, or it can invest in safer, more sustainable systems that protect both livelihoods and lives.

    True food security is not measured only by calories or prices. It is measured by whether people can eat, work, and live without being slowly poisoned in the process.

    •Ofoegbu is Program Manager, Sustainable Nigeria of the German Green Foundation in Nigeria – Heinrich Boell Stiftung.

  • Detty December needs systems

    Detty December needs systems

    By Pleasant Ogedengbe

    In Lagos, December behaves like a system. Flights fill. Hotels sell out. Short lets surge. Concert calendars stack. Traffic thickens. Prices move upward. Social media turns into a parade of boarding passes, wristbands, and rooftop videos. At Murtala Muhammed International Airport, arrivals swell during the festive window. The crowd includes residents returning from other states, diaspora returnees, and non-Nigerian visitors chasing the Lagos story. The arrivals hall becomes a corridor of contrasts as people move through the same doors with different purchasing power, expectations, and buffers.

    Detty December is the label attached to this season. “Detty” is widely understood as Nigerian slang derived from “dirty,” meaning indulgent, unrestrained, outside decorum. The origin story is disputed because cultural products attract ownership claims once they begin to generate serious money. In early January, Mr Eazi publicly repeated his claim that he coined the phrase in 2016. Other accounts link the broader festive ecosystem to older December spectacles, such as the Calabar Carnival, founded in 2004 as a tourism play by Cross River State. The contest over who named it matters less than what the naming achieved. A slang phrase became a seasonal brand. A seasonal brand became an economic event.

    The question is what Nigeria is doing with it.

    When Nigerians living abroad return in December, many arrive with foreign currency. In Nigeria’s present political economy, foreign currency functions as leverage. Dollars and Pounds buy speed, access, and flexibility in a market structured by scarcity. Prices that strain residents paid in Naira become manageable for returnees. Short lets that exceed a local household’s annual rent become framed as normal. Tickets priced for a narrow consumer class get absorbed and resold without shame.

    Markets respond to purchasing power. Vendors adjust pricing toward the highest bidder. Landlords and hosts anchor new price expectations. Service providers prioritize clients who can pay instantly and tip heavily. Neighbourhoods temporarily reorganize around returnee consumption. Lagos becomes more responsive to people passing through than to people who live inside it.

    This is the first dichotomy. The inflow appears beneficial because it is visible, and beneficiaries can count the cash. Hospitality gains. Transport earns. Entertainment runs at full capacity. Informal labour sees a burst of income. According to figures cited by Lagos State officials and reported by national media outlets, the 2024 festive season generated over $71 million across tourism, hospitality, and entertainment, with hotels accounting for a substantial share of the revenue. A separate travel industry analysis, drawing on a market report by MO Africa Company, estimated N111.5 billion in Detty December spending and approximately 1.2 million visitors in December 2024.

    Internationally, it projects Nigeria as glamorous, creative, and socially magnetic. Lagos becomes a content factory. Afrobeats, fashion, and nightlife fuse into a clean exportable story. The story travels because Nigeria genuinely has cultural power. Condé Nast Traveler has described Detty December as a month of parties, music, and gridlock that draws diaspora returnees and fuels a festive industry.

    Domestically, Detty December creates room for reputational cleansing. Political elites appear at cultural events. Sponsors and power brokers attach themselves to artists. The aesthetics of celebration create an illusion of national health. Governance failures get pushed out of frame by soft lighting and curated angles. The crowd is dancing, so the country must be fine. Returnees also participate in this laundering, even when their intentions are good. Success abroad gets performed at home through consumption. The performance is then used as evidence that Nigeria works, at least for those with foreign buffers.

    This is why Detty December deserves to be taken seriously. The season shows what becomes possible under concentrated spending without answering why those conditions are absent the rest of the year.

    Nigeria has done this before, at a higher level, with more ambition.

    In 1977, Nigeria hosted FESTAC 77, a month-long celebration that drew thousands of participants from dozens of countries and positioned Lagos as a centre of pan-African cultural power. Whatever one thinks of it, the logic was clear: culture can function as national power when treated as national infrastructure.

