Author: The Nation

  • Good riddance

    Good riddance

    •Senate rejection of controversial Water Resources Bill puts paid to the bad rubbish

    Former president Mohammed Buhari left office on May 29.  As with every administration, the past eight years in Nigeria’s history have many unforgettable issues that made headlines. However, one of the unforgettable issues was that of some murderous herdsmen that seemed to have escalated in the Buhari years. Nigerians grew up seeing the nomadic herdsmen moving their cattle round the country in search of food and water. For decades, there were no conflict.

    However, the former president is himself a farmer with many cows in his Daura compound in Katsina State. Majority of the herdsmen are known to be of the nomadic Fulani stock like the former president and they can be found in many West African countries like Mali, Senegal, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Mauritius, etc.

    With the effects of global warming hitting nations, the impact soon became very overwhelming and grazing fields started diminishing, just as lakes and rivers started receding, making it difficult for the herders to feed their cattle. In a very curious way, conflicts heightened after the 2015 elections. What were hitherto minor indigenes/settlers’ conflicts in some parts of the country escalated to serious conflicts which in a way gave birth to multiple deaths and insecurity.

    The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria became more militant and combative, leading to serious security problems as they saw themselves as pursuing the legitimate survival of their businesses. Their activities snowballed into high level insecurity issues and a multitude of other criminal gangs surfaced in ways that today, the food insecurity in Nigeria is traceable to the emergence of bandits, cattle rustlers, kidnappers and other anti-social elements. The country has not recovered ever since.

    In what many saw as protecting his herdsmen constituency, former President Buhari seemed to have used kid gloves and did not want to buy the proposal for the establishment of private ranches as had always been the case in the past, and in many other countries. In its stead, the Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) politics was introduced but resisted because the argument was that herding is like all other businesses and must not be pampered with other peoples’ lands in the name of grazing areas.  Many lives have been lost as the debates and defiance went on.

    Even though the controversial National Resources Bill was equally seen as a surreptitious way to provide herders with water for their cattle across the country, the recent rejection of the bill by the senate on the eve of the president’s departure has been applauded by many. The bill, listed for concurrence on the order paper for consideration for passage was listed as National Inland Waterways Authority Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill 2023 (HB.173).

    Read Also: ‘Ayinde’s reappointment good for Lagos’

    The bill, if it had passed, would have concentrated the control of water resources around rivers Niger and Benue which cut across about 19 states in the hands of the Federal Bovernment. The states include Anambra, Kogi, Cross River, Ondo, Ogun, Edo, Delta, Kwara, Nasarawa, Taraba, Plateau, Bayelsa and Kebbi. Governors and their legislators had fought very long battles to make sure this bill did not see the light of day and the recent rejection by the senate seems like victory for the concerned states.

    Even though the 9th assembly was widely seen as a ‘rubber stamp’ assembly, possibly due to some of their legislative missteps, we commend their stand on this unpopular bill. We believe that the Federal Government did not appear very sincere with the bill. Just like all other businesses, herders should be advised to invest in infrastructure for their business.

    Brazil and Argentina are two of the world’s greatest producers of beef and their cattle farmers have not been as troublesome as Nigerian herders that are barely producing enough for local consumption. We just hope that the failure of RUGA and the Water Resources Bill would be the last Nigerians would debate about particular lopsided support for businessmen doing their own businesses. There should be no discomfort to others by a few just because they have one of them in power. The world has gone beyond this. Our system must be more functional.

  • Akpabio, Yari and triumph of democracy

    Akpabio, Yari and triumph of democracy

    The 10th National Assembly kicked off yesterday on a good note. Both chambers built on the culture of democratic choice, parliamentary etiquette and due process during the election of presiding officers. There was a display of political maturity as Abdulaziz Yari, former Governor of Zamfara State, who lost to his colleague, Godswill Akpabio, congratulated the new Senate President.

    Governors Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Yahaya Bello (Kogi), Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Hope Uzodimma (Imo), AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Biodun Oyebanji (Ekiti), and Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), who observed the proceedings from the gallery, nodded that it was democracy at work.

    Also, in the House of Representatives, where 359 members chose Tajudeen Abbas as Speaker, the session was not rowdy. His rival, former Deputy Speaker Idris Wase, accepted defeat, despite his initial pre-election bravado.

    The election of Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu followed the same pattern. While 63 senators voted for Akpabio, contrary to the projected 72 which Senator Ali Ndume had brandished, 46 senators opted for Yari. The difference of 19 statistically drew the line between victory and defeat. The winner dares not deride the loser. The loser cannot proceed to rock the boat anymore.

    After his inauguration, President Bola Tinubu declared that the election was over, adding that it was time for governance. In the same vein, Akpabio’s speech was conciliatory. The summary was that after almost four months of scheming, consultations and intense mobilisation, presiding officers have emerged and it is now time for legislative business. The election has two implications.

    The National Assembly chairman and his deputy share the same vision as the President. This may herald a harmonious working relationship. Conversely, the acrimonious Legislative/Executive imbroglio that permeated President Muhammadu Buhari’s first term may be absent in Tinubu’s time. Akpabio emerged through a competitive process.

    Although the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) had endorsed the four who eventually became principal officers, certain APC senators refused to toe the party line. The reasons were not far-fetched.

