The June 12, 1993 presidential election was free and fair. It was won by the presidential candidate of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), the late Chief Moshood Abiola. But, it was annulled by the military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU revisits the illusion of hope and the aborted journey to democracy.
Like a flash of lightening, 30 years have passed since the criminal annulment of the most credible presidential election by military despots.
The pain of the annulment lingers. There was confusion, outrage and condemnation of the barbaric act. But, the military stood against the people. Democracy was subjugated by the barrel of gun. The hope of a peaceful transfer of power to the democratically elected President, the late Chief Moshood Abiola, was dashed. The rest is history.
Many elections after June 12 have been tainted by fraud. Had the historic poll been affirmed, perhaps, Nigeria would have laid a solid foundation for the sanctity of the ballot box.
In 1999, the presidential election was resolved at the Supreme Court. In 2003, 2007, 2011, and 2019, it followed the same pattern. Even, the outcome of the February 25 presidential poll is still being contested, although for some inexplicable reasons by a band of political jesters.
The puzzle is: can the miracle of June 12, 1993 be repeated? Can Nigeria conduct a poll that will be absolutely acknowledged as free, fair, credible and transparent like the historic poll that produced Abiola as President-elect?
June 12, 1993 was a historic day. Nigerians rose above ethnicity and religion as they chose between Abiola and his National Republican Convention (NRC) rival, Alhaji Othman Bashir. It was a peaceful exercise nationwide. There was no thuggery. There was no violence. Although it was during the raining season, heaven withheld the showers. Malpractices were not reported. Domestic and foreign observers hailed the poll, saying that Nigeria was coming of age. Through the election, the electorate had issued a red card to the military. But, the sit tight military rulers resisted the change. After annulling the poll, the symbol of the struggle was caged. Consequently, the victor became the villain. The political class was polarised. The faithful were in disarray. Abiola never returned alive from detention. Up to now, the circumstances surrounding his death are in the realm of conjecture.
The history of treachery and betrayal will be narrated from generation to generation. Many were jolted out of their delusion that the military could voluntarily return power to legitimate authorities without a popular uprising. The blame for the criminal annulment goes to the former military President, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. The former military ruler had posed as a populist leader, branding deceit and prevarication, and projecting a transition process that was programmed to fail and prolong the military rule.
The Head of State and Commander-In-Chief did not spare any though for tomorrow. Therefore, he missed the opportunity to write his name in the letters of gold. Babangida’s fate underscored the futility of personali-sation of power. In justifying the annulment, which aborted the dream of his friend, Abiola, to succeed him, he alluded to the conflict between loyalty to friendship and ‘love’ for the nation.
“My commitment to the cherished values of friendship has been confronted with the demands of statecraft”, he said. When that confrontation emerged, he said he decided to abandon friendship for national service. “I love my friends, but I also love my country. It is the height of patriotism that whenever the love for one’s country is in conflict with any other love, the love for one’s country takes precedence”, IBB added.”
Despite the finality of the annulment, Babangida’s life in power, from that June 1993 to his inglorious end in office was full of tension. “History’s judgment will always be harsh on him”, said Comrade Joe Igbokwe, a rights activist, who noted that the former military leader will carry the cross for life because he lacked the opportunity to reverse the annulment.
Historically, it has been difficult for the military to midwife democracy. In 1979, the electoral process was discredited by the Head of State, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who said that the best candidate will not win the presidential election.
When IBB unfolded his transition programme, the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, cautioned against the illusion of hope. Weary of the prevailing political situation, he doubted the sincerity of the transition drivers. Awo, who was invited by the Political Bureau chaired by Dr. Cookey to contribute to the debate of the future of the country, predicted that Nigeria was embarking on a fruitless search. He warned that when Nigerians imagined that the new order had arrived, they would be terribly disappointed. When Awolowo returned to Ikenne from Lagos, following his visit to the Evil Genius in Doddan Barracks, he urged his followers to learn to eat and wine with the devil with a long spoon.
It was an understatement. IBB started to gamble with the transition timetable very early. He shifted the poll twice. The third attempt was resisted by the human rights community. On poll day, voters were determined. They were ready for the festival of change. Even, the mood in the army and police barracks was not different. Soldiers, their wives and children displayed enthusiasm. According to the National Electoral Commission (NEC) chaired by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, 14 million voters participated in the voting. The contest showcased the potency of the Option A4, the open ballot system and the symbolic importance of the two party system. According to the poll results, Abiola scored 8,341, 309 votes, representing 58.36 per cent of the total votes cast. Tofa, it was said, was ready to concede victory. In fact, the NRC National Publicity Secretary, Dr. Doyin Okupe, declared that the poll was devoid of rigging, affirming that Abiola won a popular mandate. However, based on the order from above, the announcement of the result was stopped abruptly. The game of deception had reached the peak.
A feeble and spurious explanation for the annulment later came from military Vice President Admiral Augustus Aikhomu’s media aide, Mr. Nduka Iraboh. “In view of the litigation pending in the various courts, the Federal Government is compelled to take appropriate steps to rescue the judiciary. These steps are taken to protect our legal system and the judiciary from being ridiculed and politicised, both nationally and internationally.
“In an attempt to end this ridiculous charade, which may culminate in judicial anarchy, the Federal Military Government has decided to: stop forthwith all court proceedings pending or to be instituted and appeals thereon in respect of any matter touching, relating or concerning the presidential election held on June 12, 1993, the Transition to Civil Rule Political Programme (Amendment No 3, Decree No 52 of 1992 and the presidential election.