    Detty December is a grassroots and private sector successor to that instinct, stripped of state architecture. It is Nigeria’s soft power operating despite Nigeria’s institutions. That is why there should be concrete asks. Nigeria’s problem is not the absence of cultural energy. Nigeria’s problem is the absence of durable systems built around that energy. The government should treat Detty December as a pilot for a year-round tourism strategy. The goal is not more parties. The goal is a broader cultural economy, with structured experiences that attract different kinds of visitors and distribute benefits more widely.

    Evidence supports the urgency. Nigeria continues to lag behind major African tourism destinations, with analysts pointing to insecurity, infrastructure decay, and weak coordination as structural constraints. Global tourism has recovered strongly in the post-pandemic period, with UN Tourism tracking a significant rebound worldwide. Countries that build credible visitor systems will capture that growth. Countries that outsource tourism to vibes will stay behind.

    So what should Nigeria do, concretely, starting from the Detty December base?

    Detty December is currently concentrated in Lagos and a handful of elite circuits. Nigeria needs a calendar that makes it rational to plan a two-week or three-week trip across multiple destinations. A national calendar should list verified events, standardize ticketing norms, and coordinate transport routes. A visitor should be able to land in Lagos for music and fashion, move to Calabar for carnival heritage, travel to a historic city for architecture and museums, and end at a coastal site for nature. Calabar Carnival already demonstrates that Nigeria can sustain a large annual festival tied to tourism aims.  The missing ingredient is integration and continuity. This calendar should be published early, marketed internationally, and linked to diaspora organizations, airlines, and travel platforms. It should be treated like a national product.

    I say this carefully: Lagos traffic is a barrier to tourism. There should be a plan to create December mobility corridors with scheduled shuttles and safe water transport linking major cultural zones, beaches, galleries, and event venues. Publish routes. Ticket them. Police them. Add signage. Use private operators under strict safety and service standards. This alone changes the visitor experience. It also reduces the predatory ecosystem where transport becomes a daily negotiation and a daily vulnerability.

    Nigeria’s festive culture has long roots beyond clubbing. Street processions, masquerade festivals, community carnivals, music as public ritual, church crossover services, weddings as social theatre, family reunions as institutions.  Academic work on African carnival points to how Christian festivals, Atlantic returnee influence, and global cultural circuits have shaped African carnival traditions, including Nigeria’s festival landscape. This history matters because it clarifies that long-form celebration is not a recent invention of the diaspora.

    So the state should stop behaving like Detty December is a nightclub season. It should build programming around heritage. There should be a move to fund and certify curated experiences that run daily during peak season.

    This is how a country converts cultural capital into tourism that lasts beyond a single table

    Tourism thrives on trust. Nigeria’s trust deficit kills repeat visitation. Thus, the government should establish a hospitality and tour guide certification system with a publicly accessible registry. Train guides in safety, history, and customer service. Enforce price transparency standards for licensed operators. Create a tourist hotline that works, with rapid response and multilingual capability. Establish clear penalties for harassment and extortion by officials around tourist zones. These are unglamorous actions, but they are the actions that build credibility.

    Tourism is a risk assessment. Visitors read travel advisories, news cycles, and online testimony. The Guardian’s reporting on Nigeria’s tourism struggles repeatedly returns to insecurity and infrastructure as core obstacles. No branding campaign outshouts fear. The government should designate tourism security zones with accountable policing, body cameras, and clear complaint mechanisms. Partner with private security in a regulated framework. Improve lighting, emergency services, and surveillance around corridors. Make safety visible without making visitors feel militarized.

    Read Also: 10 Nigerians arrested as Spain, Germany crack down on criminal network

    Detty December can coexist with accountability. It can even strengthen accountability if framed correctly. The government should be encouraged to publish an annual festive season public report that tracks visitor numbers, sector revenue, jobs created, and consumer complaints, alongside public improvements delivered. If government officials want to claim credit for Detty December growth, they should also accept performance measurement. Tourism should become a governance scorecard.

