Author: The Nation

  • DSS, NSCDC arrest trucks with stolen lithium ore

    DSS, NSCDC arrest trucks with stolen lithium ore

    Seven trucks laden with illegally-mined lithium ore have been arrested by the Southwest Zonal Office of the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development.

    The trucks were intercepted in the Southwest during a coordinated intelligence-led operation by operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC).

    Southwest Zonal Mine Officer Ganiyu Ajibade, who dropped the hint, said that the crackdown followed credible intelligence received on January 8, indicating that a convoy of 12 trucks had been mobilised to remove lithium ore from an active mining site in Saki, Oyo State.

    According to him, he alerted the DSS and NSCDC security operatives while also directing his colleagues in Kwara and Ogun states to monitor and track the movement of the trucks.

    Ajibade said during the operation, intelligence showed that the convoy departed Saki at 11pm on January 8, reached Igbeti early Friday morning, and continued towards Ilorin, Kwara State by 7pm same day.

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    He said: “The seven trucks were apprehended between 9pm and 10pm on the Okoolowo–Eyenkorin Expressway in Kwara State.

    “During the operation, one driver escaped, abandoning his vehicle, while the others were taken into custody. Upon questioning, the drivers admitted they were hired by an individual to transport the lithium ore.

    “All accompanying documents issued at the mining site were recovered.”

    Ajibade described the operation as a reflection of the   directives given by Solid Minerals Development Minister Dele Alake, who has maintained a zero-tolerance policy against illegal mining.

    He affirmed the ministry’s commitment to protecting Nigeria’s mineral resources and warned that enforcement against illegal mining and mineral theft will be intensified across the Southwest.

  • Football does not create unity

    Football does not create unity

    By Akpandem James

    The DeeJay at Farm City was livid with rage. Not the performative rage that sometimes accompanies hype music and crowd control, but a visceral indignation provoked by what had become the talking point of the day: the temerity of Algerian players joking that the Super Eagles of Nigeria would be sent back to Sambisa Forest after their quarter-final encounter at the ongoing Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco. It was a jab at his national pride, an insult to his national identity.

    Long before kick-off, a large crowd had gathered at the expansive leisure spot along Kashim Ibrahim Way, Wuse Zone 2, Abuja, on Saturday night. The size of the crowd was not unusual for a major match night; what was striking was its composition and disposition. People of all shades, ages and backgrounds converged in different spaces. The early birds secured a spot in the section with the giant LED screen. That section also has a performance stage. They were not there for the usual revelry. They were there to watch Nigeria battle Algeria in faraway Marrakesh.

    Naturally, Eagles and Foxes are never best of friends. In the wild, both are predators, locked in a rivalry of survival. Eagles prey on young foxes; foxes raid eagle nests for eggs and chicks. So, the threat to return Nigerian Eagles to Sambisa Forest, Nigeria’s infamous den of terrorists, was not entirely out of place within the metaphor of animal rivalry, though it touched a raw national nerve. The crowd at Farm City was therefore apprehensive but expectant. MTN and Guinness spiced up the night with promotions: buy two bottles of Guinness, get one free; SIM cards and routers registered at no cost. It was a full night of fun and expectation, but the match was the real issue. It was the reason for the eclectic crowd.

    A viral video had earlier shown a member of the Algerian national team jokingly warning: “Nigeria, I hope you are ready, because we have no option than to send you back to Sambisa Forest tomorrow.” That video was the fuel. It was the kicker of the frenzy. Yet beyond the banter, the conviviality at Farm City was palpable. Mixed emotions paraded the corridors between tables laden with steaming chop, cold drinks and cups of hot tea. Green was the dominant colour: jerseys, caps, scarves, bracelets. Religion, tribe and political affiliations were conspicuously absent. Only apprehension and patriotic frenzy held sway.

    As the referee’s whistle pierced the Marrakesh night and echoed through the Abuja screen, Farm City fell into an initial anxious silence punctuated by nervous commentary and spontaneous chants. Fans watched the first half with trepidation. Every Nigerian touch was cheered. The Super Eagles responded with authority. Deft touches, tailor-made passes and telegraphic shots into the 18-yard box pinned the Desert Foxes deep in their own half. For long stretches of the first 45+ minutes, Algeria barely crossed the halfway line.

    In that moment, the small patch of Abuja felt larger than life. The Godswill Akpabio Stadium in Uyo, the Moshood Abiola Stadium in Abuja and the National Stadium in Lagos could not have boasted a more pan-Nigerian and enthusiastic crowd than this one small space in Wuse. It was perhaps in hundreds of people, but its pluralistic composition and single-purpose commitment made it profoundly eclectic. The various ethnicities in Nigeria and accents from beyond its boundaries blended seamlessly. Strangers shared tables, drinks and opinions with an ease rarely seen outside moments of national catharsis.

