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Sanwo-Olu’s ‘Lagos Light Up’ idea

By Luqmon Balogun

One of the major pieces of urban infrastructure that impact positively on public safety, economy, as well as wellbeing of any community is street lighting. In every developed world, street lighting plays a significant role as a preventive mechanism for road accidents, crime reduction, and ensuring energy savings. In the same vein, social interaction and community engagement increase when places like parks, highways and walkways are lit, and this invariably enhances a stronger sense of belonging and neighbourhood cohesion.

In the past years, there have been hues and cries by residents of Lagos, alleging that the state government had left the streets in darkness and made it pervious to social menace. The House of Assembly, at a point, also reprimanded the executive arm for neglecting roads and highways across the state.

On December 3, 2024, Governor Sanwo-Olu signed the Lagos State Electricity Bill 2024 into law, thus setting the stage for a power supply system aimed at providing reliable electricity to residents. During the signing, he expressed his administration’s resolve to lighting up Lagos.

“The bill is not about us; it is about the whole market and the entire system. So, it is important that the system is fully carried along, and they should see it as a win-win. We want, at the end of the day, Lagosians to be the full beneficiaries of what the bill is about. We all want to see affordable and accessible lights all around our state.

“We all have a common objective, which is to develop and improve the energy infrastructure of our state, and once we do that, we know it will transform into economic benefits for citizens so that people can have a better security network in terms of making Lagos a true 21st Century economy, and not being scared or worried about night or illumination in some parts of the city. We want to light up Lagos. We want our citizens to feel the benefit and effects of this legislation”, he had said at the occasion.

In addressing this concern, the administration aligned with the evolving smart and LED lighting to replace the old orange-glow streetlights, while building on the existing components. The administration also ensured improved operations with fresh installations and decommissioning of old fittings on major routes across the state.

Previous administrations had adopted numerous initiatives to light up the streets, with the use of diesel- and gas-powered lighting, but this, as it turned out, was not economically and financially sustainable, as most of the major streets could not be covered.

With the new installations, the government, through the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, has since restored nightlife to areas like Iddo, Eko Bridge, Ikorodu Road, Jibowu, Fadeyi, and all the way down to Maryland and Ojota. Others include Marina Bridge, Western Avenue, Gbagada-Oshodi Expressway, Muritala Muhammad International Airport Way, Governor’s Road, Alausa, Old Toll Gate-Olusosun, Alapere-Ogudu, Lekki-Ikoyi Link Bridge, Agric Ikorodu, Ikorodu Road, Lekki-Epe Expressway, with many of them completed while others are ongoing.

The Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Gbenga Omotoso, said that the project is a continuous exercise across the state.

“What you are seeing today on the streets is the answer of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the question of unlit, dark streets. Today, so many streets in Lagos are well lit, and the job is not complete. It is not done; it is something that is ongoing, and we will continue to do it.

“In the first phase, we are going to fix 20,000 lamps while the second phase is about 22,000…the streetlights have really brightened up the streets. And there are so many implications, such as reduction of crime, safety, and security on our streets.” he said

Omotoso also spoke on the efforts so far by the Sanwo-Olu’s administration to light up the city.

“When Mr Sanwo-Olu came in, we felt it was not reasonable and was not sustainable for us to spend about N600 million every month to power, repair and fuel generators, and to do all of that.

“Besides, the world is running away from emissions but towards clean energy. And that Lagos should not be left behind in that kind of conversation. So we decided to go solar. We tried so many, until we got the right specification, which we are doing now. In all, this is a testament to the fact that we are also advancing technology, sustainable energy, in the beautification of our streets and communities,” Omotoso stressed.

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Technically, an improved visibility allows drivers to see road hazards ahead, as study shows that a well-lit intersection can drastically reduce night-time crashes by roughly 30% to 40%, and proper illumination has been shown to reduce pedestrian-related crashes by up to 50%.

Sodiq Omotayo, a commercial driver who plies Ikorodu to Lagos Island daily, shares his experience on the road, particularly at night: In the past, we usually had journeys laced with fear whenever we were returning home, because of the dark spots and fear of the unknown. But since the administration of Babajide Sanwo-Olu fixed these solar powered lights, it has become interesting to drive in the night, because now, you can see what is ahead of you.”

The idea of solar light retrofitting, according to Morenike Ladega who sells goods at Ikorodu bus stop, is transformational to the business environment.

“We the market people in Ikorodu are the only ones that can explain the magnitude of what Governor Sanwo-Olu did for us with these new solar installations. It has improved our sales greatly. Before now, we used to light up our stalls with rechargeable lanterns and others, but now Sanwo-Olu light up is the real light,” she said

It is a truism that areas with modern, consistent lighting are often perceived as more luxurious, thus increasing the value of property in the area. This audacious move by the government to light up major highways will no doubt bring about development and impact the environment positively, reduce the city’s carbon footprint, electricity costs, and enhance the city’s overall development.

The government has also assured that the solar street light installation and retrofitting is a continuous exercise and areas that are yet to be illuminated would soon be lit up.

For the Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s administration to sustain the accolades, all major roads across the state must be touched and, from there, the greater Lagos that is rising can be felt at all nooks and crannies of the state.