    Detty December currently rewards the most extractive forms of spending. Bottles. Tables. Flex purchases that evaporate by morning. The state can change incentives. They can offer tax relief and grants for cultural institutions that expand public programming during the festive season. Provide matched funding for museums, galleries, theatres, and heritage sites that meet standards. Promote these experiences as premium. Make it socially desirable to spend time at a museum.

    Again, tourists chase what is framed as worthy.

    This is the route from Detty December to long-term tourism. Nigeria already has the raw material. It has music. It has fashion. It has food. It has history. It has landscapes. It has a diaspora hungry for connection. It has international curiosity. Nigeria lacks packaging, protection, and policy coherence.

    And yet, Detty December proves something important. Nigeria can attract crowds. Nigeria can generate spending. Nigeria can create cultural magnetism. That means the question is not whether tourism is possible. The question is whether Nigeria is willing to build the systems that make tourism sustainable and fair.

    •Ms Ogedengbe PhD wrote from Florida USA.

  • Are regulators signalling a new era of accountability?

    Are regulators signalling a new era of accountability?

    Sir: For years, Nigerian consumers have complained, sometimes loudly, sometimes helplessly, about poor services. Airlines, telecom operators and banks were always the biggest culprits. In fact, flight delays became routine, dropped calls almost normal, and unexplained bank charges a recurring irritation. What often followed were apologies, excuses and the almost obligatory regulatory silence.

    It now appears that that era may finally be ending.

    Recent moves by the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) and the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), alongside a growing pattern of firm enforcement by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), suggest that regulators are beginning to assert their authority more forcefully. The message is becoming clearer: protect consumers, or pay the price.

    The NCAA’s recent warning to domestic airlines over chronic flight delays marks one of its strongest public stances in recent years. In a sector long shielded by sympathy for “operational challenges,” the regulator has now signalled that patience is wearing thin.

    According to NCAA data, between September and October 2024 alone, domestic airlines recorded 5,225 delays and 901 cancellations out of 10,804 flights. This means that nearly half of all flights were delayed. While weather and technical issues are unavoidable realities of aviation, the NCAA argues that persistent inefficiency, poor planning and weak communication are not.

    What appears to have triggered the tougher tone is not just the delays themselves, but how passengers are treated when things go wrong. Complaints about lack of information, poor handling at terminals and disregard for First Needs Compensation have become increasingly common.

    By referencing JetBlue’s $2 million fine in the United States for chronic delays, the NCAA is clearly signalling its intent to align Nigeria’s aviation regulation with global best practices. Support for airlines, the regulator insists, must now be matched by accountability and service improvement.

    The NCC’s warning to telecom operators follows a similar pattern: longstanding consumer frustration, followed by a regulator armed with data and renewed resolve.

    Telecom subscribers have endured dropped calls, slow internet speeds and unstable connections, even as tariffs increase and digital dependence deepens. The NCC’s response has been to partner with Ookla to produce a transparent, data-backed assessment of network performance across operators.

    The results were revealing. MTN emerged as the strongest performer nationally, while others showed notable weaknesses, Globacom with high latency and jitter, Airtel grappling with transition challenges, and 9mobile delivering inconsistent service across regions.

    More important than the rankings, however, is the regulatory shift they represent. By grounding enforcement in independent performance data, the NCC is moving away from abstract warnings to evidence-based regulation.

    Underperforming operators can no longer hide behind generic claims or marketing slogans.

    The commission’s message is blunt: improve network quality, especially latency and stability, or face sanctions.

    In a digital economy where banking, commerce, education and healthcare increasingly rely on connectivity, poor service is no longer a minor inconvenience; it is a systemic risk.

    Unlike the NCAA and NCC, the Central Bank of Nigeria has already shown what tough regulation looks like in practice.

    Read Also: US suspends immigrant visa processing for Nigeria, 74 others

    Over the past few years, the CBN has sanctioned several banks and financial institutions for regulatory breaches ranging from Know-Your-Customer (KYC) failures and anti-money laundering lapses to poor consumer protection practices. In some cases, banks have been fined billions of naira, publicly named, or restricted from certain operations.