    On my left sat Tomi Ojetunde, a man I had never met before that evening. Yet in the spirit that enveloped the arena, familiarity came easily. My colleague, Iyobosa Uwugiaren, was on my right beaming with ecstasy. Intermittently he will remind me that Osimhen is his brother. Leaning towards me amid a wave of pressure from the Algerians that quickly fizzled out, Ojetunde said with quiet certainty, “Nigeria will win.” There was no bravado in his voice, just conviction born of faith in the green-white-green.

    Still, there was a goal drought. The first 45 minutes, plus added time, ended goalless. This was despite Nigeria’s dominance, over 70 percent possession, relentless pressing and territorial control. Some fans groaned. Others shifted uneasily in their seats. Ojetunde did not waver. “Goals will come,” he insisted. Not “a goal,” but “goals.” Plural! He then added: Two goals! He repeated it like a prophecy waiting for fulfilment. He was not just optimistic, he was emphatic. But he did it with the calmness of a medical doctor that he is. It came to pass!

    The second half began, and almost immediately, destiny arrived. Nigeria advanced to the Africa Cup of Nations semi-finals after a convincing 2 – 0 quarter-final victory over Algeria in Marrakech. Victor Osimhen opened the scoring early in the second half, rising highest to head home Bruno Onyemaechi’s cross on his 50th cap for the Super Eagles, his fourth goal of AFCON 2025. Farm City exploded.

    Barely had the echoes of celebration died down when Akor Adams doubled the lead, finishing into an empty net after Osimhen’s deliberate square pass, which he connected from a sublime outside-of-the-boot assist from Alex Iwobi. Nigeria dominated proceedings, no doubt, but could not increase the score line. Adams later hit the post, but the message was already clear. A semi-final clash with hosts Morocco was in view.

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    When the first goal came through Osimhen’s boot about the second minute of the second half, Farm City erupted into a frenzy, buoyed by thunderous jams from the DeeJay’s turntable. The same Deejay who had earlier fumed at Algerian bravado suddenly seemed transported. He thundered, “Anyone who prays that the Algerians see the Nigerian net…” he received a Pentecostal “Holy Ghost Fire!” response from the crowd before he could conclude. Then he started speaking in tongues, shouting half-coherent praise into the microphone. He joked that Akor missed some goal chances because he does not drink Guinness Stout. Strangers embraced without realising they were doing so. Tables rattled. Drinks spilled. The music became a universal elixir, pushing revellers off their seats, possessed by the spirit of football and the madness of victory. Bodies moved in seductive synchrony, a spontaneous choreography that spoke eloquently of national unity. In those minutes, football blurred primordial lines. It dissolved differences and suspended worries.

    One thing was obvious in that shared space: football doesn’t create unity; it reveals its latent possibility. For Nigeria, the implications run deep: what stirs us emotionally can fuel social and political cohesion, if deliberately harnessed. This unforced harmony offers real hope, not just illusion. It proves Nigerians are not inherently divided; they are ready for unity. The challenge for leaders, media and social institutions lies in transforming these explosions of collective joy into a lasting national identity.

    Perhaps the Algerians are unaware that Nigerian forces recently stormed Sambisa Forest and shattered the myth that once clung to it. The place no longer carries the dreaded weight it once did. And so, in a twist of poetic justice, instead of the Eagles being sent back to Sambisa, it was the Foxes that were sent scampering back to the Sahara Desert, where, for the duration of the tournament, they rightly belong.

    • James is an Abuja-based communication consultant.

  • Philanthropist empowers constituents on birthday

    Philanthropist empowers constituents on birthday

    Politician and philanthropist, Tunde Olaogun, has empowered constituents of Ogbomoso North in Oyo State.

    This empowerment and uplifting is coming as Olaogun celebrates birthday today.

    Olaogun also unveiled an empowerment and inclusive home in his constituency named the royalty place.

    According to Olaogun, the royalty place is the result of a vision long nurtured. He stressed that the property is more than a building, as it is majorly a statement of belief: that every human being carries dignity, worth and untapped potential, regardless of background or circumstance.

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    In his words: “The Royalty Place is being conceived as a home for empowerment, inclusion and community uplifting – built with hope and purpose.”

    For his birthday, Olaogun is hosting a medical outreach, which will provide free health screenings, consultations and essential medications.

    “This is a deliberate reminder that good health remains the quiet foundation upon which livelihoods, dreams and futures are built, with this, a Back-to-School Initiative is unfolding-extending support to children and elderly women, reaffirming a simple but powerful truth: that they are seen, valued and remembered. If a child is returning to school with renewed confidence, or an elderly woman is smiling with reassurance, then this birthday is achieving its true purpose,” Olaogun said.