•Balogun is a journalist and writes from Lagos.

January 29, 2026
PenCom okays upward review for 2,116 retirees

The National Pension Commission (PenCom) has approved an upward review of pensions for 2,116 retirees under the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), increasing their total monthly pension payments from N12.56 million to N159.95 million.

The adjustment represents an unprecedented 1,173 per cent increase in total monthly pension payouts and marks the first pension review for NSITF retirees in 21 years.

Director-General of PenCom, Ms. Omolola Oloworaran, approved the review, which also included the payment of N8.7 billion in pension arrears to the affected retirees.

According to PenCom, the move addresses long-standing disparities in NSITF pensions and restores the value of retirees’ benefits in line with statutory provisions and prevailing economic realities.

In a statement, PenCom said the pension increase aligns with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s policy direction on improving the welfare of retirees, noting that the reform reflects ongoing efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s pension system.

“The NSITF pension increase is yet another milestone in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s policy of enhancing the welfare of retirees in Nigeria, as the Director-General continues to champion landmark reforms that have transformed the landscape of the Contributory Pension Scheme,” the statement said.

It stated that as part of the enhancement, the 2,116 retirees received a total of N8.70 billion in pension arrears, with an average payment of about N3 million per retiree.

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“In one instance, an NSITF retiree’s monthly pension was increased from about N18,000 to N206,000. In addition, the retiree received over N8 million as pension arrears,” the Commission stated.

PenCom attributed the pension enhancement to the significant growth of the NSITF Fund, which expanded from N54 billion at the point of its transfer in 2005 to N195 billion as of December 2025.

According to the Commission, the growth reflects prudent fund management under PenCom’s strict supervision and provided the financial capacity to implement the long-overdue pension review while safeguarding the sustainability of the scheme.

PenCom further cited Section 39(3) of the Pension Reform Act (PRA) 2014 and Section 173(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which mandate periodic pension reviews at least every five years or in line with Federal Civil Service salary reviews.

It also referenced the NSITF Benefits Payment Policy, which stipulates that the minimum retirement pension should not be less than 80 per cent of the prevailing National Minimum Wage.

Despite these provisions, the Commission noted that the last review of NSITF pensions took place in 2005.

“In response to this prolonged non-compliance, PenCom invoked Section 53 of the PRA 2014, which requires that benefits under the NSITF Scheme be administered in accordance with the Scheme’s governing terms,” the statement said.

PenCom subsequently directed Trustfund Pensions Limited to submit a comprehensive proposal for pension enhancement, following which payments were made to verified NSITF retirees.

To ease the burden associated with pension verification exercises, the Commission approved the deployment of the VerifyMe digital solution for the automated revalidation of NSITF pensioners.

PenCom said the initiative eliminated the rigours of physical verification and significantly improved service efficiency for senior citizens.

January 29, 2026
The wages of a coup plot

The 1999 CONSTITUTI0N (as amended) makes it abundantly clear how a government can come into being or can be effectively changed. It can only be born or changed in an election that takes place every four years. Any other means of doing that, it says, is illegal, null and void ab initio (from the beginning).In effect, the framers of the Constitution had envisaged a situation where human nature may at times be at play.

In such a situation, some risk-takers would seek to forcefully take over the government and impose themselves on the people. To check this folly, Section 1 (2) of the Constitution warns: The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any person or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution. Perhaps, the legal draughtsmen were guided in their action by the experience of the trend then emerging in the world.

By the time of the drafting of the 1999 Constitution and its 1979 precursor, the country had run through several military rules. This series of military interregnum began with the coup of January 15, 1966, which 60th tragic anniversary was celebrated some two weeks ago. The coup later plunged Nigeria into a bitter civil war in 1967.

Nigeria has not only seen but lived the evil that the forceful takeover of government is, and has quite rightly settled for the democratic system of government. As the great Awo said: ‘the worst democracy is better than the most benevolent military regime’. Nothing can be truer than that statement. So, anybody can imagine the shock when reports of a coup plot were run by an online publication last October. Though known for its brash practice, the publication caught on like wildfire. It became a subject of discussions everywhere.

The military which normally is taciturn when it comes to such things was drawn out. But it gave nothing away. Rather, it kept things close to its chest. Though, the discerning knew that something was amiss from what it said, they bought the official line while waiting for what would happen next. This did not take long. The country home and Abuja residence of a former state executive were searched, and some documents carted away. The man who is outside the country has remained abroad since then, despite all the chest-beating to return home in no time!

The veil over the coup plot was removed on Monday when the military, without mincing word, confirmed that indeed there was a plot to overthrow the government. The Defence Headquarters (DHQ) said investigations into the plot for which some officers were arrested for what it initially described as ‘indiscipline’ had been concluded and the report forwarded to the appropriate superior authority, in line with extant military regulations.

“The findings have identified a number of officers with allegations of plotting to overthrow the government, which is inconsistent with the ethics, values and professional standards required of members of the Atmed Forces of Nigeria (AFN), DHQ said in a statement by its spokesman, Major-Gen Sumaila Uba. “Accordingly, those with cases to answer will be formally arraigned before an appropriate military judicial panel to face trial in accordance with the Armed Forces Act and other applicable service regulations”.