    Taken together, the actions of the NCAA, NCC and CBN point to a potential turning point in Nigeria’s regulatory culture. For too long, regulators were perceived as either underpowered or overly sympathetic to operators, often citing harsh operating environments as justification for weak enforcement.

    For operators, the implications are clear. Compliance can no longer be treated as a box-ticking exercise. Investments in infrastructure, customer service, communication systems and operational planning are no longer optional; they are survival strategies.

    For consumers, the shift offers cautious optimism. Stronger regulation does not automatically translate to better service, but it creates the conditions for improvement. When penalties are real and enforcement credible, behaviour changes.

    The real test, however, lies ahead. Warnings must be followed by action. Sanctions must be consistent, transparent and fair. Regulators must resist pressure, lobbying and regulatory capture.

    Yes, after years of looking the other way, Nigeria’s regulators appear to be waking up. The question now is whether they will stay awake.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • A call for new culture of handling emergencies

    A call for new culture of handling emergencies

    Sir: The news of the accident involving boxing champion, Anthony Joshua, has sparked conversations beyond concern for his wellbeing.  What stood out for many observers was not just the incident itself, but the apparent lack of an immediate, coordinated emergency response. Throughout the rescue efforts, there was no visible ambulance on standby, no swift medical intervention in the crucial first moments. Only patrol vehicle of government agencies was visible in the videos that were in circulation.

    Certainly, Nigeria does not have the worst statistics in terms of road crash fatalities. Accidents, just like medical emergencies, do not discriminate, it could happen to a celebrity or a civilian. In any emergency, the difference between life and death is how quickly and correctly people respond. While Joshua did not appear to have sustained any external wound or bleeding, the way he was handled reveals lack of basic understanding of first aid for victims in emergencies.

    In Nigeria today, there is a disturbing gap in emergency awareness. It is common for bystanders to panic, crowd the scene, record videos, or sometimes, people wait helplessly for “professionals,” not knowing what to do or who to call. It is a known fact that the first five to 10 minutes after an accident, which is often referred to as the golden minutes, are critical. Simple actions such as calling emergency numbers promptly, clearing the area, checking responsiveness, or providing basic first aid can significantly improve survival outcomes.

    The Anthony Joshua incident underscores a systemic issue about our country, one that requires a national emergency: emergency preparedness is still treated with kids’ gloves. In this age, it is sad that we still treat emergencies as optional knowledge, rather than a civic responsibility. Every citizen should understand how to relate with emergency victims, be it in a car crash, fire incident, building collapse, etc. Such training would enable citizens to provide basic and appropriate support to victims before the arrival of emergency services.

    Emergency response education, including first aid and Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) should not be an exclusive of healthcare workers. Schools (from primary to tertiary), workplaces, religious centres, gyms, event venues, and even transport unions should be enlightened on basic emergency training routine.

    This is not a new conversation. After all, emergencies are a part of everyday living. Often times, accidents bring out the humanity in us. While people naturally want to help disaster victims, miscreants have also used such incidents to steal any valuables they can find at the scene. Some people will just ignore and walk away, often because of previous or known experience with the police after offering assistance to accident victims. This is not too strange in a society where there is a sharp divide in the quality of life. Unfortunately, there is a growing number of persons who have been damaged by the society. To such, abnormality is the norm, and they see no wrong in it.

    Read Also: ‘Why Nigerians will re-elect Tinubu in 2027’

    The role of government agencies cannot be overemphasised, with the National Orientation Agency (NOA) taking a lead role. Emergency numbers must be widely publicised, response systems strengthened, and ambulances strategically positioned, especially at public events and high-risk locations. Some states have this in place, but their efficiency is very much in doubt. Such will need to be resuscitated; after all, only the living can care for emergencies. Clear protocols save time, and time saves lives.

    If someone of Anthony Joshua’s status can find himself vulnerable in an emergency, tomorrow, it may be a well-known politician, entertainer, or just any of us. The real lesson here is unequivocal: we must educate ourselves to act, not just watch, when emergencies occur.