  • Obanikoro’s electoral bid gets backing

    Obanikoro’s electoral bid gets backing

    As part of his consultations to represent Lagos Island Constituency I in National Assembly, Ibrahim Obanikoro, has engaged with Idoluwo Community, his ancestral home, in a symbolic town hall meeting.

    The engagement, at the heart of Idoluwo, saw Obanikoro share his vision and aspirations with his people, an exercise he said is deeply personal.

    Addressing residents in front of his family home, Obanikoro lauded the warmth, unity and encouragement he received, noting that the experience reaffirmed his sense of responsibility and commitment to service.

    He was moved by the show of support from the community, acknowledging the role played by the elders for their counsel, the women for their display of love, and youths for their steadfast backing.

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    According to him, the faces before him served as a reminder of the trust reposed in his leadership and the imperative not to disappoint his people.

    Obanikoro lauded the administrative leadership of Idoluwo for its coordination and support, saying the consultation is one that stood out because it was rooted in family, heritage and shared values.

    Reaffirming his bond with the people, Obanikoro described unity as the bedrock of progress, declaring: “Idoluwo Community: Together we stand,” while hoping the future of Lagos Island, adding, “Joy is coming.”

    The consultation forms part of Obanikoro’s broader grassroots engagements in Lagos Island Constituency I as he continues to build consensus and mobilise support among his people.

  • Trump as Europe’s nemesis

    Trump as Europe’s nemesis

    At the Berlin conference in 1884, European nations gathered in Berlin, Germany, to share Africa, as one would share a cake. Their only authority to do that was that they wielded enormous military powers which the African peoples lacked. The driving force for them was economic, political and social factors. They wanted secured sources of raw materials, to power their emergent industrial revolution, enhance their national prestige as major powers, and feel good that they are liberating others from ignorance.

    No African nation or people were represented and after the giddy conference, each of the participants went to Africa to tend what they got from what their historians christened the scramble for Africa. While Europeans lived happily thereafter, the savagery and brigandage that went into the invasion, conquest and colonization of the scrambled territory is better imagined. What drew my interest to this history was the lamentation of the President of Germany, (the same country where the war monger, Chancellor Von Bismarck, presided over the unlawful partition and sharing of Africa,) following President Donald Trump’s invasion of Venezuela (subject of my intervention last week) and Trump’s umpteenth threat to use force, if diplomacy fails, to acquire Greenland.

    President Frank-Walter Steinmeier of Germany, while urging for caution, said: “It is about preventing the world from turning into a den of robbers, where the most unscrupulous take whatever they want, where regions or entire countries are treated as the property of a few great powers.” That statement tantalized this writer. In very clear words, the revered president of Germany confirmed without equivocation that German Chancellor von Bismarck and those who gathered in Berlin in 1884-1885, to treat Africa as the property of the then great powers were no better than a den of robbers.

    Upon hearing and relishing the confession, I wished Chief MKO Abiola, the most notable leader of those pursuing reparation for the unlawful colonization of Africa, was alive to witness this historical admission of guilt. Those pursuing reparation for the criminal appropriation of the resources of Africa should latch on this statement, as a proof beyond any iota of doubt that the colonization and expropriation of the resources of Africa should be atoned and paid for. Even worse than colonization, was the brigandage that attended slavery, as a business.

    According to AI overview, between 16th to 19th century, an estimated 12.5 million African were forcibly shipped to the Americas. The European nations which participated in this inhuman trade went on to become great economic powers and the African nations, whose strongest segment of their society were taken out as commodities, have not recovered from the human capital expropriation. When Europe moved from plantation-based economy in the new world to industrialization, they changed their strategy in Africa, from slavery to scramble and partition of Africa, for raw materials, mineral resources, markets, and leisure parks.

    The trajectory has since moved to neo-colonialism under which Europe struggles to remotely control Africa, albeit with competition from, America, China and Russia. It is that competition that is driving United States, originally conceived as Europe’s military and economic outpost, crazy, to the consternation of European leaders. Again, the German President Steinmeier, captured the fears: “There is a breakdown of values by our most important partner, the USA, which helped build this world order.” This writer agrees that Trump is destroying the world order, set up by Europe and its allies, principally for their own benefit.

    While acknowledging that Trump’s different world outlook is fraught with immense danger, many in this part of the world, believe that perhaps Europe is getting its deserved comeuppance, for centuries of exploitation of other peoples. Of course, the leaders of Europe would be banking on the next election in US, to return to status quo. In the meantime, they should worry about how much damage Trump will do, before his tenure expires, and whether he would succeed in swinging Americans, to choose at the next election, another president in his own image.

