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  • Interfaith Harmony Week: First Lady calls for love, peaceful coexistence among citizens

    Interfaith Harmony Week: First Lady calls for love, peaceful coexistence among citizens

    • Senator Tinubu urges Nigerians to turn prayer into action, seeks dialogue, unity across faiths

    First Lady Oluremi Tinubu has urged fellow Nigerians to love one another, live in peace, show compassion and respect towards one another, and exhibit diligence in service to humanity.

    Mrs. Yinubu spoke as the country joins the rest of the world to mark this year’s World Interfaith Harmony Week.

    In a message to mark the week-long observance, Senator Tinubu said these universal values remain the strongest bonds uniting people across different faiths and beliefs.

    She noted that these values are essential to national cohesion and peaceful coexistence.

    The First Lady urged Nigerians to move “from prayer to action,” stressing that the nation’s diverse religious traditions should inspire dialogue, mutual understanding, and collective efforts towards building a more peaceful and inclusive society.Mrs. Tinubu’s admonition was against the backdrop of this year’s World Interfaith Harmony Week, observed from February 1 to 7, with the theme: “Celebrating Peace, Honoring Leaders – From Prayer to Action.”

    According to her, interfaith harmony goes beyond symbolic gestures, but something that requires deliberate actions that promote tolerance, respect and cooperation among adherents of different religions.

    READ ALSO: Mutfwang, Plateau APC and 2027 battle

    The First Lady expressed optimism that Nigeria’s diversity, when guided by shared moral values, can serve as a powerful force for unity and national development.

    Senator Tinubu wished Nigerians a happy World Interfaith Harmony Week, reaffirming her commitment to promoting peace, inclusion and understanding across all faiths.

    World Interfaith Harmony Week is observed annually to encourage interreligious dialogue and cooperation as a means of fostering peace and stability within societies.

  • Fed Govt supporting youths in education, others to make Nigeria unstoppable global force

    Fed Govt supporting youths in education, others to make Nigeria unstoppable global force

    The Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, has urged Nigerian youths to use the ongoing national reforms to upscale their skills.

    The minister described them as critical pathways for personal growth and nation-building.

    Idris said this while delivering this year’s convocation lecture, titled: Youth and Nation Building: Navigating Opportunities in an Era of National Reforms, at the 34th convocation ceremony of the Federal University of Technology (FUT), Minna, Niger State.

    Focusing on the graduating students, Idris described Nigeria as a youthful nation with immense potential.

    The minister noted that the country’s future depends mainly on how its young population is educated, skilled and engaged.

    “Nigeria, like the rest of Africa, happens to be a very youthful country, with half of our population under the age of 20, and three-quarters under the age of 35,” he said. “With the right education, skilling, and preparation for the rapidly transforming workspaces of the 21st century, Nigeria will be an unstoppable global force.”

    READ ALSO: The men who ruined a republic

    Idris explained that the reforms introduced under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration were deliberate and necessary to reset Nigeria’s economic and governance systems.

    The minister stated that nation-building cannot happen without reform.

    “There is no nation-building without reforms,” the minister said. “Reforms protect us from the trap of doing the same thing repeatedly while expecting different results.”

    Highlighting key reforms, such as the removal of petrol subsidy, foreign exchange unification, and the new tax laws, Idris said the aim was not to burden citizens but to create a fairer, more transparent system that unlocks resources for development and investment. “The goal was never to take more from Nigerians, but to simplify taxation and make it fairer and more transparent,” he said.

    The minister noted that the reforms have resulted in renewed investor confidence and created opportunities across sectors, including technology, agriculture, renewable energy, and the creative economy, with young Nigerians positioned as primary beneficiaries.

    He cited government-backed programmes, such as the National Education Loan Fund (NELFUND), which has supported hundreds of thousands of students, as evidence that the Renewed Hope Agenda is yielding real and measurable impact.

    “Through NELFUND, we have incontrovertible proof that the Renewed Hope Agenda is real, functional, impactful, and transformational,” Idris said.

    In his closing remarks, the minister advised the graduates to see themselves as builders of the nation, urging them to engage actively with opportunities, develop their skills, embrace lifelong learning and consider public service as a platform for national contribution.

    “You can build from where you are, with what you have,” he said. “You do not need to wait until you have amassed wealth or influence before contributing to nation-building. Start now.”

    A statement by the minister’s Special Assistant (Media), Rabiu Ibrahim, said Idris congratulated the graduating students and thanked the FUT Minna’s management for the invitation to deliver the convocation lecture.

    Dignitaries at the event included Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago, who was represented by the Commissioner of Information, Mr. Obet Nana; FUT Minna’s Vice Chancellor, Prof. Abdallah Adamu Kuta; a former Vice Chancellor, Muftau Akanji; Senator Peter Nda Alkali, representing Niger South Senatorial Zone; the Director General of the Voice of Nigeria (VON), Malam Jibrin Baba Ndace; and a former Minister of Sports, Alhaji Sani Ndanusa.