    It is high time that government at all levels make response to accidents and emergencies a core focus of governance. Not a few Nigerians in diaspora have expressed shock at the manner the casualties of the accident were cared for at the scene. Such scene will repel investors and tourists who may be considering Nigeria as their next destination. Both federal and state governments should make deliberate efforts to invest in improving speed and quality of response. This is because when seconds matter, ignorance is a risk none of us can afford, and we will not want to regret.

    •Yinka Adeosun Akure, Ondo State.

  • A case for the creation of Ibadan State

    A case for the creation of Ibadan State

    Sir: During the recent coronation of His Royal Majesty, Oba Rasheed Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan of Ibadan, the royal father openly requested that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to kindly ensure that Ibadan State is created. The president did not make any reference to this request during his speech at the ceremony. That notwithstanding, it later came as a pleasant surprise when it was revealed that the Bill for the Creation of Ibadan State has undergone the second reading at the House of Representatives. What a welcome development!

    I want to observe that the need to create Ibadan State can hardly be overemphasized, particularly, in the interest of justice and fair-play. There is a fact that is hardly recognized whenever the creation of Ibadan State is being discussed. It is, therefore, pertinent to remind all of us that Ibadan had, all along, been singled out for neglect since the creation of new states.

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    There was a time that Nigeria comprised of three regions – North, East and West. Later Bendel State was created out of the then Western Region as a political gang up and an attempt to spite the region and by extension the Yoruba nation. Significantly, out of the four regional capitals of the North, East, West and then Bendel, only Ibadan is yet to be created as a state. Kaduna, the north regional capital, Enugu, the east regional capital and Benin, Bendel State capital are now states on their own. So, the disturbing question is that why has Ibadan been neglected for so long? After all, what is good for the goose is good for the gander.

    Incidentally, out of all four cities which were regional capitals, Ibadan has the largest population and is very and if not the most, viable. It is a surprise that the Yoruba people, as a group, had not emphasized this crass injustice. All said and done, the time to create Ibadan State is long overdue and should be done NOW. It is only fair and proper to honour the memory of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the “Best President Nigeria never had” and one of the “troika” founding fathers of Nigeria by creating Ibadan State soonest which was the capital city of the most progressive and trail – blazer region in Nigeria before Independence. In fact, if new states are to be created, Ibadan State should be the first, possibly alone and singled out before others are considered. Fair is just fair!

    •‘Femi Osunro, Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Undocumented refugees

    Undocumented refugees

    •This is a serious challenge given the insecurity that Nigeria is grappling with

     Nigeria is reported to currently host no fewer than 21,807 unregistered foreign refugees and asylum seekers fleeing violence in neighbouring countries. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) says because they are without formal registration, they are unable to access food, healthcare and other essential humanitarian assistance that it provides.

    According to the global agency, a majority of the unregistered persons are Cameroonians who escaped the protracted conflict in the country’s Anglophone north-west and south-west regions. Overall, Nigeria hosts some 127,000 refugees and asylum seekers from 41 countries, but more than one in six remain outside official reckoning. Of the total, 80,915 are recognised refugees, while over 25,000 are asylum seekers with claims still being processed by Nigerian authorities. The remaining 21,807 people have no documentation whatsoever with the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI).

    Reports cited UNHCR’s monthly dashboard data, which showed refugees registration backlog has remained high over the past year – an indication of the rate at which persons continue to cross into Nigeria to escape violence.

    In December 2024, 21,095 refugees were awaiting registration. By June 2025, the number had surged to 32,750, marking a 55 percent increase in just six months, before falling again to 21,807 by November. The March 2025 dashboard data showed 20,997 refugees awaiting registration, suggesting that new arrivals continue to outpace government’s ability to process them.

    For persons caught up in the backlog, the consequences are severe as unregistered refugees are not eligible for UNHCR-supported food stipends, cash assistance, health insurance schemes, shelter support or other humanitarian services, forcing many to depend on overstretched host communities or informal coping strategies.

    A good number of the refugees live in host communities across Cross River, Taraba, Akwa Ibom, Benue and Adamawa states rather than in camps. Urban centres such as Lagos, Abuja and Kano also host refugees from diverse nationalities, some of whom have been in Nigeria for over a decade.