    Hoping the apocalypse won’t come sooner than later. While European leaders lament, Trump at a meeting with oil and gas executives, at the White House, last week, maintained: “If we don’t take Greenland, Russia or China will take Greenland, and I am not going to let that happen.” He went on: “One way or the other, we’re going to have Greenland, whether they like it or not.” He argued that the existing Pituffik Space Base agreement, with Denmark will not suffice. He contended: “You defend ownership. You don’t defend leases.”

    On Venezuela, Trump remains upbeat about realizing his economic plans for America, regardless of whose ox is gored. He told the oil and gas executives: “We are going to be extracting numbers in terms of oil like few people have seen.” He continued: “Venezuela is going to be very successful, and the people of the United States are going to big beneficiaries.” He went on: “The plan is for them (oil and gas companies) to spend, meaning our giant oil companies will be spending at least $100bn of their money, not the government’s money. They don’t need government money, but they need government protection and government security.”  

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    The Europeans are apprehensive that China and Russia may want to ape America, elsewhere, more so as President Vladimir Putin of Russia has encouraged US in its quest for Greenland. He argued that Trump’s expressed determination to have Greenland is grounded in historical context, considering that America has been trying to gain the country as far back as 1868. According to CNN, “US interest in Greenland dates back to the 19th century, when then Secretary of State William H. Seward, fresh of the purchase of Alaska from the Russians in 1867, floated the idea of buying Greenland and Iceland from Denmark.”

    During the World War II, US had to protect Greenland territory after Denmark was attacked by Nazi Germany. For this writer, the most tenable reason why US can acquire Greenland is that Danes were never the original inhabitants of Greenland. Their ownership is no different from the way Europe laid claims to countries of Africa, with some living off the resources of Africa, the same way a gang of thieves live off a booty or a loot. The people who should determine the future of Greenland in a fairer world, are Greenlanders, without the interference of Danes.

    The pretence that Greenland is part of Denmark stems from the same mentality that inspires US to want to acquire Greenland. It is a derivative of President Frank-Walter Steinmeier’s statement that the world is about a den of robbers where the most unscrupulous take whatever they want, where regions or entire countries are treated as the property of a few great powers. If European nations want the world’s sympathy, they should enter into negotiation on how to pay reparation to Africa, for centuries of exploitation through slavery, colonization and neo-colonization.

  • What FCT elections reveal about Nigeria’s democracy

    What FCT elections reveal about Nigeria’s democracy

    Sir: When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) released the final list of candidates for the 2026 Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Area Council elections, it did more than kick-start another local poll. It quietly exposed a deeper and more uncomfortable truth about Nigeria’s democracy: while young people and women are encouraged to participate, they are rarely allowed to lead.

    Across the six area councils — Abaji, AMAC, Bwari, Gwagwalada, Kuje and Kwali; hundreds of candidates are contesting for chairmanships, vice-chairmanships and councillors seats. On the surface, this looks like a vibrant democratic exercise. But a closer look at the data tells a different story.

    In three of the councils; Bwari, Gwagwalada and Kwali; not a single woman is running for chairman. Across the FCT, women make up a small fraction of candidates for the two most powerful positions in local government: chairman and vice-chairman. Where women do appear, they are overwhelmingly listed as deputies, not principals.

    Young people face a similar pattern. They make up a large share of councillorship candidates across the FCT, often more than half in some councils. Yet at the executive level, they almost disappear. In Gwagwalada, for instance, less than one in 10 candidates for chairman or vice-chairman is a young person.

    This is not because young people or women are unwilling to contest. They are running. They are organising. They are mobilising voters. What they are not getting is access to the tickets that matter.

    Local governments are not ceremonial institutions. They are responsible for primary healthcare, basic education, sanitation, markets, transport and community infrastructure. These are the services that affect people’s daily lives. When women and young people are excluded from the leadership of these councils, the decisions taken rarely reflect the realities of the majority.

    The usual explanation for this imbalance is that Nigeria is still grappling with cultural barriers and limited political awareness. But the 2026 FCT data points to a more concrete problem: political parties.

    There is nothing in Nigeria’s laws that prevent women from running for chairman or young people from leading councils. The barriers are inside the parties’ high nomination fees, opaque primaries, entrenched godfather networks and leadership structures that reward loyalty over competence. Parties routinely field women and young people where they are unlikely to win, while reserving the most competitive and powerful positions for established insiders.

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    The result is a two-tier system. At the bottom are youth and women, visible in ward-level contests and campaign rallies. At the top are a small group of older politicians who continue to control access to power.

    This is not just a question of fairness. It is a question of governance. Councils that do not reflect the communities they serve are less likely to design policies that work. Excluding women and young people from leadership weakens accountability and limits innovation in a country that desperately needs both.