  • Nigeria needs farm price stabilisation framework to protect farmers, says Yusuf

    Nigeria needs farm price stabilisation framework to protect farmers, says Yusuf

    Nigeria needs a comprehensive Farm Price Stabilisation and Farmer Income Protection Framework to prevent the collapse of its agricultural sector, the Chief Executive Officer , Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Dr Muda Yusuf has said.

    Responding to  recent government interventions  that have succeeded in bringing down food prices to the relief of consumers, Yusuf ,however, warned that the policy has created troubling trade-offs that threaten the sustainability of the nation’s food security.

    “The welfare gains from cheaper food have been profound and should be acknowledged. However, the cost to farmers and other investors across the agricultural value chain is equally significant and cannot be ignored,”  Yusuf said in a comprehensive policy brief released by CPPE.

    The CPPE chief explained that recent import surges of staple crops, particularly rice, maize and soybeans, have caused serious dislocations in the agricultural investment ecosystem, inflicting severe hardship on farmers and weakening incentives to produce.

    “Nigeria cannot afford a policy regime that undermines confidence and discourages investment in agriculture—one of the most strategic sectors of the economy, a major source of livelihoods, and one of the country’s largest employers of labour,” Yusuf stated.

    He emphasised the need for urgent policy recalibration to strike a sustainable balance between keeping food affordable for consumers and protecting farmers’ incomes.

    “Although consumers have welcomed the decline in food prices, the long-term consequences are adverse: farmer incomes fall, production declines over time, investment confidence weakens, and the country risks returning to cycles of scarcity and higher prices,” he warned.

    The policy brief identified several structural factors driving farm price collapses  beyond import surges. These include harvest gluts caused by simultaneous harvesting periods, limited storage facilities forcing farmers into immediate distress sales, weak rural logistics, and inadequate processing capacity.

    Yusuf called for the establishment of a National Farm Price Stabilisation and Farmer Income Protection Framework anchored on clear principles. “The framework should be rules-based rather than discretionary, targeted rather than universal, market-friendly rather than command-driven, and digitally enabled to strengthen transparency and accountability,” he said.

    Among the key recommendations, CPPE proposed  the introduction of Minimum Guaranteed Prices for strategic commodities including maize, rice, sorghum and soybeans.

    Yusuf clarified that this should not become an open-ended government purchase programme but rather operate strictly as a stabilising backstop when market prices fall below support levels.

    “Support prices should follow a transparent methodology reflecting cost of production, storage and logistics costs, and fair farmer margins,” he explained, while cautioning that minimum guaranteed prices without adequate storage capacity and institutional discipline could become fiscally unsustainable.

    The CPPE chief also advocated for urgent reform of the strategic grain reserves, calling for their conversion into a modern, professionally managed and rules-based buffer stock system. “Government should buy grains during harvest periods when prices collapse and release grains in lean seasons when prices spike. This will reduce volatility, stabilise supply, and strengthen food security,” Yusuf said.

    Read Also: NCC, NSCDC raise concerns over rising incidents of fibre cuts across Nigeria

    He recommended nationwide expansion of the Warehouse Receipt System, describing it as one of the most sustainable global solutions to distress sales. Under this system, farmers deposit produce in certified warehouses, receive receipts which serve as collateral for loans, and can sell later when prices improve.

    “A major driver of price collapse is farmers’ lack of liquidity. Many farmers sell at low prices not because they want to, but because they urgently need cash,” Yusuf noted.

    The policy brief also called for massive investment in storage infrastructure, cold chain facilities and agro-logistics through public-private partnerships, expansion of processing capacity near production zones, and strengthening of agricultural insurance schemes.

    On trade policy, Yusuf emphasised the importance of predictable safeguards to prevent import-driven price crashes while maintaining compliance with regional trade obligations.

    He further stressed the urgent need to reduce the prohibitively high cost of farm inputs including fertiliser, improved seeds, agrochemicals, farm machinery and livestock feeds, alongside provision of single-digit loan facilities and improved extension services.

    He said  Nigeria’s agricultural transformation cannot be achieved without stabilising farmer incomes.

     He called on the Federal Government, state governments, commodity exchanges, development finance institutions and private investors to work collaboratively in establishing the proposed framework, describing it as essential for protecting farmers, strengthening food security, reducing inflationary pressures, expanding rural employment and improving national economic resilience.

  • Ogoni stakeholders to President: review oil resumption in 17 communities

    Ogoni stakeholders to President: review oil resumption in 17 communities

    Some Ogoni stakeholders have appealed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to halt oil exploration in 17 Ogoni communities in Tai Local Government Area of Rivers State.

    They cited unresolved environmental damage, displacement and past violence.

    The aggrieved indigenes stated this at the weekend during a peaceful protest in Bori, Khana Local Government Area, at the weekend.

    Carrying placards with various inscriptions, such as “No to Oil Resumption”; “Free Ogoni Land from Economic Slavery”; and “NNPCL bring back our $300 million,” they condemned the resumption of oil activities without consultation or remediation.

