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Tale of Nigerian politicians who rode into prominence on their fathers’ influence

Hitherto, they were unknown. But because of the political influence of their biological parents and the relevance of their families in the polity, they are becoming emerging power brokers. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the activities of a special breed of politicians who are products of dynasties, tightening their grip on power.

Born to Rule’ was the slogan adopted by Sokoto, the Seat of the Caliphate. Due to public outcry, especially from the South, it was changed.

But now, the tagline has a wider connotation and application in the polity.

It is not only the household of Usman Dan Fodio that is itching to preserve its latent claim to power in the bid to loom large and remain relevant for life. The wider polity is apparently mimicking the old technocratic order.

The Nigerian politics has thrown up certain young stars from notable lineages now bestriding the partisan space with the aim of projecting themselves as children of legends.

For many on the slippery political field, a family background capable of selling their candidature is a treasured asset. The political class is becoming used to the idea that parental reputation may continue to play a significant role in advancing the political careers of upstarts, despite the limitation of experience.

At the disposal of the privileged wards who are the beneficiaries of cumulative goodwill are grace of uncanny connection and formidable influence. 

In addition, they are insulated from the peculiar stress of political job hunt and assured of relatively easier route to power.

By and large, certain families see politics as a vocation, if not an outright occupation. Such households are gradually transformed into pseudo-political dynasties. In fact, public consciousness is filled with the past awesome feats of their illustrious progeni tors and their outstanding records of dignified community service remain in people’s consciousness as the rationale for instant enlistment of their offspring into political leadership space.

Such reliance on durable family reputation and name recognition is a feature of contemporary political life. It has made or marred the careers of kith and kin from time immemorial.

Observers point out that across the 36 states, elder statesmen, old political warhorses, party leaders and elders are on the same path. They are perfecting plans for the actualisation of the political ambition of their biological children in their lifetime.

Analysts also attest to a deliberate political tutelage packaged by aging political megastars who steer their children into community and practical statecraft under their roof.

Like their counterparts in other countries, the heirs-apparent to the political throne of godfathers are emerging across the states of the federation. Savouring the fruits of their parents’ labour, they are positioned as brides of the future; nurtured by the same code of conduct which accounts for the flourishing political careers of their parents.

It is further rationalised in political circles and party caucuses that the aged parents have paid their dues, and their offspring, though neophytes in politics, should be protected from political injury. It is the baseline for a sense of entitlement for the wards who believe in the validity of inheritable political capital.

References are made to the heroic labours of the past, including moments of detention, harassment by opponents and military oppression, deprivations and colossal electoral defeats through rigging, and deference to party supremacy and discipline.

The often advertised exploits also extend to building time-tested formidable structures, oiling of political machinery with financial resources, and in sisting on principle at delicate periods when their contemporaries were swayed by temptations and tremors.

As former governors, senators, ministers, commissioners, local government chairman and party stalwarts, they have built solid structures, which were sustained by patronage, strong commitment to principles and values, and leadership by example.

All these, observers agree, brighten the chances of gerontocrats, who are eager to establish a pattern of political inheritance by raising their loyal and trusted wards in their political image.

Leading lights who are on the last lap of life’s race believe that their influence should not dim at the twilight of their existence, and after journeying down their graves. Powerful, highly connected and politically influential, they are the brains behind the earth-moving actions and calculations culminating into the distribution of electoral opportunities.

The bright side of godfatherism is the substitution of self with kith and kin. Many godfathers have learnt their lessons in political sponsorship, thus retracing their steps from their penchant for raising godsons who later refuse to become stooges.

The puppet godson is now viewed as a pretender in a pre-election period as he is suddenly transformed by power, which also equips him to look the benefactor in the face and challenge the basis for the expectation of political returns on assumption of office.

Thus, political juggernauts, who are constrained by geriatric issues and are, therefore, unfit to jostle for positions, put their children forward. With the party structure and machinery effectively in their pockets, as it were, it is usually a smooth sail for their wards, the hitherto untested hands.

“That was why Sola Saraki put forward his son, Bukola, for governor in Kwara. It was the same reason Adedibu of Ibadan made his son, Kabiru, a senator in Oyo State,” said Oluyemi Ayodele, a political science teacher at the Ekiti State University (EKSU) in Ado-Ekiti.