The confirmation marks the beginning of another phase in the saga. Coups or rumours of coups are not usually stories that the media rush to town with. The advent of the social media, with its culture of Citizen Journalism, has changed all that. At the click of a phone button, reports whether confirmed or not, now travel at the speed of light. If there is a speed faster than that, they would have travelled at that velocity, together with its concomitant damage. The power and reach of the social media are enormous. Within the twinkling of an eye, whatever report it releases goes viral, causing panic everywhere.

Not a few said “not again” when the online medium ran the coup plot story. Unfortunately, some influential people tried to politicise it. They wanted confirmation immediately about the plot to or else it is not true. To them, the only way they would believe that there was such a plot is for the government to release facts and figures concerning it. It was either their way or no other way.

Wait a minute. How does any government do such a thing when the matter was still being investigated? In order not to jeopardise investigations and in the process, destroy the career of those who may be innocent, such probes are handled discreetly until the exercise is concluded. This is an age-long military practice which has no place for politics.

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Things have changed and we should be glad that they have. Reason: coups or reports of coups are stories that were hitherto not touched even with a 10-foot pole until the military say-so. Then, the media reported a coup plot at its own risk because there was nothing usually to back up the story. How will you say you got the story? Sources? That even makes matters worse because you have just unwittingly told them you have an ‘insider’ feeding you with information.

The military that I know will not rest until you name that person. The only alternative is to go in for it as part of the plot since a journalist must protect his source come what may. How many Citizen Journalists will not wither under military gaze and sing like a bird, if push becomes shove? How many? The thinking is if you are not among the plotters, you will not know so much about what is purely a military affair. Coups are purely military matters. Any civilian caught in the web is also tried under military law, irrespective of his status.

This is why in the military, coups are no tea party. They are matters of life and death. You live to tell the story, if you succeed and pay the supreme price, if you fail. Plotters know what they are going into beforehand, so they too are prepared for the worse. This is why coups are hush-hush business. Also, plotters do not discuss such matters even with their wives for the fear of a leak. They know the price of such a leak. If the plot leaks, the wife is as culpable as her husband, for not reporting to the authorities after being aware of it.

Nonetheless, it is the trial that will determine the guilt or otherwise of the suspects in this instant case. No more, no less. May we remind those weeping more than the bereaved that the suspects’ investigation does not amount to conviction. They may yet be freed by the court martial, if they have no case to answer. Those asking for evidence of the plot should show interest in the trial so as to ensure that justice is not only done, but also seen to be done. As Nigerians, let us come together and say no more coups.

January 29, 2026
Free meters: Why electricity consumers may pay the price

Sir: A few days ago, the Nigeria’s Minister of Power, Chief Adebayo Adelabu directed electricity consumers in Nigeria not to pay for the installation of meters. He also warned that any Distribution Company (DisCo) that violates this direction will face serious sanctions. This announcement raised a lot of controversy, with some DisCos reportedly describing it as a mare political statement. However, my main concern is: who ultimately bear the consequences? There is a proverb that says, when two elephant fight, the grass suffers. In this case, the “grass” is the Nigerian electricity consumer.

To understand the situation properly, let us examine the core issue at the centre of the disagreement – metering.

There are currently two major metering schemes in Nigeria.

The first is the Meter Asset Provider (MAP), this was introduced by the Nigeria Electricity Regulation (NERC) in May 2019 under the MAP regulation. The aim is to bridge the metering gap in the Nigeria Electricity Supply Industry (NESI). Under this arrangement, the customer pays upfront for the meters while the DisCo refund the cost gradually through monthly energy token. We will come back to this later!

The second is the Distribution Sector Recovery Program (DISREP) this is the free metering initiative, yes, it is free of charge. The DISREP is a $500m metering initiative funded by the World Bank and supported by the federal government of Nigeria. It aims to deliver 3.4 million smart meters nationwide at no direct cost to customers across Nigeria. However, just like the MAP Scheme, DisCos are expected to repay the cost of these meters over a period of ten-years. DisCos are also responsible for distribution, installation and maintenance of these meters within their franchise states.

It is at the installation stage that the current controversy arises!

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Let us get to the crux of the matter.

On Thursday, the minister of power made it clear that no consumer should be charged any meter installation fee under the DISREP metering scheme, he describes such charges as illegal. On the other hand, the DisCos fired back insisting that the minister’s comments are mare political statements. They argued that, the meters may be funded under the programme, however, installation cost remain a critical operational expense.

So when this happens, from the customer point of view, it will be interpreted as the unwillingness on the part of the DisCos to meter consumers or to slow down the metering pace. From the DisCos perspective, their major challenges lies in, cost recovery and financial sustainability as well as policy consistency by the government and regulators. They argued that if meter are provided and there is no fund for installation, the DisCos may likely face revenue losses which may affect their abilities to maintain infrastructure and improve service to their customers.

While the federal government objectives is clearly to close the metering gap and ensure fair billing, however, lack of alignment with DisCos could unintentionally delay the very benefits the policy seeks to deliver.

For Nigeria to close it metering gap, there is need for collaborative policy implementation between the regulators, government authorities, Discos and meter providers and installers. They must all agree to work together to establish a clear and sustainable funding framework that covers both meter procurement and installation. The federal government on its part must design a financial framework that will balance customers’ interest with the sector financial sustainability.