    In the Senate are old political warhorses -former governors, ranking senators, former House of Representatives members and other big people – who cannot be pushed aside. The scenario that was enacted on the floor was also not new.

    In mature climes, including the United States, the executive has not always succeeded in ensuring that party colleagues emerge as Senate President and Congress Speaker.

    Remarkably, in 2011, the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) caucus caused a stir in the House of Representatives when it aided Aminu Tambuwal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) with votes against Mulikat Abiola, who was tipped for Speaker by the then ruling party. President Tinubu was apparently not oblivious to the political dynamics. Having endorsed the candidates put forward by the APC, he summoned a meeting of all senators, irrespective of party affiliations. The meeting paid off as some senators agreed to pitch tent with Akpabio/Jibrin and Abbas/Kalu in the spirit of party supremacy and discipline.

    Read Also: VIDEO: Senate President Akpabio visits ex-Rivers Gov Wike

    However, some pro-Yari supporters were not swayed by presidential weight. Sources alleged that they stuck to the former Zamfara governor due to selfish reasons. Yari ran for Senate President as if he was running for a general election. He threw his networks and resources into the race. Propagandists rationalised that the religious consideration that underlined zoning of the slot to the Southsouth never mattered. Supporters of Akpabio had pointed out that since the President, Vice President Kashim Shettima, House Speaker and Chief Justice of the Federation are Muslims, the number three citizens should be a Christian. But, the power distribution mirrored the Muhammadu Buhari era when the former President, former Senate President Ahmed Lawan and CJN Tanko Mohammed were Muslims from the North.

    Despite the conflict that preceded yesterday’s intra-parliamentary polls, which was normal, the election supervised by the Clerk to the National Assembly was devoid of intimidation and victimisation. The events in the highly populated House of Representatives were devoid of tension, contrary to fears in some quarters. Abbas nearly got all the votes in an atmosphere of consensus.

    Yesterday’s inauguration of the National Assembly brought to the fore two puzzles. Party supremacy is key. But, it can also be threatened by other variables in a highly heterogenous country characterised by ethnicity, religious divides and the clash of personal and regional ambitions. There can be a shift of allegiance, sometimes, from the party to other centres of influence.

    Zoning, which is premised on convention nurtured by an understanding of the criteria of fairness and justice, should be politically sacrosanct as a tool for equitable distribution of power and maintenance of balance among competing zones.

    After the emergence of the first set of principal officers, attention will now shift to the choice of majority and minority leaders, chief whips and their deputies in the Red and Green Chambers.

    Much later, the jostling for chairmanship of Senate and House committees will commence. Akpabio has promised to provide an ‘uncommon’ leadership. A lawyer, he comes across as a charismatic leader. The onus is on him and Abbas to play unifying roles in the parliament. The Senate President and Speaker should make “inclusiveness” their watchword.

    They should shun vendetta and embrace those who had opposed them as partners needed in a National Assembly that is expected to collaborate with the Executive to drive the vision of a better Nigeria but in an atmosphere of separation of powers and checks and balances.

  • Notorious kidnap gang ‘leader’, three others killed

    Notorious kidnap gang ‘leader’, three others killed

    A notorious leader of a kidnap gang terrorising the Emohua axis of the East-West Road, Onuigwe Nwodi, and three members of his gang, including a female, have been killed by the police.

    It was gathered that Nwodi, who had kidnapped, injured and killed travellers plying the East-West road, was killed in Okirika during a gun battle with the police, yesterday morning.

    Pictures of their bullet-ridden bodies trended online.

    Nwodi and members of his gang were also said to be responsible for the recent kidnapping of Justice Azunda, the Protocol Officer to the former Chief of Staff, Rivers State Government, Emeka Woke.

    The protocol officer was kidnapped  in Isiodu community.

    Chairman of Emohua initially declared Nwodi wanted and placed a million naira bounty on him which was later increased to N2m.

    Read Also: Suspected kidnap gang leader, three others gunned down in Rivers

    The Rivers State Police command was yet to speak on the matter.

    The Commissuoner of Police (CP), Polycarp Nwonyi, confirmed the incident, while parading other suspects held in parts of the state.

    He disclosed that the command rescued five kidnapped passengers of an  Osun-bound passenger bus, who were abducted and taken to the hoodlums’ hideout in the forest.

    The police boss said they were rescued by the police hours after they were abducted.

    Guns and ammunition were recovered from the hideout of the suspects, he said.

  • Emerging power blocs in Nigerian politics

    Emerging power blocs in Nigerian politics

    Since all politics are local, as it is often said, it is the men who control party structures at the grassroots and who equally have a network of contacts beyond their domains that call the shots in national politics. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines the rising profile of three of such men currently within the political space

    Within the context of Nigerian politics, attention is often focused on the occupant of the presidential seat, while state governors who control party structures in their domain and also have the capacity to build bridges across party lines in the country are usually ignored. But, since all politics are local, it is the men who control the structures at the grassroots that hold the power when it comes to winning elections. This may apply to all governors, but it is in their second terms or late in their first tenures that governors are usually in full control politically.  