    The FCT is Nigeria’s capital. If inclusion cannot be achieved here, it is unlikely to happen elsewhere. That makes these elections a test case for the country’s democratic future.

    Political parties, electoral authorities, civil society and lawmakers must stop treating inclusion as a slogan. It must become a rule. Quotas for women and young people on executive tickets, caps on nomination fees, and transparent primaries are not radical ideas. They are the minimum standards for a modern democracy.

    The 2026 FCT elections have shown that participation is not the problem. Young people and women are already in the arena. The problem is that Nigeria’s political system still decides, long before election day, who is allowed to win.

    Until that changes, the promise of democracy will remain unfulfilled; not just in Abuja, but across the country.

    • Olasupo Abideen Opeyemi,<abideenolasupo@gmail.com>

  • Southeast, 2027 and politics of strategic alignment

    Southeast, 2027 and politics of strategic alignment

    Sir: Recently, the Southeast stakeholders’ meeting of the All Progressives Congress was held in Enugu State. At that gathering, the clear message that stood out was the urgent need for unity across the southern political corridor to consolidate the gains of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and secure victory for the APC in 2027.

    It is a position that deserves sober reflection, not emotional dismissal. In politics, sentiment is a luxury while strategy is a necessity. And for the Southeast, the time has come to invest our votes where they can yield tangible political returns.

    For decades, we have demonstrated remarkable loyalty to political causes and parties, often without commensurate rewards. Since 1999, the Southeast largely aligned with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), even when that party controlled the centre for 16 uninterrupted years. Yet, beyond symbolic appointments and occasional infrastructure mentions, the Southeast remained politically peripheral, electorally useful but strategically expendable.

    The hard question we must now ask is: what enduring political or developmental gains did that long-standing alignment truly deliver to the Southeast?

    Politics, everywhere in the world, is transactional. Regions that negotiate from positions of relevance and leverage reap the benefits of power. Those who consistently vote against the centre, or scatter their influence across losing platforms, consign themselves to the margins. Nigeria is no exception.

    This is why the call from the Enugu meeting should be understood as political realism. Aligning with the party at the centre is an act of foresight.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration has embarked on far-reaching reforms, some painful, others inevitable. Whether one agrees with all of them or not, one fact is this: this government will shape Nigeria’s economic (and political) direction for the foreseeable future. The Southeast cannot afford to be spectators in decisions that will define Nigeria’s future.

    The argument that we should continue to vote symbolically in protest may be emotionally satisfying, but it is strategically hollow. Elections are not moral victories; they are pathways to power. And power is what translates political participation into tangible outcomes. It is what it is!

    It is also time we put to rest the romantic notion of “voting our own” as a sufficient political strategy. Yes, Peter Obi’s performance in the 2023 presidential election was impressive and, to people like me, surprising. However, elections are won not by momentum alone.

    Truth be told, there is currently no viable pathway to an Obi presidency in 2027, even with his alignment with the ADC- a home to a mix of aggrieved politicians, including former APC “power brokers”. An alignment that also exposes a deeper contradiction because if the path forward still requires alliances with the same political class Obi’s movement defined itself against, then the narrative of a clean break from “old order” becomes harder to sustain. Or was it all a ruse?

    More importantly, there is the fundamental challenge of the absence of nationwide electoral viability. It is what it is!

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    The alternative often implied within this coalition is a return to a familiar northern presidential option. But does this choice truly serve southern or south-eastern interests? After eight years of President Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani northerner, the informal but widely respected understanding within Nigeria’s power rotation framework is that power should remain in the South.

    To jettison that understanding now would not only deepen national distrust, it would also weaken the South’s collective bargaining power in the long run. Aligning behind another northern ticket so soon would amount to political self-sabotage.

    The Southeast must therefore think beyond protest votes and sentimental attachments. The real question is not which party makes us feel morally comfortable, but which alignment places us closer to decision-making power, federal presence, and developmental negotiation.

    Political relevance is not awarded; it is negotiated. It is what it is!

    This does not mean blind loyalty to the APC, nor does it suggest abandoning legitimate grievances. Rather, it calls for pragmatic engagement. Entering the room where decisions are made, influencing policy from within, and positioning the Southeast as a critical stakeholder rather than a perpetual opposition enclave.

    As 2027 approaches, the Southeast must choose between symbolism and strategy, between emotional consistency and political consequence. Votes are currency in a democracy. It is time we spent ours wisely.

    The future will not reward sentiment. It will reward calculation and strategic alignment.