    The Executive Director of the Ogoni Liberation Initiative (OLI), Douglas Fabeke, said oil operations were resuming in communities that were destroyed between 1993 and 1998, when over 300 people were reportedly killed.

    He urged the Federal Government to immediately halt oil activities in the affected areas, noting that the environment had not been restored and many residents remained displaced, including refugees in neighbouring countries.

    READ ALSO: Mutfwang, Plateau APC and 2027 battle

    Fabeke accused some oil firms, including Sahara Energy, of resuming operations without addressing past injustices, stressing that the move could trigger fresh unrest.

    He called on President Tinubu to order a suspension of activities and initiate meaningful negotiations aimed at restoring affected communities. He also urged the Federal Government to take direct control of OML-II and engage host communities through credible dialogue.

    Fabeke further rejected Sahara Energy, declaring the company persona non grata in Ogoniland, while expressing willingness to engage with NNPCL and relevant government agencies.

    He also raised concerns over the unaccounted $300 million reportedly earmarked for Ogoni communities, saying neither OLI nor the beneficiaries had been briefed on its disbursement.

    Fabeke warned that if the grievances were not addressed, Ogoni stakeholders would escalate their protests to Abuja.

  • Leveraging trust to deliver fiscal sustainability

    Leveraging trust to deliver fiscal sustainability

    By Gbenga Oyebode Falana

    Fiscal sustainability connotes the ability of governments to manage public finances over the medium and long term without excessive borrowing, debilitating debt, or fiscal crises – has emerged as a central pillar for economic resilience in today’s interconnected global economy. Yet, while the technical dimensions of fiscal sustainability (such as debt-to-GDP ratios, budget deficits, and revenue mobilisation) dominate policy discourse, an equally critical but less discussed driver is trust – trust between citizens and the state, investors and institutions, and among public stakeholders themselves. In emerging economies, where structural challenges abound, elevating trust from a peripheral consideration to a core strategic asset can transform fiscal outcomes and accelerate sustainable development.

    At its core, trust is the belief that institutions will act predictably, fairly, and in the public interest. When citizens trust their government, they are more willing to comply with fiscal obligations such as taxation; when investors trust the policy environment, they commit capital for the long term; and when civil society trusts public institutions, collaborative solutions to complex socioeconomic problems become possible.

    This trust – social, political, and economic is not measured solely by sentiment surveys, but by observable behaviours that influence fiscal performance:

    • Tax compliance: Trust in the integrity and fairness of tax systems increases voluntary compliance, reducing reliance on costly enforcement mechanisms.

    • Public spending efficiency: When citizens believe that public funds are managed transparently and responsibly, there is greater acceptance of necessary fiscal adjustments.

    •Domestic resource mobilisation: A trusted government is more likely to unlock domestic savings and channel them into productive investments.

    •Policy certainty: Investors both domestic and foreign are more inclined to commit to long-term projects when policy frameworks are credible and stable.

    In emerging economies, where tax bases are often narrow and public debt vulnerable to external shocks, trust becomes an indispensable asset in achieving fiscal sustainability.

    Fiscal trust in emerging economies: The current reality

    Emerging economies face multiple hurdles that erode trust:

    1. Perceptions of corruption and rent-seeking: Where public funds are perceived as being diverted for private gain, citizens become reluctant taxpayers.

    2. Weak institutional capacity: Inadequate administrative infrastructure undermines service delivery and weakens confidence in fiscal policy.

    3. Opaque budget processes: Lack of transparency breeds suspicion and fuels the belief that budgets serve special interests rather than the common good.

    4. Volatile policy regimes: Frequent, unpredictable changes in tax and regulatory frameworks discourage long-term investment.

    These challenges are not mere theoretical constructs they manifest in persistent fiscal deficits, high debt service burdens, limited public investment in infrastructure and human capital, and episodic financial crises. While emerging economies vary widely, a common denominator remains without trust, even the most technically sound fiscal strategy risks failure at implementation.

    Lessons from developed climes

    Developed economies, though not immune to trust deficits, offer instructive contrasts. Consider, for example, the Nordic countries of Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark where high levels of tax compliance coexist with generous welfare states. What explains this paradox to outsiders is a deep-rooted trust that taxes are fair, public services are effective, and officials are accountable.

    In Germany, for instance, the Federal Constitutional Court’s “debt brake” (Schuldenbremse) is more than a fiscal rule; it reflects broad societal consensus about intergenerational equity and sustainable public finances. The rule’s legitimacy is anchored in processes that involve public debate, legal clarity, and predictable enforcement.

    In Canada, the Parliamentary Budget Officer – an independent fiscal authority provides non-partisan analysis on fiscal and economic trends, enhancing credibility and informing public debate. These mechanisms foster trust, which in turn reinforces fiscal discipline and resilience.