    When governors are saddled with additional responsibilities, such as chairmen of a forum of fellow governors, it gives them an opportunity of creating enduring relationships with their peers elsewhere in the country. With the emergence of Kwara State’s Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq as the chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) and his Oyo State counterpart, Seyi Makinde as his vice, the duo may have positioned themselves as power brokers within the elite group of governors. Abdulrazaq who was elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) has just been sworn in for his second term. Makinde, elected on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), has also just taken his oath of office for his second term.

    Similarly, Imo State’s Governor Hope Uzodimma, who also emerged recently as the chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum (PGF), the umbrella body of governors elected on the platform of the APC, is also a rising star within the political arena. By occupying such positions, three governors are positioning themselves as power brokers within their political parties and beyond. Aside from the National Assembly, the NGF is another very important platform that is central to the affairs of the nation. Occupants of such key positions in the NGF, the PGF and the PDP Governors’ Forum play important roles in times of elections both within and outside their parties.

    Since the formation of the NGF during the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2003, the governors have always chosen their chairmen through consensus, rather than through balloting of any sort. However, the tradition was broken once in the twilight of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration when the election of the NGF chairman polarised and politicised the 36 state governors, ahead of the 2015 general election.

    Incidentally, it was the crack within the NGF then, led by former Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, which signalled the defeat of Goodluck Jonathan in that election. It was also the division within the group then that eventually led to the formation of the PDP Governors Forum and later the Progressives Governors Forum for the APC.

    Abdulrazaq:

    The manner through which Abdulrazaq and Makinde emerged suggests that they have the backing of very powerful persons within the group. Before the valedictory meeting of the NGF where Abdulrazaq emerged as chairman of the group, plans had almost been concluded for Nasarawa State’s Governor Abdullahi Sule to become the new chairman. But the plot thickened in the 11th hour when the Kwara State governor, backed by some powerful APC governors indicated interest to contest for the coveted office. Sule had been pencilled down as the successor to the then outgoing chairman, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, who was then Sokoto State governor because of the Nasarawa governor’s genial disposition and his private sector background. Both Sule and his Kwara counterpart are eminently qualified for the position, which is based on ranking or seniority and from the party that has the highest number of governors in the forum.

    The fact that the Kwara governor eventually got the nod of his colleagues to emerge as the NGF chairman speaks volumes about his acceptance within the elite group. The position had already been zoned to the North Central, to compensate the zone for being marginalized in other areas. But, given the role Governor Abdulrazaq played during the recent general election by not only winning the presidential election in the state for his party with a landslide but also delivering all the National Assembly seats for the ruling party, it is not surprising that he got the backing of the party for the plum job. Before the general election, Abdulrazaq had mobilised 100 per cent delegate support for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the primary which was a period of uncertainty for Asiwaju who eventually went on to win not only the primary but also the general election. Kwara State has therefore never been in doubt as to its direction from the beginning.

    Governor Abdulrazaq was propelled to power in 2019 by the “O to ge” revolution, which broke the stranglehold of the Saraki dynasty and the PDP on Kwara politics. “O to ge”, the Yoruba equivalent of “Enough is enough”, was the battle cry for the 2019 election in Kwara. In the past, any party aligned with the Sarakis produced the governor and the winners of most elective positions, both national and local. This has been the case since 1979, when the patriarch of the family, Abubakar Olusola Saraki, a medical doctor, emerged as the godfather of state politics, which covered parts of today’s Kogi and Niger states. Although Saraki the father died in 2012 aged 79, Kwara still always went where Saraki the son went — until 2019. It looked like a mission impossible but by the time the elections were over, Saraki had lost all his political influence and power, including his seat in the Senate.

    Today, Governor Abdulrazaq is the undisputed king of Kwara politics. Like other state governors, he controls the APC structures in the North Central state. But, after the 2019 election victory, the coalition that sent the PDP packing had collapsed, as the governor was pitched against political heavyweights like the immediate past Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed. The governor appears to have triumphed in the end, with several party members in the minister’s camp seeking refuge in smaller parties like the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the Young Peoples’ Party (YPP) and the New Nigeria Peoples’ Party (NNPP) before the recent general elections. Going by the result of that election (both the presidential, as well as the National Assembly), one may say that the Abdulrazaq-led APC has a firm grip on the state. 

    Read Also: ‘Politics without morality cause of leadership failure’

    Born in Zaria, Kaduna State, into the family that produced the first lawyer from the defunct Northern Region, Abdulrazaq joined politics in 1999 following the country’s return to civil rule. Abdulrazaq who speaks Yoruba, English, and Hausa languages fluently first contested for the governorship of Kwara State in 2011 on the platform of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). Later, he vied to represent Kwara Central Senatorial District at the National Assembly on the platform of the PDP. Though he failed on both attempts, he persisted.

     Makinde:

    Going by the convention of the NGF, the vice chairmanship position is reserved for the party with the second largest number of governors in the group, which is the PDP. Makinde emerged by consensus during the valedictory session of the group held in Abuja about three weeks ago. It was the crisis in the opposition party and the role he played in the last general election that threw Makinde up as a key player in regional and national politics. Ordinarily, Makinde is the most qualified candidate for the position of NGF vice chairman. Aside from the Oyo governor, the other second-term governor from the South is Governor Godwin Obaseki (Edo), but since his tenure will be expiring next year Makinde stands a better chance.