Time may also be favourable to their ambitions. It is not just a question of lobbying for jobs for the boys. As the states become more complex to govern and government activities increase, filling the vacancies created to meet the challenge of governance is as compelling as filling them with competent hands.

The gerontocrats, who played significant roles in installing the state chief executives and other elected officers, are prescient and meticulous in their political calculations. They put forth the best of their blood; competent children who are qualified for political appointments. Thus, the beneficiaries are also prided as egg heads, armed with sound education, glittering for their intellectual fitness, blazing with vigour and determination to excel like their parents. Political analysts believe that their political careers are an extension of the careers and influence of their parents on whose backs they rode to public office.

But, rivals, even within the same fold and outside, are enveloped by envy. They decry the privileged gerontocrats as well entrenched, dominant, and strategically placed political barons, kleptomanic controllers of city politics and resources who are unwilling to yield their advantageous positions to able lieutenants outside their roof.

It is not peculiar to Nigeria. In many other climes, prominent families have been associated with the hunt for power. They include the Bush and the Kennedy families of the United States, Ghandi of India, Bhuto of Pakistan, Kenyata of Kenya, Eyadema of Togo, and Mobutu Sese-Seko of Congo.

In the United States, while John Kennedy was a serving president, his younger brother, Robert, served as Attorney-General and Edward was a senator.

Former President Bill Clinton’s wife, Hillary, became a senator and later Secretary of State (or Foreign Minister).

In India, the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty was dominant for a long time. Jawaharlal Nehru was the first prime minister. His daughter, Indira, was the first female prime minister in the country. After her assassination, she was succeeded by her son, Rajiv, also assassinated. Rajiv’s wife, Sonia, also became prime minister in 2004.

Projecting children of legends

In Nigeria, observers believe that the exploits of certain elder statesmen were public relations implements for their offspring. References have been made to the projection of Ogedengbe Macaulay, son of the father of Nigerian nationalism, Herbert Macaulay; Oluwole Awolowo, son of the first Premier of the old Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo; Greg Mbadiwe, son of Dr. Kingsley Mbadiwe, fondly called ‘Man of Timber and Caliber’ by admirers; Yomi and Bimbo Akintola, children of the late Western Regional Premier Ladoke Akintola; Udo Udoma, son of a former federal legislator and jurist, Udo Udoma; Simeon Tarka of Second Republic House of Representatives, son of Senator Joseph Tarka;  Mathew Mbu Jr., son of former Federal Minister of Labour, Chief Mathew Mbu; Jumoke Akinjide, former Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and daughter of First and Second Republic minis ter, Chief Richard Akinjide;  Jumoke Anifowose, daughter of former Ondo State governor, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, and Muyiwa, son of the slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige.

Also, there could be a feeling of entitlement, followed by conflict. At a ceremony in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, Oluwole Awolowo, a former councillor in Old Apapa Council of Lagos State and ex-member of Lagos State House of Assembly, had canvassed the dynasty route to power, wondering why Nigeria refused to take after India and other Asian countries, which permitted political authority to flow in one family for generations.

Although the same feeling had somehow persisted, the argument was punctured and ignored. When Awo’s last born, Dr. Tokunbo Dosunmu, wanted to contest for governor of Lagos in the Third Republic, she was rebuffed by former Governor Lateef Jakande, a disciple of her father, who said he was not ready to serve father and daughter in quick succession. 

However, when Mrs. Modupe Adelaja, daughter of erstwhile Afenifere Leader, Pa Abraham Adesanya, suddenly became a ministerial nominee in 1999, there was a feeling that it was an unsolicited gift for the old fighter.

Before then, her elder brother, Bayo, had made it to Apapa Council in Lagos State, as a Supervisory Councillor. Although he was eminently qualified to aspire, the name ‘Adesanya’ was an added advantage capable of scaring other aspirants.

It is the same prominence that the children of a committed progressive politician, the late Oba Olatunji Hamzat, enjoy in the Centre of Excellence. His household has donated three sons to the polity and they occupy relevant positions.