“Basic Constitutional and Transitional Provision Decree No 13 of 1993 is hereby repealed. all acts or omissions done or purportedly to have been done, or to be done by any person, authority etc, under the above named decrees are hereby declared invalid. The National Electoral Commission is hereby suspended. All acts or omission done or purported to have been done by itself, its officers or agents under the repealed Decree No 13, 1993, are hereby nullified,” he said.
On June 26, 1993, IBB also came on air. But, his explanation was clearly an after-thought. He said the process of authentication and clearance of the presidential candidates was not thorough. Nigerians also disputed the allegation that bribes were offered and accepted by the NEC officials. When the heat was turned on him by protesters, Babangida was forced to voice out his pre-determined destination. He declared that, although he knew those who would not succeed him, he did not know those who would succeed him. Television viewers later saw a staggering military President boasting that “we are not only in government, we are in power.”
With the cancellation of the results, Abiola’s vision for Nigeria died. The businessman-turned politician was very passionate about the masses. His slogan was the abolition of poverty. He had fought many personal battles, but the ‘June 12’ battle was the fiercest battle of his life. Rejecting the annulment, Abiola declared himself as the custodian of a sacred mandate. He said, having voted for him, the people of Nigerian expected him to assume the reins on August 27, 1993. “I intend to keep that date with history”, Abiola said.
IBB understood MKO. He was not indifferent to his determination to reclaim his mandate. Courage and the resolve to succeed were the hallmarkss of Abiola’s life. In a birthday message to him in 1992, Babangida acknowledge Abiola’s courage, stressing that “a major feature of your life, so far, is the doggedness and determination with which you pursue any venture embarked upon”.
Abiola was not prepared for the post-June 12 challenges. He was not an experience politician. But, he had the masses behind him. Amid the military onslaught against his mandate, he jetted out to seek international support. By the time he returned home, his party had split. The SDP leaders started to speak from the two sides of the mouth. Also, his business was subjected to torture. His business investment was ebbing away. The military dictator clamped down on his newspapers, The Concord, and other media organisations sympathetic to the cause. of popular rule. Former Information Minister Comrade Uche Chukwumerije, now a senator, mounted the hottest propaganda against the just cause. He said, by travelling abroad, MKO had gone down in history as the first Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yoruba to have deserted the battle field. As June 12 divided the polity, associates were changing allegiance. The Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) led by Senator Arthur Nzeribe, engaged in infamous deformation of the struggle, collating imaginary signatures of people against the election.
Read Also: Apostles of June 12 won’t rest until Nigerians enjoy good governance – Onitiri
The late Admiral Aikhomu also doubted the fitness of Abiola for the Presidency. He said the rich man is not the philosophical king. The military accused him of leaving the country illegally to mount an illegal campaign abroad against his fatherland. Gradually, MKO was losing grip of the situation. There were conflicts of advice and suggestions by eminent Nigerians.
For Abiola, history merely repeated itself on June 12. A decade earlier, he had sought to rule the country. But, he was edged out of the race in the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in 1982. On June 12, 1982, he struggled for the presidential ticket with President Shehu Shagari. He could not obtain the nomination form as the gate of the party secretariat was shot against him. Former Transport Minister Dr. Umaru Dikko told Abiola that “the Presidency is not for the highest bidder”. Two years before, he had also aspired to lead the NPC. But, he was defeated by the more experienced Chief Adisa Akinloye.
However, in the aborted Third Republic, his albatross was the Minna-born military General, who had assumed full executive powers, without the accompanying checks and balances. Resistance to him by the rights community and the decimated political class failed. Abiola, his wife, Kudirat, the SDP leaders who were loyal to him, human rights groups, labour, students, and the members of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) managed to sustain the struggle.
The symbol was ready to lay down his life, which he eventually did. Without a gun, he stood shoulder to shoulder with the military. In his famous Epe Declaration, the President-elect insisted on his mandate. “Never before has there been such a cynical and contemptuous abrogation of solemn commitment and fixed programme”, he said in response to the unsigned statement announcing the annulment. Abiola explained that Tofa, and the two political parties never went to court to complain about the poll. He wondered why the Abuja High Court granted the unprecedented injunction to the Nzeribe, who was not a candidate and who never voted during the election. He observed that these diabolical events were planned ahead to create confusion and discredit the poll.
It was a futile struggle. Although IBB left office, he did not hand over to the winner of the election. He stepped aside to save his face.
The interim government led by the boardroom guru, Chief Ernest Shonekan, succeeded him. But, it was short lived. On November 10, 1993, Justice Dolapo Akinsanya of the Lagos High Court dismantled the interim apparatus, saying that it was illegal, unconstitutional, null and void. On November 18, 1993, Abacha sacked Sonekan and stepped in as the military Head of State.
The pro-democracy crusaders were back to square one. Abacha abolished all democratic structures at the state and federal levels, disbanded the National Electoral Commission (NEC), banned the two political parties and set up the Provisional Ruling Council (PRC). Then, he promised to hand over to Abiola. He failed to keep the promise. Credible progressive leaders, who accepted ministerial appointments, were trapped in the administration. The military Head of State later initiated a self-succession plan, which collapsed when he mysteriously passed on.
Abiola was detained, following his self-declaration as the President. He was held incommunicado. The Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, who succeeded Abacha, did not release him from detention. Few days after Abacha died, Abiola also died in detention in controversial circumstance. His death in detention provoked outrage and condemnation. Human rights activists alleged that he was killed with style. The autopsy is still in the realm of conjecture. Twenty one years after, the symbol has not been immortalised by the Federal Government.