    Sources in the PDP said the party had reluctantly settled for Obaseki to punish the Oyo governor for the role he played in the just concluded election, as a member of the G-5, a splinter group within the opposition party that worked against the presidential bid of the party’s candidate in the recent election, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. The G-5 governors had argued that since Atiku is a northerner, as the party’s recently sacked National Chairman, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, the latter should resign to allow a southerner to assume the position of national chairman. But Dr Ayu, with the support of Alhaji Atiku, refused to comply. Observers, including members of the PDP, believe that was the biggest factor that contributed to the party’s failure at the presidential polls.

    In the height of the crisis in the opposition party late last year, Makinde had been named as the new chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum, to replace Tambuwal despite being one of the G-5 Governors. But, the Oyo governor rejected the offer because it was a ploy to weaken the opposition of the G-5 governors to the party’s national leadership. The Oyo governor said he did not consider himself the right person to occupy the position. In his view, former Governor Ikpeazu, in his capacity as the deputy chairman, was the right person to take over the place of Tambuwal. His words: “Even if they give it to me, I will not accept it because there must be order. Ikpeazu is the deputy chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum. If the chairman resigns, the deputy chairman ought to take over the position. This is how to have an order in the process.”

    It was against this background that the PDP leadership foreclosed the idea of the Oyo governor getting that same position he rejected last year or the recent one he got as the vice chairman of the NGF. But, with the backing of APC governors, he was able to clinch the NGF position.

    The second governor, after the late Governor Abiola Ajimobi, to get a second term, Makinde’s influence in Oyo politics has grown considerably partly because of his performance in his first tenure. He secured his re-election recently without the backing of the core power brokers in the state. He relied solely on his performance in office and the affinity he had developed with the people. The Makinde administration now aims to attract more industries to Oyo State, Nigeria by improving power supply, delivering more road projects, and improving healthcare, security, solid minerals exploitation, and tourism.

    Before the 2015 governorship election in Oyo State, previous governors in the state had failed to secure a second term. The late Ajimobi was the first to get re-elected for a second term in 2015. Due to factors such as the truncation of democratic rule and the apparent reluctance of the people to renew the mandates of previous governors, nobody at that time had gotten a renewed mandate. Ajimobi broke the jinx with a combination of shrewd politicking and the hurricane Buhari factor, which propelled him to defeat Senator Teslim Folarin of the PDP to return to Agodi Government House for another term. Makinde accomplished the same feat in the just concluded election when he defeated the same Senator Folarin in the race.

    Born December 25, 1967, Oluseyi Abiodun Makinde is an engineer by profession, a businessman and a politician. He had contested the 2015 Oyo State governorship election on the platform of the SDP but lost.

    Uzodimma:

    Governor Uzodimma, who is facing re-election in November, got the nod of all the former governors and the new governors to serve a four-year term as the chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum. He replaced the immediate past Kebbi State Governor Atiku Bagudu, who left office on May 29. The newly inaugurated Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani was chosen as the vice-chairman of the forum. From relative obscurity in the last governorship election in Imo State, where he came fourth, Uzodimma emerged winner of the election after a judicial interpretation of what transpired during the election.

    But, the man who is derisively called “the Supreme Court governor” by his political opponents has today emerged as a rising star not only in Imo State politics but in the country as a whole. Based on his antecedents, observers believe the Imo State governor deserves the recognition of his colleagues within the ruling party, which his emergence as the chairman of the Progressives Governors’ Forum suggests. It is an indication, for instance, that he is in a pole position to secure his re-election in November.

    Uzodimma has picked a female lawyer, Nnedinma Ekomaru, as his running mate for the forthcoming governorship election. A women’s group within the party, led by the Ondo State governor’s wife, Mrs Betty Anyanwu-Akeredolu, had urged Uzodimma to pick a woman as his running mate. Mrs. Ekomaru is married to fellow lawyer, Chief Chukwuma Ekomaru, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). She hails from the Umunoha community in the Mbaitoli Local Government Area and has practised law for over 20 years.

    Those who know Governor Imo governor well say he is a team player, a competent man and a firm believer in the ideals of his party, the APC. One such observer who does not want his name in print told our reporter: “Governor Uzodimma has capacity. He has displayed capacity in most of the assignments the party assigned to him under the immediate past administration of President Muhammadu Buhari.

    “The governor is also a team player, going by the way he has handled the affairs of the party in Imo State; he has carried the stakeholders along and this has contributed in no small way to the stability in the chapter. He is also a strong character and a firm believer in the ideals of the APC. If you recall, under former President Muhammadu Buhari, he was a constant visitor to Aso Rock Villa, the presidential seat of power.”

  • History and mythology of the first 100 days

    History and mythology of the first 100 days

    The 100-day mark of a President’s term is an arbitrary and artificial milestone, which has neither constitutional nor statutory significance. Besides, it has no root in Nigerian politics. Yet, it is the stuff of the critical press in contemporary Nigeria as it seeks to emulate the American press, where the 100-day benchmark for initial appraisals of a President’s achievements was rooted.

    The history goes back to the first 100 days of the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, elected to a first term in November 1832. It was in the midst of what has come to be known as the Great Depression. It was virtually the worst of times in American economic history. Between election and inauguration on March 4, 1933, Roosevelt literally went into seclusion to work out ways of getting out of the depression. That’s what enabled him to start with a flurry of legislations that reversed the disastrous trend in his country.