Two of his children had won House of Representatives primaries in 1999 at Mushin and Ifako-Ijaye constituencies. One was asked to step down as a sacrifice. Apart from installing a federal legislator, other siblings glow in government. Obafemi, a respected scholar, technocrat, and politician, who had served as Commissioner for Science and Technology, and later, Works, as well as minister’s aide, is now deputy governor of Lagos State. His younger brother is a council chairman.

Their background was Hamzat, godfather and biological father, Second Republic House of Assembly member, Transport Commissioner who served meritoriously, Baale of a village in Ogun State, a chieftain of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), June 12 crusader, Primrose member and Afenifere Justice Forum leader who disagreed with Chief Dapo Sarunmi’s decision to join Chief Ernest Shonekan’s interim contraption, Alliance for Democracy (AD) National Vice Chairman (Southwest), and leader of Lagos State All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC).

He was a political leader with a class, and until he passed on in 2019, there was no governorship aspirant who did not knock at his door in Ogba ahead of participation in the 2007, 2015, and 2019 polls.

Pa Hamzat’s colleague, Chief Busura Alebiosu, also took steps that will not allow his name to fade away in Lagos politics. President Bola Tinubu fondly calls him the ‘Comrade Capitalist.’ He is the Ijebu-born political leader of Kosofe, held in high esteem by many party faithful. He is also a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Governance Advisory Council (GAC) in Lagos State.

A former state lawmaker, Alebiosu understands the language of politics. He is able to manage his political achievements as his Ijebu people manage money. In Ketu, Ikosi, and Kosofe councils, his blood relations and followers occupy important positions, either as secretaries or as vice chairmen. Politically, the unofficial quota was not without justification. Like other leaders, he had toiled day and night to ensure the victory of the party during council polls.

The reward for hard work also came from the state government, which made his son, Dayo, a Special Assistant on Housing. He later became a member of the House of Representatives for eight years. Today, Dayo is also a commissioner in Lagos State.

Before the internal crisis that rocked the Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Lagos State, there was a rapport between the then Governor Tinubu and Ikorodu politician, Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu, a former council chairman. Ajisebutu’s son, Bayo, profited from the rosy relationship. He was appointed chairman of Surulere Council.

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Like other young men who had the same opportunity – Bola Ilori (Alimoso Council) and Lanre Opadoyin (Mushin), the younger Ajisebutu justified himself and warmed himself into the hearts of party leaders and senior government officials.

When his father and Tinubu parted ways, he supported the former governor’s position on the AD crisis by queuing behind Chief Bisi Akande as the national chairman of the party instead of the late Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, whom the elder Ajisebutu supported.

Asked to explain his position, Bayo cited principle, saying his father had never made any attempt to foist his opinion on him.

Bayo Ajisebutu was a governorship aspirant and he had another business dear to his heart. He was at the forefront of the crusade for the installation of an Ikorodu indigene as governor in 2007. The dream was not realised.

When Pa Ajisebutu left AD for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he followed his father. Later, he returned to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). Today, he is a top civil servant in Lagos State.

Like the elder Ajisebutu, the blood of the late Ganiyu Dawodu ran in the veins of progressive governments in Lagos State. To placate the old politician, who maintained a stiff opposition to Tinubu’s candidature in 1999, his son, Segun, made the list of commissioners.

He was assigned the Sports portfolio. It was reminiscent of the long military era and Second Republic when Ganiyu Dawodu was commissioner.

Before and after independence, Dawodu, nicknamed the ‘god of Lagos politics’ (based on his initials: Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu), was a councillor and later chairman of the famed Lagos City Council, who dislodged the veteran National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) actors.

Dawodu was the pioneer AD chairman and doubled as Lagos State Afenifere leader. He was apparently shoved aside from the AD leadership to pave the way for Prince Abiodun Ogunleye, eminent accountant and former commissioner, during the 2001 congress.

Dawodu’s activities temporarily drew the curtain on his son’s tenure in the Lagos State Executive Council. As his father became the governorship candidate of Progressive Action Congress (PAC) during the 2003 elections, Segun was in a moral dilemma.

Initially, the Sports Commissioner accompanied his boss, Tinubu, to the re-election campaigns. Later on, he could not stomach the missiles from Tinubu’s mouth directed at his father. Though he reiterated his loyalty to Tinubu, family bond compelled him to resign from the Exco – blood is thicker than water.