    Lastly, an Igbo presidency will not emerge from isolation or perpetual opposition. It will come from relevance, trust, and negotiated inclusion within Nigeria’s power architecture.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, Chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • Nigeria marches on…

    Nigeria marches on…

    For many across the globe, the past year must have been enervating not just with Donald Trump’s steep, punishing tariff walls, but his slow-motion torpedoing of the rules-based global order and the emerging rule of unrestrained, unchallengeable power. Thanks to Trump’s new-fangled Donroe doctrine, oil-rich Venezuela is practically under American receivership for debts which the Orange Man insists a certain Maduro owed Uncle Sam.  It is a brand new world order – one that is not so much a matter of choice but of compulsion – and if it becomes necessary, extortion.

    For Nigeria, the acclaimed giant in the sun, the outgone year must have been one of a new realism and adjustments all the way. First was the burden of a 15 percent tariff clamped on her by Donald Trump under a rather dubious concept of reciprocity; second, the additional burden of fighting a war of terror with America not only breathing down her neck but deliberately mischaracterising as ‘Christian genocide’, and third, the well timed, low intensity scheme to torpedo the administration’s four signature tax laws – arguably the most consequential yet by the Bola Tinubu Presidency.

    While the first two were exogenous and so the administration had little or no control over them, it is, nonetheless in my view, safe to say that the administration handled them admirably. 

    Surely, there are figures to show. Going by the National Bureau of Statistics trade statistics, Nigeria’s exports to Africa in the third quarter of 2025 surged 97.16 per cent year-on-year to N4.9tn, a signal of how much realignment toward emerging markets is taking place, particularly intra-African trade and the BRICS bloc. Notably, exports to the United States and India reportedly declined significantly during the period. In other words, it’s not been exactly a season of lamentation, tariff or no tariff.

    And we know the truth about Trump’s so called Christmas present – the precision strike operations were launched with the “explicit approval” of President Bola Tinubu and with “the full involvement of the armed forces of Nigeria”. In any case, that the terror war is being fought with renewed vigour and determination is no longer in doubt.

    As for the third, the four tax laws on which the Tinubu administration had staked its reputation as incurable reformer, although the challenge had presented as a test of will for the administration, it was one instance that the administration will prove several steps ahead of an opposition sworn to ensure that the reforms do not see the light of the day.

    Nigerians will recall the event of December 17, 2025, when an opposition member of the House of Representatives, Abdulsammad Dasuki (PDP, Sokoto), raised concerns over alleged inconsistencies between the tax laws passed by the National Assembly and the versions later gazetted and released to the public. Since then, all manners of conspiracy theories have been spawned all of them pouring fuel on the matter but adding little knowledge to the discourse on what matters most: the integrity of the process.

    The man, Dasuki, conveniently forgot that four laws were actually passed by the parliament – The Nigeria Tax Act, The Nigeria Tax Administration Act (NTAA), The Nigeria Revenue Service (Establishment) Act (NRSA) and The Joint Revenue Board (Establishment) Act (JRBA). He didn’t care to tell Nigerians which of the law was altered. He even pretended not to know that the laws had perforce of presidential assent, were already in operation and so could only be amended through legislative action. For these, the usually excitable partisan mob were led into a wild goose chase over nothing; even as our hordes of street commentariat hopped from one television station to another with barely digested talking points all in the bid to bring down the roof!  

    For the opposition and those sworn to help them muddy things up, it was sufficient to impugn the process, hoping that by so doing, the law would be rendered inoperable!  Well they were wrong! The laws are live!

    For me, there is something fundamentally dishonest in what appears to be a calculated ambush of a process that Nigerians saw through with their own eyes. We saw it at the beginning when the Council of States openly kicked against the bill when the draft was first presented to them.

    Ever since, it has been bad faith all the way! In fact, it became, at a point, a north-south affair with the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), asking northern lawmakers to reject certain components due to concerns it would disproportionately disadvantage the region, particularly the proposed Value Added Tax (VAT). 

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    Even the Northern Elders Forum described it as a policy conceived in bad faith and thus threatening national cohesion; none in the north in particular, seems persuaded that the bills deserved to be considered on its merit. A particular northern senator said he could not be bothered to read it let alone contemplate a discussion on it at the chambers! Which is why it is not entirely surprising that the opponents of the new laws are back on the same course. 

    We are referring here to bills that experts had spent considerable time putting together; in this particular instance, it concerns a subject that the president had long signalled its importance to his administration’s reform agenda.  Here is a president who, all along didn’t pretend that he had all the answers to the questions raised by the bills’ opponents, requesting at a stage that objections be channelled to the parliament as part of the process. And to imagine in the final count that the outcome still fell short of satisfying the bloc of those who think that the president does not deserve a landmark legislation to his name! And to further imagine that they are not even about to give up the fight long after the laws have been in operation can only be a measure of the depth of their desperation!