    Within 100 days of assuming office, Roosevelt saved the failing banks by first declaring a bank holiday, which allowed the banks to take stock and start on the way to recovery. To aid the banks’ recovery, he took the United States off the gold standard. Besides, he succeeded in getting groundbreaking legislations passed for farmers, homeowners, and the unemployed. He also passed amendments to the much hated Volstead Act meant to aid the enforcement of the legislation prohibiting the manufacture, transportation, sale, and consumption of alcoholic drinks in the United States.

    Roosevelt accomplished so much in his first 100 days that the American press deified him and used his accomplishments as the gold standard for evaluating successive Presidents. However, no President has since come close, not even Ronald Reagan, the two-term 40th President, generally considered to be successful. The truth is that the circumstances of Roosevelt’s presidency were unique. He faced and overcame a domestic upheaval during his first two terms and was enmeshed in World War 2 during his third and fourth terms. Of course, he remains the only American President to serve more than two terms. He died in office during his fourth term.

    Yet, the 100-day benchmark lives on. With many journalists divorced from its history, it has conveniently become myth. Like all myths, it is recycled again and again until it became a darling of the Nigerian press. In less than three months, the Nigerian press will be ready to evaluate the first 100 days of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration. Journalists will jump over themselves in pointing out what he should have done within the period but failed to do as if all of Nigeria’s problems could be solved in 100 days.

    Those who want to do that are free to do so. But I am not for that, and I have advised the President not to fall for the 100-day myth. Nigeria is different with unique social, economic, and political situations. Besides, the aftermath of the highly contested presidential election, which brought Tinubu to power, and the strictures it has widened along ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages require caution. That’s why I have suggested that he should target the first six months of his administration as a benchmark.

    Read Also: Adeleke: I’ll render account after 100 days

    Within this period, Nigerians should know where he plans to take the country. Fortunately, in two key speeches on inauguration and Democracy Day, he has provided indications of where he plans to take the country. The outlines of the plan should be clearer within the next six months. He should also have had his full cabinet and key advisers in place within the period. I take the six-month benchmark after Dr. Henry Kissinger, who once suggested that the first six months of a new administration are the most crucial for its successful take-off and future accomplishments (thanks to Professor Ladipo Adamolekun for drawing my attention to Kissinger on this matter).

    Some important programme outlines to be unveiled within this period should include (1) the unification of the exchange rate; (2) the national security outfit; (3) devolution of more powers to the states; (4) the reallocation of resources so that states could realise their potentials; (5) plans to generate employment; and (6) plans to improve power production and distribution, without which no much could be accomplished.

    With the inauguration of the tenth National Assembly yesterday, June 13, 2023, draft legislations, where necessary, on these matters should begin flowing in.

    The President’s announcement of the removal of fuel subsidy has generated even more positive review at home and abroad than anticipated. This should be followed by the unification of the exchange rate. It is understandable why no further step has been taken beyond the President’s announcement of his plan on this matter in both the Renewed Hope manifesto and and his inauguration speech. It is necessary to purge the Central Bank of its Governor’s shenanigans, which the President has embarked upon. However, the outlines of the unification of the exchange rate should be ready before the conclusion of the ongoing investigation of the CBN Governor and unveiled as soon as a new Governor and Board are appointed.

    This leads to yet another issue. Nigerians and international financial institutions are waiting anxiously for the unveiling of the President’s economic team to lead the economic reforms. This is necessary so that input that could not reach the President directly could reach members of the team. Besides, the announcement effect of a strong team has a way of reassuring the financial market just as the President’s mere utterance of four words, “fuel subsidy is gone”, led to a huge gain in the Stock Exchange the following day.

    Tinubu needs more time beyond the imported 100-day benchmark. That’s why I concluded my first essay during his presidency with the following words: “Finally, I implore the Tinubu administration to shun the artificial benchmark of 100 days and instead benchmark six months for charting the full course of action for his administration. Within this period, it must be clear to his cabinet, the National Assembly, and the public where he plans to take the nation” (Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Nigeria’s 16th leader, The Nation, May 31, 2023).

  • PenCom: workers relocating abroad, expatriates can join pension scheme

    PenCom: workers relocating abroad, expatriates can join pension scheme

    Due to increased global work mobility, many Nigerians are now working abroad.

    In the same vein, Nigeria attracts expatriates from various parts of the world. In some cases, Nigerians, who move abroad for work, are  enrolled in the Contributory Pension Scheme (CPS) and may wish to continue saving in Nigeria for their retirement.

    Similarly, foreigners working in Nigeria may be members of various pension plans in their home countries and desire to participate in the CPS in Nigeria.

    Recognising these needs, the National Pension Commission (PenCom) issued Guidelines for Cross-Border Arrangements Under the Pension Reform Act (PRA) 2014 to facilitate the participation of these workers in the CPS.

    The Pension Reform Act (PRA) 2014 applies to Nigerians.

    However, the Director-General of the commission, Mrs. Aisha Dahir-Umar, said Nigerians working abroad were allowed and encouraged to participate in the Scheme.

    Also, he said while the Scheme is not mandatory for expatriate employees, they could participate in it.