But 20 years after, he returned to the same ministry as commissioner under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

In death, Alhaji Mumuni Adio Badmus remains relevant, like his contemporary, the late Afolabi Ege, an Awori leader, whose son is now a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly.

A former state lawmaker, Mrs. Bola Badmus-Olujobi, is the daughter of Badmus, and she has built on her father’s reputation. After the demise of the lawmaker representing Amuwo Odofin State Constituency I, Bola became a replacement. She was backed by party leaders in memory of her father, a grassroots politician, and mobiliser.

The late Badmus was the Information Commissioner in the Mobolaji Johnson administration. He was the Secretary of Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in Lagos State during the Lateef Jakande era. He was also a commissioner under the Tinubu administration. Due to ill-health, Tinubu changed his portfolio from Education to Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. He was replaced by the Education Adviser, Dr. Idowu Sobowale. The House of Assembly sought to know from Tinubu what would be the fate of the old politician. It was until they were convinced that he had been given another position in the State Executive Council that they ratified Sobowale’s appointment.

Badmus died in active service. Tinubu, who was abroad, had to return immediately to accord him the last respect.

Bola, his daughter, later became Deputy Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly and, much later, a Woman Leader in the ruling party.

The daughter of Pa Karimu Laka, nicknamed Orelope, a respected leader in Alimoso, Lagos State, Mrs. Tawa Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire, has served as a state lawmaker, Commissioner for Women Affairs, and deputy governor. Currently, she is the Senior Special Assistant on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to the President, a position she has been holding under former President Muhammadu Buhari.

Iye Ekiti-born Afolabi Fasanmi, also a former Special Assistant and son of the late Senator Ayo Fasanmi, had a moment of opportunity to justify his worth and capability when Tinubu made him the chairman of a panel for the screening of councillorship and chairmanship aspirants during a shadow poll in Lagos. That followed his failure to get the House of Representatives ticket in his Ekiti constituency.

But ahead of the local government primaries, he rallied party elders and leaders to resolve intra-party crisis likely to frustrate the party.

Hakeem Okunola, lawyer-son of the eminent jurist, the late Justice Muri Okunola, rose to fame as Executive Assistant, Land Use and Allocation Committee. Later, he became a Permanent Secretary and Head of Service of Lagos State. A hardworking technocrat, Hakeem is now a Presidential Private Secretary.

The younger Prince Gbolahan Ogunleye, son of Prince Ogunleye, began his political career under the tutelage of his father. He became a Special Assistant under Lanre Balogun, former Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs Commissioner. Later, he served as Executive Secretary of Ikorodu Council. He is now a member of the House of Assembly.

What worked for him also worked for Folarin Coker, former Deputy Chief of Staff and son of the famous jurist, Justice Folarin Coker. From the state licensing office, he became a commissioner.

The projection of children of legends also extended to the royal courts. Traditional rulers were taken into account. Royal support for the Lagos administration was not in vain. Prince Oniru secured an appointment as the Managing Director of Lagos Water Front. Prince Saheed Elegushi of Ikate land became a Personal Assistant to the former governor. He later succeeded his father as monarch. Anofi, his elder brother, served as Home Affairs Com missioner.

Today, the Olowo-Eko of Lagos, Oba Rilwan Akiolu’s son, Moshood, is a member of the House of Representatives, representing the Lagos Island Constituency.

In honour of former Governor Jakande, his son, Deji, got the ticket for the House of Representatives in Somolu Constituency. Another son, Seyi, is serving as vice chairman of Mushin Ojuwoye Council.

Outside Alausa, Ikeja seat of Lagos government, it is believed that the enormous goodwill garnered by the elder statesman, Senator Habib Fashinro, the first Clerk of Lagos City Council, rubbed off on his son, Hakeem, who won an election into the House of Representatives on Lagos Island. A respected Lagosian, the late Fashinro was an associate of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Although old age denied him the energy and vigour required for politics, Afenifere/AD/AC/ACN leaders perceived him as a moral voice.

A similar honour has been accorded to the GAC leader, Prince Tajudeen Olusi, whose son, Tijani, was elected as Lagos Island Council chairman. Olusi, a Second Republic federal legislator and one-time Trade and Commerce Commissioner in Lagos State, is a respected leader of the APC.