    How far will they go?

    At this time, it’s hard to imagine. I salute the chairman of the Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms Committee, Taiwo Oyedele. He has done a yeoman’s job of breaking down the issues for the ordinary Nigerian to understand. Mercifully too, the House of Representatives has released the certified copies of the four tax reform Acts. However, while the resort to open blackmail and campaign of misinformation has, thus far failed, I think the House of Representatives still owes the nation one additional duty: the man who came under the shield of privilege in parliament to raise hell must be compelled to show proof; in the event of failure to do that, he must be compelled to apologise to Nigerians whose privileges he has criminally violated.

    Happy New Year, dear readers. 

  • Nigeria’s strategic exposure in a fragmenting US order

    Nigeria’s strategic exposure in a fragmenting US order

    Lekan Olayiwola

     The global order is hardening in ways that matter for how power is exercised and how external influences intersect with domestic risk. Many of the assumptions that guided middle and regional powers for much of the past two decades are quietly being revised. This shift reveals itself through patterns that appear discrete, even idiosyncratic, but together signal a deeper recalibration in how influence is asserted and defended.

    Recent developments involving the United States’ posture towards Venezuela, renewed assertions around Greenland’s strategic value, diplomatic strain with South Africa, intensified pressure on China and Russia, and a more focused attention on strategically positioned states across Africa are often treated as isolated episodes or personalised to individual leaders. That framing misses the larger point.

    Nigeria at the nexus of strategic recalibration

    What is emerging is a fragmenting US led geopolitical order in which rules remain invoked, but selectively applied; in which multilateralism persists, but increasingly as cover rather than constraint; and in which leverage is exercised more openly across energy, finance, security, and narrative space.

    For Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, a regional anchor, and a state approaching another pivotal electoral cycle, this moment introduces strategic risks that are subtle, cumulative, and easily misunderstood. This is not a story of imminent confrontation or external orchestration. It is a reassessment of exposure.

    From cooperative leadership to transactional power

    For much of the post–Cold War period, US leadership operated through cooperative frameworks, institutional mediation, and a degree of predictability that allowed regional powers to plan around relatively stable assumptions. That posture is giving way to something more transactional. Across recent US foreign-policy decisions, an emerging pattern is a willingness to privilege direct strategic advantage over cooperative leadership, flexibility over restraint, and bilateral leverage over consensus-driven process.

    Moves around Venezuelan oil once heavily sanctioned, now selectively re-engaged demonstrate how quickly principle yields to strategic need. Renewed rhetoric around Greenland reflects a blunt recognition of geography, resources, and Arctic positioning. Diplomatic distancing from South Africa signals lower tolerance for ambiguity among partners perceived as drifting.

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    None of this is anomalous. It reflects a broader recalibration driven by domestic pressures, energy insecurity, industrial competition, and intensifying rivalry with China and Russia. The significance lies less in any single decision than in the normalisation of a precedent that exceptional measures are justified by strategic urgency, and that international restraint is conditional, not assumed.

    Nigeria in a fragmented multipolar order

    Multipolarity, once an approaching condition, is now an operational reality; but in a form far less orderly than the term suggests. What is emerging is not a balanced concert of powers, but a fragmented landscape in which influence is unevenly distributed, rules are enforced asymmetrically, and alignment is increasingly issue-specific.

    China’s economic reach in Nigeria is deep and visible, spanning infrastructure, trade, technology, and finance. Yet domestic unease over debt exposure, labour practices, local value capture, and industrial dependency has grown steadily.

    Russia’s economic footprint remains modest by comparison, but its interest in defence cooperation, security diplomacy, and symbolic alignment persists, particularly as it seeks partners outside Western pressure regimes. Western engagement continues to emphasise stability, counter-terrorism, and reform, but increasingly through narrower channels, reduced aid budgets, and more explicit conditionalities. Nigeria is not being courted because it is weak, but because it is strategically consequential.

    Strategic importance as exposure

    Nigeria’s scale gives it leverage, but it also magnifies scrutiny. Its demography shapes migration calculations. Its energy profile intersects awkwardly with global transition politics. Its geographic position and military weight matter in a region destabilised by Sahelian coups, jihadist expansion, and declining European influence.

    This strategic importance creates expectations. Regional stabilisation roles are assumed. Security cooperation intensifies. Diplomatic silence is interpreted. Policy choices once treated as domestic reforms are read through geopolitical lenses. The result is not pressure applied openly, but exposure that accumulates quietly.

    Security cooperation and the risk of dependency

    Counter-terrorism partnerships, intelligence sharing, and military assistance have delivered tactical benefits. Yet without sustained investment in indigenous surveillance, logistics, command structures, and defence production, such cooperation risks sliding from partnership into dependency.