The ultimate goal is to provide meter to all electricity consumer in Nigeria.

•Abubakar Ibrahim, PhD, Kano.

January 29, 2026
Why 2027 will not resemble 2015 or 2023

Sir: The coming election will not resemble either 2015 or 2023. Those contests were defined by sharp oppositional energy, moral narratives, and the promise of decisive change. In contrast, 2027 is shaping up to be a quieter, more cautious affair.

It will not primarily be a battle of platforms or even personalities, but a contest over who is perceived as institutionally alignable. Candidates will be judged less by ideological clarity or rhetorical force and more by their perceived capacity to govern without friction, maintain elite consensus, and operate credibly within administrative and security architectures.

This shift does not signal authoritarian closure, it reflects elite risk aversion within a strained and uncertain system. Portable mandates thrive in contexts where institutional neutrality is contested and where the costs of opposition are unevenly distributed. In such environments, politicians seek safety not in ideology but in alignment.

Mass defection should be understood not as scandal but as communication. Defection signals recognition that a politician understands where authority is consolidating and intends to remain governable within it. This is not betrayal in a moral sense, but adaptation within a system where opposition carries asymmetric costs and where institutional hostility can be more consequential than electoral defeat.

The more interesting democratic question, therefore, is not why politicians defect, but why mandates can survive such movement without structural consequence. Why do voters’ choices remain formally valid even as their representatives re-anchor those choices elsewhere? That is the deeper puzzle raised by portability.

Mandate portability is uneven across the country. It follows distinct regional logics, shaped by history, elite structure, and the relationship between state and society. In the North, portability is normalised as a mechanism of access rather than ideological repositioning. It is vertically organised, mediated through recognised elites and validated by proximity to the centre.

Defection here reflects a political culture in which representation is judged by the ability to secure resources, protection, and institutional recognition for constituencies within a highly centralised state. Alignment is often interpreted pragmatically as representation itself. By 2027, northern politics is likely to prioritise continuity of access over oppositional symbolism, making defections appear procedural rather than shocking.

In the Southwest, mandate portability operates elite consensus. Political competition here is intense and ideologically expressive, though underwritten by strong informal networks and a tradition of negotiation beneath public contestation. Mandates travel not because ideology is absent, but because elite convergence frequently overrides party boundaries once elections conclude.

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In the Southeast, portability is shaped by structural vulnerability. With weaker access to federal power and a long history of political exclusion, elected officials in the region often operate under heightened institutional exposure. Defection is frequently a survival strategy aimed at reducing hostility, securing developmental space, or avoiding isolation within national power structures. Such moves are often experienced by constituents as abandonment, deepening mistrust between voters and representatives. Unless credible institutional pathways for opposition are strengthened, this disconnect is likely to intensify by 2027.

In the South-south, mandate portability is entangled with resource negotiation. Politics in the oil-producing states operates within a distributive framework in which access to federal decision-making matters more than party identity. Defection is typically framed as a strategy to maximise returns, protect local elite arrangements, and remain relevant within fiscal negotiations. Mandates move because resources do, and representation is evaluated in material rather than ideological terms. As fiscal pressures mount, this pattern is unlikely to change.

If Nigeria’s democracy is operating with portable mandates, electoral reform must address post-election accountability rather than voting logistics alone. Party reform must confront why platforms fail to anchor behaviour. Civic engagement must extend beyond election days into sustained institutional oversight. Naming the system accurately is the first step to reforming it.

Nigeria’s democracy is not collapsing. It is evolving, unevenly and quietly, in ways for which existing language is inadequate. By 2027, the central question will no longer be whether Nigerians can choose their leaders, but whether they can still hold mandates in place once chosen.

•Lekan Olayiwola, lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

January 29, 2026
NCDMB and harvest of new oil and gas investments

By MacArthur Edem

The Nigerian oil and gas industry has been buzzing in the last few days over the announcement made by the Global Chief Executive Officer of Shell, Wael Sawam at last week’s visit to President Bola Tinubu, that the international oil company would invest $20bn in the Bonga South West deep water project. This is coming on the heels of the same company’s final investment decision (FID) on the $5bn Bonga North deep-water project in December 2024.

Even more recent is Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo) investment of $2bn HI Field Gas project, in partnership with Sunlink Energies and Resources Limited in October 2025. A similar recent investment is TotalEnergies $500m UBETA Gas project, that took FID in September 2024.

The role of the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) in enabling this latest investment and many other projects cannot be over emphasised.

By adapting the three new Presidential Directives, otherwise known as Executive Orders (EOs) on the oil and gas industry and developing new Nigerian content contracting guidelines, NCDMB played significant roles in the harvests of nearly $30bn new investments.

The avalanche of new oil and gas investments in the last two years of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration signposts the return of confidence by the international community and favourable investment climate. Evidently, the roll out of three Executive Orders (EOs) by President Tinubu in March, which offered incentives and clarified application of local content laws unlocked new capital in the sector.

Under the leadership of Felix Omatsola Ogbe, (NCDMB) has been the path of steady, strategic delivery — with laser focus on enabling projects and a blend of policy fidelity, practical interventions. Recently the Board has adopted an increasingly visible community-focused orientation that repositions local content as a national development engine rather than a purely industrial metric.