Lagos APC Women Leader, Jumoke Okoya-Thomas, a former member of the House of Representatives, also profited immensely from her father’s connection. The late Chief Molade Okoya-Thomas, an industrialist and Asoju Oba of Lagos, was a staunch supporter of the Tinubu administration.

The Shitta-Bey example:

Another prominent Lagos family that has remained a factor in Lagos politics is Shitta-Bey. Four descendants of the legendary Seriki Musulumi of Lagos have been electoral assets. They are the late Senator Sikiru, the late Alhaji Rasheed, Alhaji Jibola and the late Lateef.

Sikiru, lawyer, and leader of Action Group (AG) Youth Association, was first elected into the House of Representatives in 1964 after a fierce shadow contest between him and the late Adewale Thompson in the old Lagos Constituency. In the Second Republic, he became a senator after another battle with his younger brother, the late Rasheed, who was later pacified with the House of Representatives ticket. Both were elected into the Second Republic National Assembly at the same time.

During the Third Republic, Jibola was elected into the Lagos State House of Assembly. The last born of the family, the late Lateef, whom Senator Sikiru had wanted to become a Permanent Secretary because the family had not produced one, opted out of the civil service and won an election into the House of Assembly to represent Surulere Constituency I.

Attesting to the political and religious fame of his illustrious family, Lateef acknowledged that he benefitted maximally from family prestige and honour, which gave him leverage and springboard.

He went down memory lane, emerging with what he called “proofs that made politics the food of Shitta-Bey family”. According to him, “politics was family business right from the days of my grandfather”.

Lateef added: “I am talking about the events as far as 1848. My great grandfather was a philanthropist, helper of the helpless, full of compassion for the poor.

“Shitta-Bey’s compound was a haven of political activities and confrontation. Politics runs in the blood of the family. There are families of lawyers, doctors, and accountants. We are a family of politicians, and community service is a career.”

Lateef recalled that his two elder brothers, Sikiru and Rasheed, also supported his political career by giving him tutelage and financial support.

He said: “I was there when my father was campaigning for my brother’s first election in 1964. I was a little boy and my father encouraged him. I under-studied my father when he took him round for campaigns. My father persuaded or coerced his tenants to vote. My father was an unofficial agent of the AG.

“Later, my elder brothers contributed to my sustenance in politics by giving me assistance.”

In his view, “there is the hereditary aspect. We children of Shitta-Bey were taught never to take the backseat; we like to be at the front”.

Lateef Shitta-Bey also said the family endeared itself to the people by showing love, playing deep roles in Islam and propagating its beliefs in competition and equal opportunities for all.

He added: “People in my constituency voted for me, not because I am good-looking but because I came from the right family.”

Instructive, the Shitta-Beys have always operated in popular and people-oriented parties-AG, UPN, SDP, AD, ACN and APC. When Senator Sikiru veered into the NPN, his constituents frowned at it. When Lateef left ACN, his senatorial bid collapsed.

In Surulere, the family name and popularity also initially played a role in the political career of Hakeem Gbajabiamila, former Housing Commissioner, and Femi Gbajabiamila, former House of Representatives Speaker, who is now the Chief of Staff to the President.

Family connection and political socialisation:

The relationship between family connection and political fame has remained a feature of politics. While Apena Kaoli Olusanya, an APC leader from Ikorodu Division, served as Agriculture Commissioner between 1999 and 2007 in Lagos State, his daughter, Abisola, now occupies the same position. The son of Cardinal James Odunmbaku, his colleague in the Lagos APC-GAC, David, is the chairman of Ojodu Council. Moyosore Ogunlewe, a lawyer-son of another APC-GAC member, Senator Seye Ogunlewe, rode to power as Kosofe Council chairman on the back of his father.

Also, Tunbosun, the intellectually sound and hardworking son of the eminent journalist and Solid Minerals Minister, Dr. Oladele Alake, who served as Commissioner for Information and Strategy during the same period, is Commissioner for Science and Technology. Also, Babajide, the son of Senator Musiliu Obanikoro was elected into the National Assembly. Sultan, son of the late Prince Ademola Adeniji-Adele, a former commissioner, was elected into the House of Assembly. Folajimi, son of former Information and Culture Minister, Layiwola Mohammed, was a two-term lawmaker in the House of Assembly.