    Nigeria operates an open-door asylum policy rooted in the 1951 Geneva Convention and the 1969 Organisation of African Unity Convention, which require countries to offer protection to people fleeing persecution and conflict. The NCFRMI, working with the Nigerian Immigration Service and UNHCR, is responsible for registering asylum seekers and conducting Refugee Status Determination (RSD) procedures that typically takes three to six months. Successful applicants receive refugee identity card that grants them access to work permits, school enrolment and, in principle, freedom of movement beyond designated settlements.

    Since 2019, Nigeria also began issuing Convention Travel Documents – a sort of refugee passport that enables refugees to go on international travel.

    During large influxes, however, individual documentation procedures are often replaced with group recognition. In 2024, Nigeria granted Temporary Protection Status to 86,000 Cameroonian refugees, with effect until June 2027, while 20,000 Nigeriens in Damasak were given prima facie refugee status.

    Reports cited officials familiar with the refugee registration process saying staffing shortages, security restrictions and logistical challenges hobbled enrolment in Borno, Adamawa and Cross River states that host the bulk of new arrivals. “Registration can take weeks or even months, depending on the state and the availability of NCFRMI personnel,” a field officer was quoted saying.

    UNHCR data showed that Cameroonians dominate Nigeria’s refugee population, accounting for 86 percent or approximately 119,208 people fleeing the eight-year-old Anglophone region crisis. Smaller populations came in from Niger (15,011), the Central African Republic (1,053), Syria (1,330) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (598), among others. Women and girls account for little over half of the refugees, while children represent close to 60 percent.

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    The refugee situation compounds the challenge of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) Nigeria grapples with. Official estimate puts the population of IDPs resulting from Boko Haram and Islamic State insurgencies at some 3.5 million persons. There are also persons displaced by natural disasters, further putting a strain on humanitarian resources. In 2024, severe floods affected more than 480,000 people in 34 states, including tens of thousands in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states.

    Besides complicated humanitarian care, the refugee situation has grave implication for infrastructure capacity in the country. There is every reason to believe the UNHCR estimate is understated, because there is cultural absorption of refugees in some communities that would not put them forward for official documentation. Meaning that these persons share in the use of existing infrastructure that over the years have not been expanding to meet increasing volume of users.

    In addition to getting a handle on documentation procedures, therefore, government will need to do more in expanding infrastructure capacity across the country.

    There is also an inherent threat to Nigeria’s security when some immigrants can’t be tracked, because some could resort to lawless acts after infiltrating the Nigerian space.

    Security is a collective project. Hence, we argue that nations invoking sovereignty to keep out international interest are in error because refugees generated by the situation in those countries could hazard the safety of neighbouring countries. The world has long become a global village with common interest.

  • Hassan Sunmonu at 85

    Hassan Sunmonu at 85

    •Happy birthday to the Labour leader with many milestones

    “Organise, Don’t Agonise” – the title of his book – captures his essence as a veteran Labour leader. The cover describes it as “the memoirs of an African trade union icon,” covering “tactics, trials and triumphs from six decades in the trenches.” The book launch was the high point of the celebration of Alhaji Hassan Sunmonu’s 85th birthday on January 7, in Abuja. 

    In a newspaper review, historian Prof. Toyin Falola observed that the work “is not just a collection of memories and experiences, it is also a collection of arguments and efforts to advance a global view of organisation, leadership, and national responsibility.” He described the author as “a seasoned leader who navigates the uneasy intersection among the workforce, the state, and waves of international politics.” Falola concluded that the memoir is “a serious book that rewards critical engagement and deserves a significant place in conversations about labour, power, and the unfinished project of Nigerian democracy.”

    Sunmonu, who comes from Osogbo in Osun State, achieved significant milestones in his career: he was the pioneer president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), serving two terms from 1978 to 1984, and later became the longest elected secretary-general of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) in Accra, serving from 1986 to 2012.

    Under his leadership, the NLC was victorious in the battle to make May 1 (Labour Day) a public holiday in the country; furthermore, he led the fight for a new minimum wage of N125 in 1981 – a landmark achievement that redefined the Nigerian worker’s standard of living – following a successful nationwide strike under the President Shehu Shagari administration.