In catalysing new projects, NCDMB ensures that Nigerian content opportunities are maximised in line with the provisions of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development (NOGICD) Act. While granting waivers where applicable, the Board ensures that competent local service companies execute key scopes of projects and existing capacities are utilised and jobs are created. The Board also guarantees that these major projects impact and grow the local economy significantly, while creating new legacy capacities in the sector.

As NCDMB enters its 16th year, the Board under Ogbe’s leadership reflects the evolution of an institution that has significantly expanded Nigeria’s footprint in the oil and gas sector and is now deepening its commitment to shared prosperity in both industry and communities.

A key indicator of progress is the rise in Nigerian content levels, which climbed to about 61% across monitored projects in 2025 — a figure reflecting broader domestic participation in goods, services and skilled labour. This result underscores multiple elements of Ogbe’s approach: targeted financing, systematic capacity building, and the innovative, inclusive deployment of presidential directives to reduce contracting cycles and prioritize indigenous capability.

Financing and industrial scale-up remain foundational. Under Ogbe, NCDMB in December 2025 launched a $100 million Equity Investment Scheme — part of the broader Nigerian Content Intervention Fund — designed to provide growth capital to indigenous oil and gas service companies with demonstrable potential. Complementary initiatives, including partnerships around the Africa Energy Bank and other development finance institutions, are helping Nigerian firms secure the long-term capital required to compete for larger, more technically complex projects.

Ogbe has also distinguished himself in translating presidential directives into impactful operational reforms. The Board’s recalibration of contracting cycle guidelines and compliance frameworks reflects an innovative and inclusive application of the 2023 Presidential Directives on Local Content. These adjustments align seamlessly with the Tinubu administration’s national economic strategies — particularly the 8-Point Agenda — by shortening procurement timelines, eliminating redundant layers, and encouraging genuine technology transfer and value retention within Nigeria. Ogbe’s leadership style avoids confrontation in favour of structured engagement and practical collaboration with industry operators.

Yet one of the most consequential shifts in Ogbe’s era is the renewed commitment to communities. The Board’s Community Contractors Scheme, along with its “Back-to-the-Creek” and outreach programmes, has meaningfully expanded local participation. Through micro-contracts, grassroots procurement, and targeted empowerment initiatives, communities are being woven directly into the local content value chain. By 2025, dozens of community contractor disbursements had been recorded — a signal that the Board is intentionally ensuring that local content is not an abstract policy but a lived experience for host populations.

This community-centred focus is not a departure from NCDMB’s industrial mission; it is a necessary and overdue complement to headline initiatives. Industrial growth is unsustainable without local supply chains, trained labour, and community ownership. By bridging boardrooms and communities, Ogbe is shaping a more resilient local content ecosystem.

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Human capacity development has also expanded. Training programmes — covering vocational, technical, and industry-specific skills — have collectively delivered millions of training man-hours across thousands of beneficiaries since the Board’s inception, with new emphasis under Ogbe on workplace readiness. Models such as the 60-20-20 training structure ensure that learning outcomes directly translate into field competence. This investment strengthens indigenous firms, reduces expatriate dependence, and equips Nigerians to fill emerging roles associated with project final investment decisions.

Beyond these, other important accomplishments include the institutional strengthening of the Nigerian Content Academy, the continued evolution of the Hackathon as a pipeline for digital innovation, and ongoing growth of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Opportunity Fair (NOGOF) as a reliable marketplace connecting indigenous suppliers to upcoming projects. These initiatives reinforce NCDMB’s role as an enabler of competitiveness, innovation, and sustainable participation.

Notably, Ogbe’s leadership is characterized by quiet effectiveness. He is not one for theatrics or self-congratulation; instead, he allows the Board’s performance — Nigerian firms empowered, communities engaged, policies implemented, and investment unlocked — to speak on his behalf. This measured temperament is well suited for complex institutional work that requires clarity, stability, and trust.

It is also important to acknowledge the hardworking management team and dedicated staff of NCDMB, whose professionalism and commitment have been central to supporting Ogbe’s agenda. Their collaborative effort ensures that strategic direction is translated into operational results across the Board’s departments, projects and partner engagements.

As NCDMB enters into its 16th year, the story of Nigerian Content is one of evolution: from early policy foundations to robust industrial growth, and now to a more balanced and community-connected phase. Under Felix Omatsola Ogbe’s thoughtful stewardship — and with the unwavering support of his team — the Board continues to champion a vision where local content strengthens industries, empowers people, and contributes meaningfully to Nigeria’s broader economic transformation.

•Prince Edem is a public affairs analyst.

January 29, 2026
SL Akintola: Time is a healer

It is 60 years ago on the morning of January 15 when Chief SL Akintola was murdered on the grounds of the premier’s residence in Iyaganku Reservation, Ibadan by Captain Okoro and soldiers apparently from the military cantonment in Abeokuta who having kidnapped the deputy premier, Chief Remi Fani-Kayode, led him to accompany the murderers to the premier’s lodge. Chief Akintola refused to surrender after the initial fuselage of the soldiers.