    She stated that the CPS also covers Nigerians working in Missions abroad, if they are employees required to implement the CPS under the PRA 2014, as in the case of career diplomats posted to missions.

    She maintained that where the Nigerian Missions employ Nigerians as support staff in their host countries in line with their domestic laws, the PRA 2014 does not apply to these workers.

    She said: “A Nigerian previously working abroad can be part of the CPS if he secures formal employment upon return in Nigeria. Where the returnee is not employed, the person may make voluntary contributions under the Scheme.

    Read Also: UPDC eyes N15tr PenCom’s mortgage funding for middle class homes

    “A person who resigns from an organisation in Nigeria and takes up an appointment with an organisation outside Nigeria can make arrangements with the new employer to continue remitting his pension contributions to his RSA in Nigeria. If such an employee chooses to discontinue contribution under the Scheme in Nigeria or where the new employer has an entirely different pension arrangement, he can access his RSA upon retirement or on attaining 50 years.

    “Notably, the CPS aims to provide financial security for employees in their retirement years. The CPS requires employees and employers to contribute a percentage of the employee’s monthly salary into a Retirement Savings Account (RSA). This account serves as a pool of funds that grows over time, ensuring a stable income for individuals during their retirement.

    “Nigerians working abroad can initiate the process by contacting the Pension Fund Administrators (PFA) through their website or by visiting their offices for the information and guidance to facilitate enrolment in the CPS.

    “The PFAs will guide them through the account opening, ensuring the required documents are submitted.The voluntary contributions must comply with the provisions of the guidelines on voluntary contributions issued by PenCom. Where a Nigerian working abroad has joined a retirement benefits scheme abroad, the person can repatriate the accumulated benefits to his RSA with a PFA in Nigeria, where the offshore pension regulator’s legislation permits such transfers. The repatriation of earned benefits must comply with the relevant Exchange Rate and Money Laundering Rules.”

    The PenCom boss noted that a Nigerian contributing to an RSA that is going on transfer abroad or changing employment for another employment abroad should notify his PFA and request the PFA to freeze his RSA until he returns to continue his contributions.

    “The employee shall indicate whether he intends to send voluntary contributions to the RSA.

    “For expatriates working in Nigeria, the process is relatively similar. Any foreign employee in Nigeria shall discretionally join the CPS, irrespective of a pension arrangement in his home country. The employee shall inform his employer of his interest in joining the Scheme. The employee should open an RSA with a PFA denominated in Naira.

    “Where the employee’s wage is paid in foreign currency, the employer shall convert the contribution to Naira and remit it to the Pension Fund Custodian (PFC). In the event of permanent relocation, the expatriate shall give the PFA three months’ prior notice before exiting  the Scheme.

    “By extending the reach of the CPS to Nigerians working abroad and expatriates in Nigeria, the government aims to ensure that these individuals can secure their financial future and enjoy a comfortable retirement. It is essential for parties involved to understand and comply with the guidelines set forth by PenCom to make the process as seamless as possible. Remember, a well-prepared retirement awaits those who proactively participate in the CPS,” she added.

  • Naija Super 8 zonal play-offs begin June 23rd

    Naija Super 8 zonal play-offs begin June 23rd

    Naija Super 8 organisers have fixed June 23rd and 25th for the zonal playoffs of the competition scheduled for Eket Township Stadium, Akwa Ibom from

    In a press statement made available, the North Central zone would open the zonal playoffs with City FC facing Lobi Stars by 2pm next week Friday while the South West derby takes place on the same day by 5pm between Shooting Stars and Remo Stars.

    On June 24th , it will be the turn of the North East zone to do battle. Yobe Desert Stars will be up against Gombe United by 2pm while by 5pm the Oriental derby will be on display between Heartland FC and Enyimba. It is the South East derby.

    Read Also: Naija Super 8 Play-off Spots excite qualified teams

    The zonal playoffs end on Sunday with two tough games. In the North West, Kano Pillars will contend with Katsina United for the sole representatives of the zone in the Super 8 by 2pm while Rivers United and Bendel Insurance will slug it out by 5pm

    Naija Super 8 is organised by Flykite Productions in partnership with MultiChoice Nigeria and sponsored by MTN, Hero Lager, DStv, SuperSport, Moniepoint, Pepsi, and Custodian Assurance.

    “Brace yourself for the commencement of the biggest off-season tournament in Nigerian football as the Naija Super8 Zonal Play-offs kick off at the Eket Township Stadium, Akwa Ibom from 23 – 25 June,” the press statement read.

  • Bitter two-term lessons from Emefiele and Ojerinde

    Bitter two-term lessons from Emefiele and Ojerinde

    June 12, Democracy Day appears to here to stay. Hurray even as we mourn the needless dead and suffering. The journey has not been a huge success and many in the political class have abandoned the citizens’ plight and instead concentrate on inbreeding and an unsustainable greedy self-service evil financial strategy requiring urgent review downwards -75% reductions in salaries and perks and pensions and one legislative house, preferably House of Representatives over Senate. Politicians must remember their feet are firmly in the blood of our heroes, the martyrs of the democracy struggle – Chief MKO and Mrs Kudirat Abiola, Pa Alfred Rewane and maybe 200-500 estimated dead. Politicians must develop Nigeria before themselves. Continuous massive political greed will get us nowhere in this ongoing democracy struggle.  