    When threat perception, intelligence priorities, and operational tempo are shaped externally, strategic autonomy narrows even as immediate risks are managed. Security becomes stabilising in the short term but constraining over time.

    Economic vulnerability in a transactional era

    Economic exposure compounds this vulnerability. Nigeria’s reliance on oil exports, foreign exchange inflows, and external financing leaves it sensitive to shifts in global energy politics, sanctions regimes, and financial signalling.

    As development finance becomes more transactional and debt restructuring increasingly intersects with geopolitical alignment, economic policy space tightens. Choices presented as technocratic including subsidy reform, currency management, and fiscal consolidation now carry strategic meaning beyond Nigeria’s borders.

    Sovereignty today is rarely tested through overt interference. It is tested through incentives. Infrastructure finance, security assistance, trade concessions, and investment pledges respond to real needs, yet they also shape policy horizons. When available options are structured externally, autonomy erodes quietly. Sovereignty is not lost by imposition, but by constrained choice.

    Elections as a strategic pressure point

    As Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, these dynamics intensify. In a context of economic strain and social pressure, external actors offering capital inflows, security guarantees, or reputational endorsement can shape political narratives without appearing to intervene. Elections in a hardening global climate become pressure points rather than flashpoints. Structural influence works without orchestration. 

    Nigeria does not need dramatic realignment or rhetorical defiance. It needs intentional strategy. Security partnerships must deepen domestic capability rather than substitute for it. Economic diplomacy must prioritise value capture, not just aggregate inflows. Non-alignment must be active, negotiated, and strategic, not passive.

    Nigeria must also recognise that influence will increasingly flow through softer channels like information ecosystems, consultancy networks, diaspora capital, regulatory standards, and digital platforms.

    Strategic clarity in a fragmenting order

    The current geopolitical moment is not uniquely hostile, but it is less forgiving of ambiguity. Great powers are acting more openly in pursuit of interest. Middle powers are being drawn into these dynamics whether they choose to be or not. Nigeria’s challenge is not choosing sides in a renewed great-power struggle. It is avoiding being compressed by struggles defined elsewhere.

    In a fragmenting US-led geopolitical order, sovereignty is preserved not by declarations, but by capacity, foresight, and disciplined choice. That work is quiet, incremental, and often invisible, but it is precisely what determines whether Nigeria remains a rule-taker or secures its place as a consequential actor on its own terms.

    •Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached at lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Faith, fear, and the future of learning

    Faith, fear, and the future of learning

    Sir: In November 2025, gunmen stormed St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri, Niger State, abducting more than 300 students and staff from their dormitories and forcing them into the bush. Ultimately, all were either released or escaped. However, the incident revealed a painful truth: education cannot flourish where safety is at risk.

    Many Nigerians remember university student Deborah Yakubu, who was killed after an accusation of blasphemy. Videos of her death circulated widely. What shocked many of us was not only the brutality but also the confidence of those involved. People recorded themselves. Some celebrated. The message was clear: you can be targeted in broad daylight, and the system may respond slowly, selectively, or not at all. Part of the problem is legal and political. In some states, blasphemy-related laws are treated as if they justify violence. Even where the law does not authorize vigilantism, weak enforcement allows it to flourish. Rumors spread faster than investigations.

    That reality seeps into classrooms. When a student learns that her faith must be hidden to avoid trouble, she does not learn freely. When a teacher worries that a lesson, a comment, or even a misinterpreted message could trigger a false accusation, he teaches cautiously. Fear changes what can be said, what can be asked, and what can be imagined.

    Nigeria can choose a different path, one that protects Muslims, Christians, and everyone else. Reforming laws that enable mob justice is not an attack on Islam or on religion. It is a defense of the rule of law. If speech is to be punished, it must be handled by courts, with due process, not by crowds with stones, machetes, or fire.

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    We also need to treat attacks on schools as a national emergency. That means protecting boarding schools and vulnerable campuses with practical measures, not just condolences. It means rapid response capacity, credible intelligence, and consequences for those who plan and finance kidnappings. It means transparent reporting so families are not left in the dark for weeks, trading rumors when they deserve facts.

    The educational consequences are already severe. In many communities, parents are withdrawing children, especially girls, from boarding schools. Teachers are relocating or leaving the profession. Learning time is lost due to closures and fear. And once a child drops out, the path back is narrow. Insecurity is quietly widening inequality because wealthier families can move, pay for private security, or send children abroad. Poor families cannot.

    Nigeria is a deeply religious country, and faith can be a healing force. However, faith cannot replace the law. No society can educate its children while accepting a culture where abduction is profitable and accusations can be deadly.

    •Olukayode Apata,Texas, United States.University.