It is the same trend in other states. For example, in Ogun State, Olumide, the son of former Governor Olusegun Osoba, made it to the House of Representatives; like Gboyega, son of former Governor Ade Adefarati of Ondo State; Dapo, son of former Governor Lam Adesina of Oyo State, and Olamijuwonlo, son of former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala.

Early exposure to politics and governance also motivated children of veteran politicians to have interest in the game. There were reports of children of some governors who were officially or unofficially co-opted into governance structures, particularly in Osun State in the days of former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola. Aregbesola’s son, Kabiru, came up with some initiatives that impacted governance. Oyetola’s son, Femi, was like an aide to his father. It is the same pattern in Ondo State under Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, where his son is actively involved in running the state.

As some families grew in fame, they saw the need for the acquisition of power. Politics became a family vocation, an avenue for service and route to influence and affluence.

When the Colonial Governor of Nigeria, David Cameron, during a chat, alerted the Ooni of Ife, the late Oba Adesoji Aderemi, to the possibility of the systematic displacement of traditional rulers by the emerging class of nationalist politicians after independence, the eminent monarch admitted the fact. But he told the governor that when the time comes, his educated children and grandchildren would be part of the ruling elite.

Oba Aderemi’s prediction came true. His daughter, Mrs. Tejumade Alakija, became the first Head of Service in old Oyo State; another son became a commissioner. His grandson, Babajide Omoworare, became a senator representing Ife/Ijesa District.

In the old Northern Region, political leaders and monarchs exercised foresight. As coups were dethroning legitimate authorities in Egypt and Sudan, northern Nigerians put on their thinking caps. They reasoned that the military would become the alternative power centre in Africa. To maintain their political influence, the northern aristocrats enlisted their children into the Army.

As soldiers sacked them during military interventions that drew the curtains on the First Republic, their wards became part of the ruling military elite.

In the Southeast, the children of Igwe Nwodo, who served as Minister of Local Government in the old Eastern Region, later became more prominent in politics. Joe, his eldest son, was a presidential candidate; Ekwesilieze, a former governor of Enugu State, was a National Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); and John Nnia became Minister of Information under the Abdulsalami Abubakar military regime.

Two children of Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua, First Republic Minister of Lagos Affairs, made impact. Major General Shehu Yar’Adua, former Chief of Staff Supreme Headquarters, set up the most formidable political structure through the defunct Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). His younger brother, Umaru, former governor of Katsina State, became President and died in active service.

Even in death, the name of President-elect Moshood Abiola, winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, still evokes a good memory. His daughter, Lola Edewor, represented Apapa Constituency of Lagos State in the House of Representatives between 1999 and 2007 before relocating to Ogun State to play politics. Her younger sister, Hafsat Costello, was a special adviser to former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosu. Also, his younger brother, Kola, was a Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) presidential candidate in the last general election.

While serving as president, Olusegun Obasanjo’s daughter, Dr. Iyabo Bello, became Ogun State Commissioner for Health, and later the senator representing Ogun Central. She was Chairman of Health Committee.

Second Republic Senate Leader, Dr. Saraki, ensured that his son, Bukola, became governor of Kwara State while his daughter, Gbemisola, was elected into the House of Representatives, and later, the Senate. Indeed, the Kwara kingpin wanted Gbemisola to succeed his brother. But Bukola disagreed and, politically, the patriarch was grief-stricken. Bukola later became Senate President and PDP presidential aspirant.

In Zamfara State, the Shinkafi siblings made waves. Umaru, former Director of the dreaded National Security Organisation (NSO) – the forerunner of today’s Department of State Services (DSS) – and Internal Affairs Minister, was a vice presidential candidate of AD in 1999. His younger brother, Aliyu, a former deputy governor, succeeded Governor Sani Yerima in 2007.

Wives of statesmen who know their onions have also entered politics and made impact. Examples are Senators Daisy Danjuma, spouse of one-time Defence Minister Gen. Yakubu Danjuma, and Mrs. Margarey Okadigbo, wife of the charismatic Senate President Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, who served as senators. Their election coincided with the intense agitations for gender inclusion in politics. 