    Pathways for emerging economies: A trust-first agenda

    Read Also: How a new youth reform agenda is rewriting the Nigerian story

    Emerging economies can harness similar principles, adapted to their specific contexts, to strengthen fiscal sustainability. The pursuit of trust must be deliberate, coordinated, and embedded in both policy design and implementation.

    1. Strengthen revenue institutions and tax justice. Tax compliance is the lifeblood of sustainable public finances. However, simply increasing tax rates is neither equitable nor effective if taxpayers do not believe in the fairness of the system. Introduce progressive tax policies that align burden with ability to pay. Modernise tax administration through digitalization, reducing points of discretion that invite corruption. Publicise tax expenditures and rationalise exemptions to ensure fiscal fairness and accountability.

    Empirical evidence from across Africa and Latin America suggests that reforms improving procedural fairness such as dispute resolution mechanisms and taxpayer service charters yield significant gains in voluntary compliance.

    2. Enhance transparency and open budgets. Trust thrives where information is reliable and accessible. Publish timely, comprehensive budget documents, including medium-term fiscal frameworks. Use open-data platforms to allow citizens, journalists, and researchers to track public spending. Institutionalise participatory budgeting at local and national levels so stakeholders can influence priorities.

    Countries like South Africa have made strides through “Open Budget” initiatives, which invite public engagement and strengthen fiscal legitimacy.

    3. Institutionalise independent fiscal oversight. Independent fiscal institutions (IFIs) serve as trusted arbiters in complex economic environments. Establish non-partisan budget offices, fiscal councils, and supreme audit institutions with statutory authority. Protect these bodies from political meddling through legislative safeguards. Require regular reporting to legislatures and the public.

    In Brazil, the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) has been pivotal in audit enforcement, exposing fiscal irregularities and promoting evidence-based governance.

    4. Foster policy consistency and predictability. Emerging economies often experience abrupt policy swings in response to political cycles or economic shocks. While flexibility is necessary, unpredictability undermines credibility. Anchor fiscal rules in law with clear triggers and escape clauses for emergencies. Engage stakeholders in policy formulation to build broad consensus. Communicate policy changes proactively, with impact assessments.

    Malaysia’s medium-term fiscal framework and India’s Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act are examples of efforts to bring discipline and predictability to public finances.

    5. Invest in civic education and trust building. Ultimately, trust is social and cultural as much as institutional. Promote civic education to deepen public understanding of fiscal policy and its implications. Support community forums where citizens can voice concerns and co-create solutions. Recognise and address historical grievances that contribute to scepticism and disengagement.

    In Thailand, civic education campaigns around the national budget have helped ordinary citizens demystify public finance and engage more confidently in fiscal discourse.

    Comparative reflections: emerging vs. developed

    It is tempting to assume that developed countries enjoy trust by default. Yet, events such as the Eurozone sovereign debt crises, Brexit, and rising populism across Europe and North America reveal that trust is neither static nor guaranteed. These episodes underscore the fragility of trust even in mature democracies and the dangers of complacency.

    However, developed economies generally possess stronger institutional scaffolding robust judiciaries, independent media, entrenched civil society organisations, sophisticated data systems, and diversified economies that help sustain trust even under strain. Emerging economies, while less endowed in these respects, are not without agency. By strategically investing in trust as a fiscal asset, they can unlock significant developmental dividends.

    Fiscal sustainability cannot be divorced from the social contract that underpins it. Technical solutions like expenditure rationalisation, debt restructuring, and revenue optimisation are necessary but insufficient in the absence of trust. Emerging economies that embed trust in their fiscal architecture will not only stabilise their public finances but will also strengthen democratic legitimacy, catalyse investment, and enhance resilience in an uncertain global environment.

    In a world where economic shocks are frequent and citizen expectations are rising; trust is not a luxury it is a strategic imperative. Emerging economies that recognise and act on this insight will be better positioned to deliver prosperity for their citizens and contribute to a more equitable global economic order.

    •Falana, PhD, FCA, is Commissioner, Tax Appeal Tribunal, Abuja.

  • Akpabio to NASC: let your activities reflect Federal character

    Akpabio to NASC: let your activities reflect Federal character

    Senate President Godswill Akpabio has urged the chairman and members of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC) to ensure federal character is reflected in the activities of the commission.

    A statement by the office of the Senate President said Akpabio spoke when the chairman and other members of the Sixth National Assembly Service Commission visited in his office.

    The Senate President congratulated them on their appointment and expressed the confidence that with their experiences and maturity, they would deliver on their mandate.

    Akpabio said: “The leadership of both chambers made very good choices. I have no doubt that with your pedigrees, you will deliver on the mandate given to you.

    “The maturity is there. So, we should expect the best. I know that with your various other vocations, your experiences will come to bear to ensure that everything about the commission and the welfare, promotion of staff and even the recruitment, that things are done in a way that reflects joy and national character.”

    READ ALSO: The men who ruined a republic

    The commission’s chairman, Dr. Saviour Enyiekere, expressed gratitude to Akpabio and the leadership of the National Assembly for the confidence reposed in them.