It is said the premier decided to come into the open space where the troops killed him. While this was going on in Ibadan, the premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello had also been killed by troops led by Major Chukuma Nzeogwu Kaduna. His wife was not spared. The commander of the 1st division of the army, Brigadier Samuel Adesujo Ademulegun with his eight months old, pregnant wife were killed in their bedroom by troops led by Major Timothy Onwuategwu while their little children watched what was happening. The second most important military man in Kaduna, Colonel Ralph Shodeinde was also killed in his house.

Action was extended to Lagos where the military commander, Brigadier Muhammad Maimalari was killed by troops led by his Brigade Major, Emmanuel Ifeajuna. Some detachment of troops kidnapped the Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and his Finance Minister, Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh and took them to some distance on the Abeokuta-Lagos road where both were murdered and their bodies were found a few days after January 15.

The military action was first welcomed in Nigeria, particularly in the southern part of the country where bitter politics seemed to have been the order of the day. When later the coup d’état was subject to critical analysis, the ethnic and regional dimensions became obvious, that it was a political struggle for power rather than using the vote that resorted to the use of bullets.

In the Western part of Nigeria where Chief Akintola was premier, the coup was celebrated as a relief from the political chaos. The genesis of the problem was the collapse of the ruling Action Group due to ideological cleavage and external manipulation by rival parties from other regions. This presented an opportunity to destroy the West and the Action Group. The NCNC that was predominantly led by the Igbo had coalesced in the centre with the predominantly Hausa party to form the federal government to monopolise power and used it to corner appointments which Chief Akintola loudly condemned.

Getting rid of Akintola became a matter of urgent necessity because he, and first the Action Group before its breakup in 1963, had become a troublesome presence to the federal authorities. The vitriolic demonisation of Akintola by the combined NCNC and the federal government which eventually went its different ethnic ways after the federal election of 1964 during which Akintola’s political tentacles held sway in Western Nigeria when his message of inclusiveness of the constituent ethnic groups needed to be represented in the federal government began to resonate with the people.

When the Western Nigerian elections came up in 1965, it became a “do or die” election for the two rival political formations in Nigeria namely the UPGA, formed by the remnants of the NCNC in the West, and their big Eastern faction and the Awolowo strong faction in the West and Lagos. Confronting them was the NPC juggernaut from the North and the Akintola faction of the Yoruba political machine.

The various Nigerian minorities were split between the two groups. In this situation the election could hardly be free and the Akintola government in the West did not play the electoral politics by the books. After the election that returned Akintola to power, rioting and rebellion broke out throughout the Western Region and Lagos. It seemed to critical observers that unless serious use of power was employed, the government would have to open negotiations for power sharing in the West.

There were rumours of troops movement and when the coup d’état of January 15, 1966 happened, it did not come to critical observers as a surprise; nevertheless it was welcomed globally with sadness because our country had a lot of promise.

When Akintola was killed 60 years ago, he died for his belief in inclusive government and that in spite of whatever ideology we embrace, the government of the people for the people shall prevail. His remains that had been deposited in Adeoyo Hospital following his death were taken mainly by Ogbomoso people under the leadership of Prince Laoye, for burial.

What remains of Akintola’s legacy?

Though time is a healer, the evergreen memory of Akintola remains forever for his family and political associates and for Nigerians who now appreciate him for some of his ideas.

He was one of the founders of the Action Group which was one of the political parties that fought for the independence of Nigeria. When the country became independent in October 1, 1960, he was premier of the Western Region, the most financially prosperous and infra-structurally advanced part of the Federal Republic. Right from the formation of the Action Group, he stood out as a federalist as against the NCNC of Nnamdi Azikiwe who stood out for a unitary government. Awolowo had captured the feeling of the Yoruba in 1947 when he wrote his book Path to Nigerian Freedom and argued that there were no Nigerians as there were Frenchmen, Germans or Japanese and that Nigeria was simply a geographical expression. Akintola had said this much earlier when he was editor of the Lagos-based Daily Service. Akintola had used his position as an editor in the 1940s well before the formation of the Action Group to oppose Azikiwe’s dream of united Nigeria and had agreed with what Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was to say later that united Nigeria was “British intention” for the country.

Akintola was a realist. He had lived in the North as a young man and he spoke Hausa fluently and understood the traditions and mores of the Hausa and held the view that they were totally different from those of the Yoruba despite the fact that the religion of Islam was embraced equally by about 50 percent of the people just like the Hausa. He also saw the Igbo culture of village democracies with little respect for a hierarchy of chiefs and elders and kings being totally alien to the Yoruba but he felt whatever differences existed in the country could be harmonised under a federal structure of government. He found a common ground in the belief in a federal structure with the Hausa Fulani leadership.

He regarded the federal constitution that took us to independence as not protective of regional autonomy enough. Indeed it was he who moved the successful motion of independence in 1957 after the defeat of the earlier one moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro in 1953.

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Akintola’s struggle between 1962 and 1966 can be explained in his struggle for inclusivity in government at the federal level as well as respect for state autonomy. Unfortunately the struggle also included peaceful survival of his government at home which he did everything to protect despite war declared on his state by people from outside until it became a case of all things were fair in war. After all, he was the Are Ona Kakanfo of Yoruba land.