    Indeed, he revolutionised Labour through “The Workers’ Charter of Demands” in February 1980, which demanded that a national minimum wage and a minimum pension scheme be institutionalised based on the practice in developed countries. This has been described as “the first agenda-setting document for decent work by Nigeria’s working class.”

    At the continental level, the Sunmonu leadership built a new secretariat for OATUU in Accra, and established the Kwame Nkrumah Africa Labour College, Accra.

    This commitment to the struggle dates back to his studies at the Yaba College of Technology, Lagos, where he earned a Higher National Diploma (HND) in Civil Engineering. In his final year at the institution, he was president of its student union and an executive of the National Union of Nigerian Students. He later obtained a post-graduate diploma in Highway Engineering in Italy.

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    As a professional civil engineer in the Federal Ministry of Works, he was involved in several projects, including Zaria – Kano Road reconstruction; Igolo – Porto Novo Road (Benin Republic); dualisation of Denton Causeway (Oyingbo – Iddo, Lagos); construction of the National Arts Theatre, Lagos; and construction of the Third Mainland Bridge, Lagos.

    Notably, President Bola Tinubu, in a birthday message, highlighted Sunmonu’s immense contributions to nation-building and commended his commitment to the welfare of Nigerian workers. The president observed that “his emergence at the pinnacle of the labour movement is instructive,” noting that before the NLC’s formation in 1978, the Obasanjo government had disbanded four national labour unions.

    At his 85th birthday celebration in Abuja, Sunmonu’s activism remained undiminished. He called for stronger collaboration among unions, stressing that unity is the only way to advance workers’ interests. His final argument served as a challenge to the nation: “If Nigeria can harness its mineral resources, Nigeria has no business with poverty.”

    His achievements have earned him high-level recognition both at home and abroad; he is a recipient of the Nigerian national honour, Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON), and the National Order of Burkina Faso.

    He remains relevant for his example as an effective organiser and vigorous campaigner for workers’ welfare.  

  • Tinubu condoles with Yakubu Mohammed’s family

    Tinubu condoles with Yakubu Mohammed’s family

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu yesterday condoled with  the family of Yakubu Mohammed, a veteran journalist and co-founder of Newswatch Magazine, who died on Monday night.

    In a statement  by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, President Tinubu also commiserated with the government and people of Kogi State, as well as key professional bodies including the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), and the Commonwealth Journalists’ Association(CJA), alongside other media institutions where the late Mohammed served with distinction.

    Mohammed, alongside the late Dele Giwa, Dan Agbese and Ray Ekpu, founded Newswatch in 1984, ushering in an era of bold, investigative journalism that challenged authoritarian excesses during Nigeria’s military years.

    The President affirmed that Mohammed’s journalism career, spanning more than five decades, was devoted to nation-building, marked by courage and an unwavering commitment to holding power to account.

    He noted that the late journalist often put his life on the line in the pursuit of truth.

    Tinubu, who described Mohammed as a personal friend, praised his steadfast dedication and that of his colleagues in sustaining the visionary legacy of Newswatch after the assassination of Dele Giwa in 1986.

    According to the President, their resolve  pushed the boundaries of investigative journalism in Nigeria and inspired generations of reporters.

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    The President also highlighted Mohammed’s memoir, Beyond Expectations, published in November last year, saying the work provided an opportunity for soul-searching and deep reflection on leadership in Nigeria and the indispensable role of journalists in shaping public accountability.

    Beyond his newsroom achievements, Mohammed served in academia and public life, including as Pro-Chancellor and Chancellor of the Governing Council of Ahmadu Bello University.

    His earlier editorial roles included Associate Editor of New Nigerian Newspapers (1976–1980) and Deputy Editor and Editor of National Concord (1980–1984) before co-founding Newswatch.

    President Tinubu prayed that Almighty God would grant the departed eternal rest and admit his soul into Jannatul Firdaus, while extending heartfelt sympathies to his family, colleagues and the wider Nigerian media community.