    The unceremonial exit of CBN governor, Godwin Emefiele, nine years in office, through suspension and arrest with handcuffs nearby raised many questions. Too often, such spectacles lead to nothing but still question the moral character, personal wealth and practices in the CBN. Is he alone? No! Time to examine the CBN as it supervised the long-standing naira instability and collapse and the hopeless financial status of 150+m Nigerians.

    Can Emefiele say he left the economy better than he found it? Certainly a few will praise him. Is it true that some receive a constant supply of dollars, denying genuine clients, at CBN rates only to punish citizens countrywide needing dollars for education, business or pleasure, all human rights?

    The almost permanent extortion by this network, call it black market, cabal or ethnic network strangles Nigerians forced to buy at the black-market rate of 70% higher than the CBN rate.  

    Our money is devalued, robbing Nigerians of the value of cash earned by daily struggle. In fact to buy the same dollar we had in 1980 [$1= N 0.8],  2013 [$1=N159] now in 2023 we pay 1$=N750-800 while the CBN’s chosen get it at N400+ and turn round, add N300+/$1 thus impoverishing the citizenry and rubbishing the value of salaries except that of politicians who already extort unspeakable riches as extortionist Salaries And Perks and Pensions SAPPing Nigeria dry.   It is a clear case of one person working and another waiting in the shade to gain hugely from what was supposed to have been available from every bank.

    The new acting CBN Governor has a suitable CV, as did his predecessor. He has presumably sat at meetings where Nigeria’s future was determined. He must know the ropes and may find it difficult to claim ignorance of CBN negative actions. Will he spill the beans? Does he want a clean-up?  

    Being a Yoruba like the president, will he be changed for federal character reasons – a thing totally ignored by ex-President Buhari probably to prevent another coup against him?

    Read Also: Emefiele: Don’t make him a hero

    Whatever the security services, the court and the president finally do, we hope that the following financial goals will be met. The elimination of ethnic-based blackmailing black-market rates crippling Nigerians. Make available dollars for genuine citizens and eliminate round-tripping leeches sucking our financial blood. Target foreign reserves as a strategy to strengthen the naira. From earnings over the last 60 years, the foreign reserves account should be approximately $200b. This cannot be achieved overnight except in a dictatorship or a rare case of unity of cross-party political thought towards creating a financially sound ‘Greater Nigeria’ agreed by the ‘President Tinubu Fiscal Stability Team’ with CBN leadership, cross-party cooperation of politicians in NASS, states and LGAs. The aim is to find legitimate ways to increase the percentage of dollars earned from all sources which must be deposited in foreign reserves deliberately and incrementally. A failure to cooperate IN ‘FOREIGN RESERVES GROWTH STRATEGIES 2023-2027’ will lead to a further catastrophic fall in the value of life, work and wages and overvalued dollars with many more millions poverty struck.    

    There is one glaring overlooked lesson of the ‘Emefiele Case’ and the ongoing infamous Prof Dibu Ojerinde father/sons JAMB case exposed by the honesty of his successor Prof Is-haq Oloyede. Please make him, Oloyede, minister of education to clean up the Ministry of Education. That glaring lesson is the desirability for ‘experience in office’ versus the huge damage caused by blindly offering second and sometimes third terms without financial and moral audit. There are hundreds of Nigerians qualified for every high-level job. This is why such two-term examples should be quoted in the campaign for ‘ONE TERM ONLY’ in most posts.

    Emefiele’s predecessor, CBN Governor  Sanusi’s regime  demonstrated the stupendous power of the governor and CBN by granting N400m to University of Ibadan, N400m to University of Nigeria, Nsukka and N4,000m [yes N4 billion] to Ahmadu Bello University Zaria among other CSR strategies. Talk about crumbs and cake.

    One wonders what Emefiele did with such CSR funds in nine years and who benefitted?  Were the funds used to weaponise politics or to empower the youth? Why can registered approved NGOs, like Red Cross and Blue Crescent not receive CBN’S CSR grants? Is the money in the CBN the property of the CBN governor or is he chief minder of our money?

    Worldwide central bank governors are somewhat revered and only infrequently addresses the press on the economy especially in times of crisis. We rarely heard from Emefiele who presided over a catastrophic fall in naira value. Limit CBN governors and many others to one term to prevent massive power-driven damage and ‘Oga Forever -At-The-Top Syndrome’    

  • Emefiele’s time of reckoning

    Emefiele’s time of reckoning

    SIR: On Friday June 9, President Bola Tinubu ordered the suspension of the CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele. Shortly afterwards, Emefiele was arrested by operatives of the State Security Service. Emefiele got a taste of the Friday treatment that he had perfected himself as governor of the CBN – the strategy of announcing controversial decisions on Friday so that the intervening weekend would blunt out the ferocity of backlash. For example, Emefiele revoked Skye Bank’s license on a Friday, banned crypto transactions on Friday, and gutted Abokifx on Friday.

    Emefiele regulated the sector like an emperor – I say, and you do. He was quick to fine, suspend, punish, and threaten. He did not care to even appear democratic or collegial. All economists in Nigeria who did not agree with his style were wrong. The parallel market was irrelevant in judging the strength of the nation’s currency – because Emefiele said so.