Both Awolowo and Akintola families had been friends for a long time and are still friends even today even though supporters are still crying more than the bereaved! His embrace of northern power structure was based on political realism rather than just surrendering to forces arraigned against him and what he considered against Yoruba interest.

For anybody interested in the development of Nigerian language, Akintola comes before everybody. His mastery of English, Hausa and Yoruba makes him a natural nationalist in the struggle against British imperialism and for the soul of Nigeria. He was a liberal in the full meaning of the word. As Sir John Rankine, the last British governor of colonial western Nigeria said of him, Akintola was a master of ambiguity arguing issues from two opposing sides convincingly. The governor apparently forgot Akintola was a successful lawyer in Lagos before going into politics after years of teaching at Baptist Academy in Lagos, following these by years as editor of a successful newspaper. He was so much in control of the Yoruba language that many people in the university community felt his service as an exponent of the Yoruba language would have been more rewarding than the thankless engagement in politics.

He was also a practicing Christian who avoided violence as much as much as possible. Some hot heads in his party used to openly tell him that Fani-Kayode would have done a better job in putting down the rioting and rebellion in Yoruba land in 1965 following an election which the people felt was rigged in favour of the premier’s party.

Perhaps the most enduring legacy is his idea of inclusivity because he believed you must have a country first and a people who felt they have a stake in the country before practising whatever ideology that was fashionable at the time.

The above is part of a brief talk delivered at the University of Ibadan Conference Centre.

January 29, 2026
Deception of early rain: Navigating 2026 farming season

Sir: As we enter the 2026 planting cycle, the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) has issued a stern warning that every farmer and policymaker must heed: do not be fooled by the “pseudo-rains.”

The recent heavy downpours witnessed in parts of the South and West are not the heralds of the growing season, but a climatic mirage. Vincent Weli, NiMet’s Director of Weather Services, has been clear: these rains are unlikely to last beyond two weeks, and a harsh dry spell is set to follow. For a farmer, planting now is not an act of faith; it is a gamble against the odds that could lead to total crop failure.

Historically, farmers relied on ancestral wisdom, the behaviour of migratory birds or the flowering of specific trees to time their planting. But in an era of rapid climate change, these traditional calendars are being shredded. We are seeing delayed Harmattans and erratic “false starts” to the rainy season that traditional methods can no longer predict with 100% accuracy.

NiMet has significantly modernized, recently launching an AI Research and Integration Team to sharpen their forecasting. Yet, a gap remains between the high-tech satellite data in Abuja and the man with the hoe in a rural village.

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To survive 2026, the relationship between the forecaster and the farmer must shift from “command and control” to a partnership of understanding. Farmers should view NiMet’s bulletins not as mere weather reports, but as economic advisories.

NiMet is scheduled to release the full 2026 Seasonal Climate Prediction (SCP) on February 10. This document is the “Bible” for the year. It will detail the length of the growing season and identify which regions face drought or flood. If the forecast predicts a shorter season, farmers must pivot to drought-resistant or early-maturing seed varieties rather than sticking to the “usual” crops.

Meteorology is a science of probability, not prophecy. While NiMet’s accuracy has improved to international standards, the “last mile” of communication is where the system often falters. We cannot expect a smallholder farmer to navigate a complex PDF on a website; they need a clear, actionable text message: “Do not plant maize this week. Dry spell coming in 10 days. Etc.”

The 2026 season poses a significant risk to national food security. The Ekiti State government’s recent advisory, urging patience despite early rains is a model of proactive governance that other states should follow.

Agriculture is no longer just about hard work; it is about data-driven decision-making. As we wait for the official February 10 outlook, the message to our farmers is simple: Keep your seeds in the barn. The sky may be crying, but the earth is not yet ready to give life.

•Michael Adedotun Oke, Gwagwalada, Abuja.

January 29, 2026
Eternal vigilance, please

•Interception of incendiaries in Ibadan is wake-up call to communal alertness

Police operatives in Oyo State, early this week, said they intercepted a truck conveying materials suspected to be explosives in the Sango area of Ibadan.

Spokesman of the Oyo State Police Command, Ayanlade Olayinka, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), said in a statement that the truck was intercepted during a stop-and-search operation following an intelligence tip-off. The search, he explained, yielded 42 suspected explosive materials that were seized and the truck driver taken into custody.

According to the police public relations officer, the state police commissioner, Femi Haruna, has ordered a comprehensive investigation into the matter. The CP directed that specialised personnel from the Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit and the Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) unit of the police be deployed to secure the items and conduct forensic examination.

Olayinka said detailed forensic analysis was ongoing to determine the exact nature of the materials and their intended use. He assured the public that there was no cause for panic, adding that further updates would be provided as investigation progresses.

It is commendable that the police were able to intercept the suspected materials, especially as it is yet unclear where the materials originated from and where they were headed. Still, that the truck driver got his hazardous cargo as far as Sango area indicates he succeeded in hauling the items over a long distance within the metropolis without security alarm.