    Enyiekere acknowledged the challenges ahead but said the commission remained committed to meeting the challenges head-on.

    He assured the Senate President that the commission would not only strive to build on the successes of their predecessors but also restore confidence in the commission’s ability to fulfill its core mandate.

    The commission proposed to the leadership of the National Assembly the establishment of a Council of former Presiding Officers of the National Assembly and the reintroduction and construction of new National Assembly Legislative Quarters.

  • Arewa Think Tank opposes removal of INEC chairman

    Arewa Think Tank opposes removal of INEC chairman

    • North’s group urges Nigerians to prioritise electoral integrity over religious differences

    The Arewa Think Tank (ATT) has strongly opposed calls to remove the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Joash Amupitan.

    The group warned that such demands could deepen religious division and undermine Nigeria’s democratic process. The ATT Convener, Muhammad Alhaji Yakubu, who expressed the group’s opposition to such a move, urged Nigerians to focus on the integrity of the electoral system rather than the religious affiliation of public office holders.

    Yakubu said Nigeria’s current challenges demand unity and collective responsibility, not divisive rhetoric.

    “What Nigeria needs now is the integrity of the election. It’s not about the chairman of INEC being a Muslim or being a Christian. We should look at the integrity of the election, and we should stand in unity with this chairman so that he can do his job properly,” Yakubu said.

    The ATT convener cautioned against introducing religious sentiments into the nation’s electoral process, stressing that such actions could further polarise the country at a time of widespread insecurity.

    “We shouldn’t allow those who want to divide us through religion to gain leverage. We must be careful not to bring religion into our electoral system to avoid dividing the good people of this country,” he added.

    READ ALSO: Mutfwang, Plateau APC and 2027 battle

    Yakubu’s comments came amid rising controversy over renewed calls by the Supreme Council for Shari’ah in Nigeria (SCSN) demanding the removal of the INEC chairman ahead of next year’s general election.

    The council, led by Sheikh Bashir Umar, warned that Muslims across the country would not recognise or legitimise any election conducted under Prof. Amupitan’s leadership, citing alleged concerns over integrity and neutrality.

    The Shari’ah Council’s position was reportedly made during this year’s annual pre-Ramadan lecture and General Assembly held in Abuja on Tuesday, January 27.

    Yakubu noted that the council’s statements could erode public confidence in democratic institutions and inflame religious tensions, particularly at a time when the country is grappling with insecurity, economic hardship and social instability.

    The ATT urged religious organisations and leaders to avoid any rhetoric that could promote intolerance or heat up the polity.

    The group stressed that national unity and peace are urgently needed.

    It reaffirmed its confidence in INEC as a constitutional body and urged its leadership to remain focused on its mandate of delivering free, fair and credible elections without undue pressure from sectional interests.

    Also, the Arewa Think Tank maintained that Nigeria belongs to all citizens, regardless of faith, and that leadership positions should not be politicised or weaponised along religious lines.

    Yakubu urged fellow Nigerians to resist divisive narratives and instead support institutions working to strengthen democracy.

    The ATT convener noted that unity remains the country’s greatest strength in the face of ongoing national challenges.

  • Onitsha Main Market closure

    Onitsha Main Market closure

    It is getting clearer that the shut-down of Onitsha Main Market by Anambra State government did not offer the best option in addressing concerns on the market’s continued closure in compliance with the sit-at-home ritual on Mondays. Not with the spontaneity of protests and demonstrations the measure escalated last Tuesday. Not with the pro-Biafra sentiments and agitations it re-ignited for the release of jailed leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu.

    The social media was so awash with such sentiments that Anambra State Police Command in a statement expressed concerns about what it called the “pattern of individuals using social media platforms to incite violence, disrupt public peace as well as the sharing of unverified videos regarding the security situation in the area”.

    Before then, the state government had amassed an armada of security agencies to ensure traders did not gain entry into the market with prospects for unpredictable outcomes. Good enough, the security agencies were able to manage the situation in the most professional and competent manner as there have been no reports of any fatality. Even then, the meeting summoned by the state government last Thursday during which they dialogued with the traders’ unions on issues relating to continued observance of the sit-at-home order long suspended by the IPOB signposts lack of adequate consultations before the market shutdown.

    It is immaterial whether the meeting was summoned at the instance of the traders’ unions as the state government claimed. The very fact the government saw sufficient reasons to hold the meeting is suggestive of one or two things.

    It goes with the unmistakable impression that Governor Chukwuma Soludo did not exhaust all avenues for the peaceful resolution of the matter before resorting to the one-week closure of the market. There is no evidence that he consulted with the traders’ unions widely before shutting down the market with an armada of security agencies.

     Had there been such discussions, neither the traders’ unions nor the state government would be quick in seeking or acceding to last Thursdays’ meeting. Issues that arose at the meeting would have been factored into government’s decision to mitigate the ruffled atmosphere created by the closure. It is probable the state government underestimated the capacity of its action to escalate sentiments surrounding the sit-at-home order.