    Whatever the view is on Emefiele’s performance as governor, his biggest offence was his brazen assault on our democratic institutions and way of life.  One example was the foray into partisan politics. While Emefiele may have had a right, that ambition clearly undermined the important perception of his bank’s independence, and called into question all policy decisions he advised or accommodated in the seven  years preceding (like the ways and means loans). The ambition also cast doubts on subsequent policy decisions like the Naira redesign policy which Emefiele had eight years to deliver but only conceived just four months after the APC primaries that he could not participate in.

    Now that Emefiele has been arrested, interest groups and legal practitioners have been quick to point out that he cannot be removed without senate concurrence. Those commentators have stressed that the president must follow due process, perhaps in the hope that the National Assembly will come to Emefiele’s rescue.

    Read Also: ‘Emefiele not compatible with new economic thinking’

    The judiciary is the most important institution in a democracy. It is the only arm that can reverse the actions of the other arms. And it is the only arm that is not partisan. Governor Emefiele completely disdained Nigeria’s judiciary. When the naira redesign case was filed at the Supreme Court, that court granted an order on February 8, – before the old currency notes expired – directing the CBN not to end the use of the old notes pending further action in court. Of course, that decision was disobeyed. Emefiele, in particular, addressed the diplomatic community on February 14, just six days into the order telling his audience that it was at the time “unnecessary” to extend the validity of the old notes beyond his own deadline of February 10. In other words, it was unnecessary to obey the order of the highest court in Nigeria.

    Considering that some Senior Advocates of Nigeria have already begun to publicly comment on the constitutionality of the governor’s arrest, one can expect that applications will be made to judges and courts seeking to protect Emefiele’s rights. Emefiele will now expect the judiciary to grant him protections and make orders despite his own disdain for the orders of that same judiciary.

    Emefiele is truly lucky that unlike the Central Bank under him, the judiciary is not petty or partisan.  But when orders are made by the courts, the subjects of those orders still need to obey the orders. Emefiele would expect the DSS or whatever agency to obey the court orders. His lawyers may even commence court proceedings to punish disobedience. Meanwhile, if those agencies or officers disobey any court orders in Emefiele’s favour, they would be wrong, but they would simply be following the example that Emefiele himself set when he acted without regard to the cyclical nature of life.

    •Ope Owotumi Esq,

    opeowotumi@yahoo.com

  • The rise and fall of Emefiele

    The rise and fall of Emefiele

    SIR: How are the mighty fallen is a popular global maxim. This is the story of Godwin Emefiele, ex-governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). This calm, humble looking man was typically blinded by the lucre of power, money and influence. The aphorism that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely was manifest in ways and manner he superintended over the CBN.

    Every day, we are reminded of how transient money and power is. However, most deluded office holders in Nigeria do not seem to appreciate the limit of their official elasticity. They keep on acting as if tomorrow never exists and arrogantly act and behave like gods until such a time when there is no longer room for penitence.

    The position of the CBN governor is highly exalted and influential. Therefore, governments at the federal and state levels, powerful officials and individuals have always lured and tampered with the sanctity of the bank to align with some dubious, personal or group economic policy decisions.

    The chicken they say learns from where guinea fowl is being roasted. His predecessor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was hounded out of office on account of his loquaciousness and for abandoning his core mandate to meddle into politics. Emefiele did not only meddle into politics by buying the presidential nomination form of the All Progressive Congress (APC); he procured a number of vehicles for campaigning pressing his closeness to ex-president Buhari and the cabal to his advantage. The enormous power and wealth at his disposal drove his character, attitude, ambition and that of his behind-the-scene supporters.

    Read Also: ‘Emefiele not compatible with new economic thinking’

    The hasty redesign of the naira notes which brought untold hardship to Nigerians was one policy which broke the camel’s back. He hid behind “President Buhari approved it” to undertake all sorts of programmes which mostly benefited his friends, family and cronies. Emefiele saw it coming but the sweet scent of power and the allure of authority beclouded his sense of judgement.

    When one sheepishly presents oneself as a ready pawn to be used by politicians, the devastating backlash is always borne by him alone. Emefiele is personally gnashing his teeth alone at one corner of the detention room designated for the once upon a time powerful man by the Director of State Services (DSS).

    Emefiele was one of the luckiest CBN governors. He was appointed by Goodluck Jonathan on June 4, 2014 after the suspension of Sanusi and then miraculously retained by Buhari. His tenure was also miraculously renewed even though, he was not adjudged to have performed well. He was the only governor of the apex bank in the history of the nation to serve two tenures and also two different and opposing administrations. History will also remember him as the only one who ventured into the murky waters of Nigerian politics without the decency of resigning his position. 

    Emefiele is presumed innocent until allegations against him are proven beyond reasonable doubt and a conviction secured against him by a court of competent jurisdiction. The DSS should as a matter of fact and urgency, charge him accordingly and not make a political meat of his detention. Relevant security agencies in an ideal situation must have gotten the full dossiers of ex and serving public officers whose hands are stained with ill-gotten wealth. They should be made to face the full wrath of the law. The fight against graft or official malfeasance should serve public and not political party or individual interests. 

    •Sunday Onyemaechi Eze,

    sunnyeze02@yahoo.com