It can’t be foreclosed that the suspected explosives might be meant for business-related operations like quarrying, and not necessarily intended for terrorism purposes like bomb-making. But materials of this kind ideally ought to be licensed, and their conveyance subject to strict safety protocols. Such items, ideally, should be accompanied with authentic end-user certificates and government-approved prescriptions for handling and storage. Surreptitious conveyance, by itself, raises a red flag and hints at dubious motives for acquisition and intended deployment.

The January 16, 2024, deadly blast in Bodija neighbourhood of the Oyo State capital is still too fresh in memory. That blast, which was reported to have originated from a building located on Aderinola Street in the highbrow estate, claimed five lives and left nearly 80 others injured and scores of houses, vehicles as well as other items of property wrecked. Few days after the explosion, Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde confirmed findings that the blast was caused by explosives stored in a residential apartment by illegal miners.

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Two years on, it is doubtful that outstanding material compensation is fully paid by the state government. And that is not mentioning the irreparable loss through fatalities of the incident and lingering medical challenges of survivors such as post-traumatic stress issues.

Bodija is an elitist neighbourhood of Ibadan with prevalent inclination among residents to privacy. That, perhaps, was why no alarm was triggered over explosive materials being stored in one of the residential apartments. But when the January 2024 blast occurred, it shattered the serenity of the neighbourhood and disoriented most residents.

According to reports, the casualties were either first responders to a fire outbreak caused by an electrical surge that first hit the building where explosives were stored, or passersby too close to the site. Such is the evil that mishandled explosive materials can do, even when not deployed to terrorism usage.

Security is a communal task, not the exclusive preserve of security operatives. It is important that every member of society stays alert, and ‘when you see something, say something’ as they admonish. After all, an age-old maxim instructs that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.

We hope that the report of interception of suspected explosive materials in Ibadan will not just be a hype, but that police authorities will follow through and soonest update the public on their findings. Meanwhile, public education on collectivity of security alertness must intensify until Nigeria becomes communally policed.

January 29, 2026
Condemnable negligence

•Medical authorities in the country must be more alert to stem avoidable deaths

Ideally, there must be no room for medical errors of omission and commission, particularly because they could prove fatal. Some recent cases of alleged medical negligence that sparked public outrage in the country have further highlighted the issue.

One of them was the death of Nkanu, the 21-month-old son of novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, at a private hospital in Lagos. The family alleged that excessive sedation led to the child suffering a fatal cardiac arrest.

Adichie alleged that the anesthesiologist “was criminally negligent… fatally casual and careless with the precious life of a child. No proper protocol was followed.” She added that the family “have now heard about two previous cases of this same anesthesiologist overdosing on children.”

The hospital, while extending its “deepest sympathies,” denied any wrongdoing and maintained that its treatment met international standards. Consequently, the Lagos State Government has ordered an investigation into the death.

Another case that triggered an uproar just days later was the death of Aisha Umar, a mother of five, in Kano. The medical team that performed surgery on her has been accused of leaving a pair of scissors in her abdomen after the operation, which ultimately led to her death on January 13.

Her husband, Abubakar Binji, said she had undergone surgery at a public hospital, the Abubakar Imam Urology Hospital in Kano, on September 16, 2025, “to remove a cyst from her left kidney.”

According to Binji, following her death, he had called the doctor who led the surgery to inform him. His words: “He said it was unfortunate and promised to come, but no one showed up until the issue went viral on social media. Then, the team arrived in several vehicles to console us, saying it happened as God willed.”

In the medical world, the mantra is ‘We care, God heals.’ However, relying on fatalism as a defence in a case of condemnable negligence amounts to denying responsibility.

Binji said after his late wife was discharged post-surgery, she had “frequently complained of abdominal pain, saying she felt as though something was still inside her.” At some point, “she couldn’t sleep,” he recalled.

It was at the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital that the cause of her pain was finally detected through x-ray: a pair of scissors was inside her abdomen. It was concluded that the foreign object had been left in her body by the surgical team that performed her initial procedure.

Her husband said she was prepared for emergency surgery “but tragically, she died during the preliminary stages of the operation.”

Why did the staff of the Abubakar Imam Urology Hospital allegedly ignore the patient’s complaints of severe abdominal pain for four months, reportedly only prescribing painkillers instead of performing diagnostic scans?

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The Kano State Hospitals Management Board has since “suspended three personnel directly involved in the case from clinical activities with immediate effect,” and launched a formal investigation, acknowledging that the incident was a result of professional negligence rather than “fate.”

Importantly, medical negligence is actionable; victims or their families can seek redress both in court and through relevant regulatory bodies.

The World Health Organization (WHO) notes that at least 50 percent of all patient harm is preventable. The global health body’s list of medical errors leading to severe and sometimes fatal consequences includes medication errors, unsafe surgeries, health care-associated infections, and diagnostic errors.

Others include patient falls, blood clots, pressure ulcers, unsafe blood transfusions, patient misidentification, and unsafe injection practices.

WHO links these to systemic failures, including poor staffing, inadequate processes, communication breakdowns, lack of patient engagement, faulty technology, and weak policy environments.

Health authorities must ensure severe sanctions are meted out to those whose negligence causes fatalities. Such accountability is essential to restoring public confidence in the country’s healthcare system.

Furthermore, a holistic approach—focusing on infrastructure, staffing, and clinical oversight—is essential to strengthening the health system nationwide.

January 29, 2026