The wive of former Yobe State governor, Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim, Khadija, was a member of the House of Representatives. She later became Minister of State for Foreign Affairs under President Muhammadu Buhari. 

In Lagos State, Senator Oluremi, teacher and philanthropist-wife of Tinubu, became a three-term senator for Lagos Central. Tinubu’s in-law, Oyetunde Ojo, husband of the Iyaloja of Lagos, Chief Folasade Tinubu-Ojo, became a member of the House of Representatives representing Ekiti Central Constituency 2.

However, Tinubu’s political structure is a wide departure. It is formidable; loved and respected by people because of its philosophy of grooming many competent people for leadership and service to  the masses through the pursuit of welfarist programmes.”If progressivism is viewed as a sort of ideology, then, Tinubu’s structure is the closest to the idea,” said Ayodele, who added:”Many products of the camp are reputed for their contributions to good governance.”

Reflecting on Senator Oluremi’s tenure in the National Assembly, her legislative activities, and empowerment programmes, Prince  Olusi said the First Lady bestrode her Lagos Central District like a colossus. An Amazon, Oluremi articulated the prime interest of Lagos in the Upper Chamber through her relentless clamour for special status for the former federal capital territory. 

Olusi stressed: “Lagos Central has produced many senators – Oba Musendiku Adeniji-Adele, Ajayi Adeyiga, Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Fashinro, Kofoworola Akerele-Bucknor, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Musiliu Obanikoro, Muniru Muse and Oluremi Tinubu. But Oluremi Tinubu was the best in terms of performance.”

Indisputably, members of the large Tinubu ‘political family’ include actors from the Southwest and beyond, many of whom have no biological link with the Asiwaju of Lagos.

However, the political camp had to contend with internal wrangling during the last electioneering. When the APC National Leader, Tinubu, unfolded his lifetime presidential ambition, two of his disciples-former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and former Ekiti State Governor Kayode Fayemi-also threw their hats in the ring. While they had the fundamental rights to aspire under the constitution and guidelines of the ruling party, the public largely perceived their ambitions as a challenge to the aspiration of their leader.

To historians, such a scenario is not strange. In 1956, the late economist, Dr. Sam Ikoku, a candidate of AG, contested against his biological father, the legendary educationist, United National Independent Party (UNIP) chieftain and statesman, Chief Alvan Ikoku, in the Eastern Regional House of Assembly election. The younger Ikoku won the poll.

In Imo State, while Chief Rochas Okorocha held sway as governor, his younger sister, Mrs. Ogechi Ololo, a political mobiliser in her own right, was made Commissioner for Happiness and Purpose Fulfillment. That was after serving as the Chief of Staff, Domestic Affairs, in the State Executive Council (Exco).

As Okorocha was about to complete his two terms of eight years, he anointed his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu, as his successor. But the plan to make him governor failed.

In Anambra State, the Uba family has produced Senator Ugochukwu Uba, Senator Andy Uba, and Eselu Chris Uba, a former PDP trustee. They teamed up when interests aligned. On other occasions, they worked at cross-purposes.

In Abia State, the son of former Governor Theodore Orji, Chinedu, was elected into the House of Assembly. He became Speaker.

Also, in Benue State, Mrs. Blessing Onuh, daughter of former Senate President David Mark, became a member of the House of Representatives. Though her father is a PDP leader, she ran on the platform of the APC.

2023 electioneering:

In fact, during the last general election, children of many prominent politicians used the opportunity for self-projection while mobilising for political parties.

Also, more children of party leaders were on the ballot during the governorship and legislative elections.

In Lagos Mainland Constituency, Ajani, son of Pa Monsuru Owolabi, who served in the House of Representatives for 16 years, was re-elected into the House of Assembly. 

In Kano State, Senator Rabiu Kwakwanso, former governor and one-time Minister of Defence and presidential candidate of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in this year’s general election, mobilised for the election of his son in-law, Abba Yusuf, as governor.

In Delta State, Erhiatake Suenu, daughter of former Governor James Ibori, was elected House of Representatives member for Ethiope Constituency. Also, Mariyin, daughter of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa, won election into the House of Assembly.