    Video footages from the demonstrations showed the traders expressing solidarity with Kanu and calling for his release. The protest even entered the second day when some of the traders blocked the Niger Bridge linking Onitsha to Asaba, preventing entry and exit into the commercial city. It took the efforts of the security agencies to clear the obstacles and restore free movement on the bridge.

    There is no doubt the market shutdown had the potentials of injecting complications into the fragile security situation of the state but for its mature handling by the security agencies.

    Soludo may have justifiable reasons for seeking normalcy to return to the market. The state government estimates that a whooping N8 billion is lost each Monday the traders do not open the market.

    That is a huge revenue loss. Ironically, the same state government has further increased that loss by the closure of the market for one week. It even threatened to shut it for a further one month if the traders refuse to open with a further threat to bulldoze and pull down the market.

    A government that is genuinely concerned about the losses incurred every Monday and desirous of reversing the trend should not be seen issuing such drastic and counterproductive threats.

    Soludo may have been led to these extreme threats by frustration. But he should not be seen through his actions to be exacerbating the same situation he seeks to remedy. Besides, it is improbable whether the use of force or high-handedness offers the best option in addressing the issues to the sit-at-home observance.

    At the centre of it all is insecurity. Attempts in the past by some traders to resume activities on Mondays had attracted dire outcomes including loss of lives in the Onitsha axis. So, those who refuse to venture out on Mondays do so out of safety for their lives in the absence of adequate security protection from the law enforcement agencies.

    One of the protesters in Onitsha captured this contradiction succinctly when he said in a trending video clip, if the security presence amassed to enforce the market closure could be deployed to safeguard traders, he will have no problem opening his shop. But that says only part of the story.

    Read Also: NCC, NSCDC raise concerns over rising incidents of fibre cuts across Nigeria

    That angle cannot diminish the groundswell of dissatisfaction in the zone with the judicial rather than political resolution of the Nnamdi Kanu matter. It is not for nothing that the closure immediately re-ignited sentiments for self-determination and the release of Nnamdi Kanu. So, it not just a matter of re-opening the market and doing away with sit-at-home. We may have to contend with the sentiments surrounding it for a long time to come. That is why political resolution as demanded severally by key leaders and socio-cultural organisations in the zone cannot be wished away.

    Just last week, reports had it that Yoruba self-determination leader, Sunday Adeyemo (Sunday Igboho)’s name was taken off the wanted list. In fact, he returned to Ibadan triumphantly to a rousing reception. There are parallels between what he stood for and the campaigns mounted by Kanu.

    No less a group than, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) latched on to such parallels to pick holes with what they described as presidential pardon given to Sunday Igboho. They listed the harm to lives and property which the activities of the Yoruba self-determination leader allegedly wrought on the Fulani living in Oyo State.

    The point MACBAN seemed to have elevated to the fore by such comparison is that political solution can also be found for the Kanu case. That may offer a better prospect for the full resolution of all issues to the sit-at-home observance and eventual return of peace and tranquillity in the zone.

    Even then, force in getting the traders re-open their shops is of questionable value. The relative return of normal activities in some state capitals was neither procured by force, intimidation or blackmail. It stemmed from enhanced confidence in law and order and feeling of safety from harms’ way by residents. The situation is remarkably different in the hinterlands because of the absence of these conditions.

    Former Anambra State Police commissioner, Aderemi Adeoye, captured this dialectic on one occasion with Soludo standing, when he said “it is not the duty of the police to drag people out of their homes as it will infringe on their fundamental human rights. Our duty is to make the environment conducive for those who want to come out. We have a duty to protect them”.

    Soludo should show evidence that he has caged those Christians whom he said were killing Christians in Anambra State for the traders to be sure of their safety on Mondays.

  • Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    • A spate of painful reforms is beginning to show results

    When Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, Olusegun Obasanjo, the elected president, set out to clean up the economy after years of mismanagement by military governments. Initially dismissed by critics, by the end of his second term Mr Obasanjo’s liberal policies had tamed inflation, spurred investment and raised annual GDP growth to around 7%. It didn’t last.

    Over the past decade GDP per person has fallen. Yet evidence is now mounting that another stretch of “golden years”, as one analyst calls the period following Mr Obasanjo’s liberalisation, may be on the cards.

    In the past two and a half years Bola Tinubu, who in Mr Obasanjo’s day was the governor of Lagos and was elected president in 2023, has been enacting his own set of structural reforms. As he gears up to run for a second term in 2027, they may be starting to pay off.

    It is difficult to overstate the mess Mr Tinubu inherited. When he took office in 2023, the country’s central bank had $7bn (equivalent to 1.4% of gdp at the time) in obligations it could not meet, prompting international investors to flee en masse. The bank’s credibility had been dented by a recklessly loose monetary policy, its mismanagement of dwindling foreign-exchange reserves and efforts to maintain an unsustainable tiered exchange-rate system. In 2022 alone the cash-strapped government spent some $10bn, equivalent to 2.2% of GDP, on a ruinous fuel subsidy.

    To fix things, Mr Tinubu’s government got on with a package of drastic structural reforms. It abolished the fuel subsidy and abandoned that multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, largely allowing the naira to float.

    The central bank aggressively tightened monetary policy to curb the resulting bout of inflation. The government also moved to improve security in the Niger Delta and offered a range of tax incentives to investors to boost dwindling oil production.

    Nearly three years on, Nigeria’s 230m people, especially the poor and the middle class, are still reeling from increases in fuel and food prices. Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping. The annual inflation rate, which hit a nearly 30-year high of 34.8% in December 2024, fell to 15.2% in December 2025.

    READ ALSO: The men who ruined a republic

    Growth is returning. The IMF expects the economy to expand by 4.4% in 2026. Following two steep devaluations in 2023, the naira has stabilised. The central bank’s foreign-exchange reserves have risen to $46bn, their highest level in seven years.

    Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence. On January 22nd Shell, a British company, said it hopes in 2027 to finalise plans, with partners, to develop a $20bn offshore oilfield that has been sitting untapped for over 20 years. Exxon Mobil, an American firm, has committed $1.5bn to deepwater development until 2027.

    Local business leaders are more upbeat, too. Oil-and-gas production is rising, much of it driven by local firms plugging leaks and improving output in onshore projects in the Niger Delta, which has become safer thanks to Mr Tinubu’s focus on security there.

    All this should give the government some fiscal breathing room, particularly as the cheaper naira begins to raise the competitiveness of Nigeria’s non-oil exports such as cocoa and cashew nuts.

    Recent reforms to taxation and tax collection, Mr Tinubu’s latest project, should help improve revenues further in the coming years. Falling inflation should eventually begin to ease the cost-of-living pain.

    However, even optimists have plenty of reasons to be cautious. Savings from the fuel subsidy have largely been spent on servicing the public debt, which is still rising as the government continues to borrow against future sales of oil to fund its deficit. Currently, some 60% of revenues are consumed by debt service.

    On January 20th Nigeria’s finance minister said the government hoped to borrow less this year, but current budget projections suggest that is not realistic. “The government is broke. There’s nothing to invest in the future, that’s the truth,” says Esili Eigbe of Escap, a Nigerian consultancy.

    Unless the government cuts civil-service salaries, another big chunk of spending, or is able to restructure loans to make them cheaper, the extra revenue from recent tax reforms looks unlikely to be available for improving infrastructure or to pay for public health care and education. “They’ve brought the deficit down, but they don’t seem to show any greater ability to get capital projects out of the door,“ says David Cowan, an economist at Citi, an American bank.

    All this means that it will take a long time for ordinary Nigerians, who until now have mostly borne the pain of Mr Tinubu’s reforms, to feel any benefit.

    Buying food has been a particular struggle, not just for the 42% of Nigerians who live on less than $3 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty, but also for the urban middle class. The price of a kilo of rice has nearly quadrupled since May 2023, while wages have barely budged. Even though inflation is now falling, many still struggle to afford enough to eat.

    Mr Obasanjo’s reforms in the early 2000s aimed to increase economic dynamism and improve people’s lives by attracting fresh capital investment into newly privatised sectors. By the end of his second term in 2007, domestic companies were worth $85bn, up from $3bn in 1999.

    Mr Tinubu, by contrast, has so far focused on restoring stability and reviving the country’s ailing oil-and-gas sector. To bring about more golden years for Nigerians, he needs to go beyond that

    • (Culled from The Economist)             

  • Deploying military veterans into ungoverned spaces

    Deploying military veterans into ungoverned spaces

    By Lekan Olayiwola

    Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces deceptively look like geographical gaps begging for occupation. Forests, borderlands, creeks, and rural corridors are treated as a single problem, awaiting a singular solution. The government’s new plan to deploy retired military personnel into these areas is bold and politically visible. To work, veteran deployment must do more than fill gaps.

    Ungoverned spaces are not monolithic. Each is shaped by unique governance gaps, local economies of violence, and historical state-society relationships. This proposed approach must navigate local realities, integrate with civilian institutions, and complement broader governance efforts.

    Ungoverned spaces are not just geographically remote

    The first analytical mistake in Nigeria’s security discourse is the assumption that ungoverned spaces are simply places where the state is absent. In reality, many of these spaces are just governed differently by non-state actors, informal authorities, armed groups, or hybrid arrangements that emerged because formal governance failed to adapt. A disaggregated mapping reveals at least four broad categories.

    Northwest forest corridors such as Zamfara, Katsina and parts of Kaduna are shaped by rural banditry linked to cattle rustling, artisanal mining, arms proliferation and collapsed local policing. Here, violence is economically motivated, decentralised, and deeply embedded in forest ecologies that favour mobility over territorial control.

    Northeast borderlands, particularly in Borno and Yobe, reflect insurgent fragmentation rather than pure absence of authority. State presence exists, but legitimacy is contested after years of militarisation, displacement and humanitarian dependency. Ungovernance here is less about vacuum and more about trust erosion.