In Kaduna North Federal Constituency, Bello, son of former Governor Nosiru El-Rufai, and Adam, son of former Vice President Namadi Sam of, contested for the House of Representatives seat. 

In Jigawa, Mustapha, son of former Governor Sule Lamido, was PDP governorship candidate. He lost to the APC flagbearer. 

In Cross River, Godswill Edward, former President Goodluck Jonathan’s son-in-law, competed for the governorship ticket in APC. He lost to Governor Bassey Otu. 

In Ekiti State, Joju, son of former Governor Ayodele Fayose, aspired to represent Ekiti Central 1 in the House of Representatives.  

In Ogun State, Rasheed, son of the late Senator Buruji Kashamu, got the ticket to run for the Lower Chamber of the National Assembly in Ijebu North Constituency. 

In Sokoto State, Sagir, son of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa, struggled for the PDP governorship ticket. It was the same scenario in Bauchi State where Ahmadu, son of former Governor Adamu Muazu, was in the governorship race. Also, in Adamawa State, Aziz, son of former Governor Muritala Nyako contested for governor on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC). 

The son of the former governor of Plateau, Senator Jonah Jang,  Pam, was in the race for the House of Representatives. He later stepped down. In Kwara, Mohammed,  son of former Governor Abubakar August, ran for governor. He is now a minister of state. 

Experts’ views: 

To political scientists, political dynasties are not built in a day. The aspirations of offsprings of political warhorses are legal are also. It is not a violation of rights and justice, if their rivals are not excluded from the competitive democratic electoral process. 

Also, power, as it is generally agreed, is not served a la carte. According to Appadorai, a political scientist, people struggle and achieve power through competition and antagonism. Therefore, the game is about the survival of the fittest who have the wherewithal, including family background, to wrest uthority, which is legitimate power. 

Italian political scientist, Gaetano Mosca, who developed the elite theory and doctrine of political class, stated that “every class displays the tendency to become hereditary, in fact, if not in law, and that even when political positions are open to all, a family tie to those already in power would confer various advantages.”

However, in their work, ‘Political Dynasties,’ published in 2008, Ernest Bo, Pedro Bo and Jason Snyder observed that political dynasties have long been present in democracies, raising concern that inequality in the distribution of political power may reflect imperfections in democratic representation. 

That quest for permanent power, according to Robert Michels, a German-born Italian political sociologist, who focussed on the political behaviour of the ‘intellectual elite,’ is consistent with human nature. 

In his writings on “The iron law of oligarchy, ” Michels stated that even in democratic organisations, “the leadership, once elected, would entrench itself in power, undermining the democratic principle of a level playing field.”

But, Mosca disagreed that self-perpectuation in power, especially in a civilian setting, is devoid of considerations for personal attributes. In his view, “persistent inequalities in power attainment reflect hereditary inequalities in talents and drive.”

The question then is: ‘do political dynasties exist because some families are somehow politically able or talented than others, or is political power self-perpetuating?’

Mosca stated:”If traits such as talent run in families, this may yield persistent advantages to some families that are not due to their already occupying positions of authority.”

This opinion tallies with the view of Snyder, who submitted that political power may be self-perpetuating, but the presence of political dynasties does not merely reflect differences in ability across families. 

Indeed, as it is also true of some African countries ( as exceplified in Eyadema of Togo and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya), Snyder contented that political strength or “holding power for a longer time increases the probability that one’s heirs can attain political power in the future, regardless of family characteristics, talents and abilities.”

However, Ayodele said what can sustain elective office holders in power is their performance, not how they got there. He described that “performance” as a product of personal effort, competence, capability credibility and integrity, adding that ” family background can then be an added advantage.”

Besides, the electorate holds the ace. As the last electioneering had shown, the voting pattern showed an unprecedented resistance to intimidation and timidity. Voting is a weapon of choice, change, rejection and affirmation of leadership. 

The university don maintained that only the dynasty, political structure, camp and party that is tested, trusted, reliable and popular with the people that will carry the day.

  “In democracy, voters are now more conscious, more enlightened in Nigeria. If you get to office through your parents and you don’t perform or fulfill your campaign promises, the electorate can reject you in the next election,” he said.