    North-central agrarian belts experience governance breakdown driven by land tenure disputes, demographic pressure and politicised identity claims. Violence is episodic, communal and often escalated by weak conflict resolution institutions rather than criminal enterprise alone.

    Southern coastal and riverine zones, including the Niger Delta creeks, operate under a hybrid order where the state is present through security forces and oil infrastructure but absent in welfare, environmental protection and local accountability. Militancy, piracy and oil theft thrive not because there is no state, but because the state is selective. A single deployment model deploying retired soldiers positioned as security stabilisers cannot plausibly respond to such divergent logics of violence.

    The governance deficits behind ungoverned spaces

    What unites these regions is not terrain but institutional weakness. Local governments with little fiscal autonomy, police forces overstretched and mistrusted, judicial processes inaccessible or slow, and development interventions that arrive late or not at all. Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces are thus not accidental; they are produced by decades of centralisation, elite capture and uneven state investment.

    Security initiatives that focus on physical presence without addressing these deficits often displace violence rather than resolve it. When armed actors are pushed out of one forest, they migrate to another jurisdiction where governance remains weak. Without parallel investment in dispute resolution, livelihoods, and local administration, the cycle persists.

    Veterans as security actors: Lessons from elsewhere

    Globally, the use of retired military personnel in stabilisation or post-conflict settings is not unprecedented but outcomes vary sharply. In Colombia, former combatants were integrated into rural security and development roles after the FARC peace process. Where this was tied to land reform, civilian oversight and economic reintegration, violence declined. Where oversight was weak, criminal splinter groups emerged.

    In Sierra Leone and Liberia, post-war veteran engagement succeeded only when framed within comprehensive DDR (Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration) programmes, with clear civilian command, psychosocial support and income pathways. Veterans deployed as security auxiliaries without these safeguards were vulnerable to remobilisation.

    In Mexico, the reliance on militarised actors including former soldiers to fill policing gaps contributed to blurred lines between state and non-state violence, worsening human rights outcomes. The lesson is that veteran deployment works only when it is demilitarised in purpose, embedded in civilian governance, and tightly regulated. Experience alone does not substitute for institutional design.

    Civil–military relations and the risk of institutional drift

    Nigeria already operates one of the most crowded security landscapes in Africa. Military, police, civil defence, intelligence agencies, regional outfits, vigilantes, informal militias, and civic veteran organisations coexist with limited coordination. Introducing another security actor, even one drawn from the retired ranks, risks deepening fragmentation unless roles are clearly defined.

    While veterans bring institutional knowledge and, in many cases, experience in civic engagement through bodies such as the Nigerian Legion, operational instincts shaped by combat or paramilitary training may still dominate. Without targeted retraining in community protection, mediation, and human rights, their presence could reinforce perceptions of occupation rather than protection, especially in communities already traumatised by security excesses.

    Moreover, unclear command structures invite accountability gaps. Who supervises a retired officer operating in a civilian space? Under what legal framework? These questions are central because they determine whether the initiative enhances or erodes state legitimacy.

    Comparison with community policing and structural reform

    Community policing, when properly resourced, addresses many deficits veteran deployment does not. It embeds security within local accountability structures and emphasises intelligence, trust and early warning. Nigeria’s challenge has never been conceptual rejection of community policing, but half-hearted implementation.

    Read Also: Nigeria on ‘healing journey’ to $1trn economy by 2030 – Presidency

    Similarly, state police debates remain stalled by elite fear of decentralisation rather than evidence of failure. Yet countries with complex internal security challenges from India to Brazil demonstrate that layered policing systems, not central monopolies, are more adaptable.

    Economic strategies matter as well. In bandit-prone regions, livelihoods linked to mining regulation, grazing reform and rural credit address incentives that guns alone cannot. Veterans may contribute as mentors or administrators here, but only if security is not their sole function.

    Blind spots and how to mend them

    Three blind spots stand out. First, regional specificity. Any deployment must be tailored to local conflict economies. Veterans stabilising farming corridors require different mandates from those operating in insurgent-affected borderlands.

    Second, institutional integration. Veterans should operate under civilian agencies, not parallel command. Global best practice places such actors within ministries of interior or local government, not defence.

    Third, exit strategy. Ungoverned spaces are not reclaimed permanently by force. Without clear timelines and handover plans to civilian institutions, temporary security gains evaporate.

    Reclaiming authority, not just territory

    The real challenge Nigeria faces is not reclaiming space, but rebuilding authority. Ungoverned spaces persist because governance retreated long before soldiers did. Deploying retired military personnel may buy time, but time is only useful if it is used to repair institutions, not bypass them.

    A policy worthy response begins by abandoning the myth of uniformity. Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces are plural, political and deeply historical. Treating them as such is not academic indulgence; it is the difference between another cycle of security improvisation and a genuinely transformative strategy.

    •Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached at lekanolayiwola@gmail.com