Category: autopost

  • COAS: Army adopts multi-domain strategy to combat insecurity

    COAS: Army adopts multi-domain strategy to combat insecurity

    The Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt.-Gen Waidi Shaibu, said the Nigerian Army has recalibrated its operational doctrine, force posture and employment of capabilities through a comprehensive multi-domain strategy to tackle security threats.

    He said the approach integrates decisive kinetic action with intelligence fusion, inter-agency cooperation, joint operations with sister services and sustained international partnerships.

    The COAS said this yesterday when he delivered a lecture titled, “Combating Asymmetric Threats to National Security in Nigeria: The Nigerian Army in Perspective” at the National Defence College (NDC), Abuja.

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    Gen Shaibu noted that the contemporary global security environment has undergone a fundamental transformation, shifting from traditional state-centric warfare to complex intra-state conflicts dominated by non-state actors, including cybercriminals and transnational organised crime networks that exploit governance gaps, societal vulnerabilities and emerging technologies.

    He highlighted the growing impact of advanced technologies, enhanced training regimes and deeper jointness with sister services in improving situational awareness, operational reach and mission effectiveness.

    Gen Shaibu stressed that enduring peace can only be achieved when military operations are reinforced by effective governance, justice delivery and inclusive socio-economic development.

    He reaffirmed the Army’s commitment to a dynamic, intelligence-driven and technology-enabled approach in confronting asymmetric threats to national security.

    The COAS said: “Asymmetric threats thrive on adaptability, anonymity and the targeting of civilians to erode public confidence and state authority.

    “Our response must therefore be equally adaptive, proactive, intelligence-led and collaborative, leveraging military power alongside technology, whole-of-government coordination and strategic partnerships.”

    He explained that across Nigeria’s geo-political zones, the Army operations have been deliberately tailored to prevailing threat dynamics.

    “In the Northeast, sustained counter-insurgency operations have continued to degrade terrorist capabilities through a combination of offensive manoeuvres, intelligence-driven strikes and population-centric stabilisation efforts,’ the COAS added.

    Shaibu noted that in the Northwest theatre, wide-ranging joint operations have intensified pressure on bandit groups, disrupted their logistics and financing networks, and strengthened the protection of vulnerable communities.

    “Meanwhile, in the Northcentral region, enduring stabilisation operations have focused on area domination, protection of civilians and the containment of communal and militia-related violence,” he added.

  • Illicit drugs: Marwa seeks support for alternative development programme

    Illicit drugs: Marwa seeks support for alternative development programme

    National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Chairman/Chief Executive Officer, Brig.-Gen Mohamed Buba Marwa (rtd), has called for a national response and sustained support for the alternative development programme recently initiated to curb illicit cannabis cultivation, uplift rural communities and strengthen national security.

    Marwa spoke at a press conference in Abuja yesterday to drum support for the first in Africa drug control initiative, which pilot scheme was launched in three cannabis-growing communities in Ondo State last week.

    The NDLEA boss said the concept goes far beyond crop substitution, stressing: “Its wider benefits include strengthening rural economies through value-chain development; reducing the burden on law enforcement and the justice system; promoting peace and social cohesion in previously crime-prone areas; supporting national food production and agricultural diversification; improving Nigeria’s international standing in global drug control and development cooperation.”

    According to him, “this approach represents a win-win solution—for communities, for government, and for national security. The successful take off of the pilot scheme in Ilu Abo, Ifon, and Eleyewo in Ondo State last week demonstrates that alternative development works when communities are engaged, supported, and empowered.

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    “We, therefore, call for a strong national response and sustained support from all stakeholders across all layers of government, traditional rulers and community leaders, development partners and donor agencies, the private sector and agricultural value-chain actors as well as civil society organisations and the media.”

    He urged communities across the country, particularly those affected by illicit drug cultivation, to embrace the model and work with the NDLEA in building lawful, productive, and secure livelihoods. “Let me reiterate that the alternative development programme is not just a drug control initiative; it is a people-centred development intervention designed to uplift communities, strengthen national security, and secure Nigeria’s future,” he added.

    He assured that the agency “remains fully committed to expanding this programme nationwide, in partnership with all stakeholders, as we collectively build a safer, healthier, and more prosperous Nigeria in alignment with the renewed hope agenda of the President Tinubu administration.”

    Speaking on the kick-off of the scheme in Ondo, Marwa said: “One of the most encouraging outcomes of this pilot project has been the overwhelming acceptance and support expressed by the host communities and their traditional and community leaders. They have openly stated that this programme has renewed their hope in Nigeria and restored their confidence in government. They recognise that Alternative Development offers a dignified and lawful source of income for farmers; reduction in poverty and vulnerability, especially among rural households; improved food security through the introduction of viable alternative crops; enhanced community stability and safety, as illicit drug cultivation often fuels criminal networks and insecurity.”

    He noted that replacing cannabis cultivation with sustainable agricultural and economic opportunities, the programme tackles the causes of drug production rather than merely treating the symptoms.

    The NDLEA boss said the dire reality of illicit cannabis cultivation and use in Nigeria made the agency to look beyond law enforcement and consider a United Nations endorsed alternative to solving the cannabis conundrum.

    “The evidence-based comprehensive data on drug use in Nigeria exposes a bleak and deeply troubling reality. According to the 2018 National Drug Use Survey, conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics with technical support from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), an estimated 14.4 per cent of Nigerians aged 15–64 years — or roughly 14.3 million people — reported using at least one psychoactive substance in the past year, a figure that is more than twice the global prevalence of drug use. Cannabis stands starkly at the centre of this crisis, dominating both patterns of consumption and the illicit cultivation landscape.”

    He further disclosed that “cannabis is not a marginal issue in Nigeria – it is the most frequently used and widely available illicit drug in the country. An estimated 10.6 million adults – more than one in every 10 Nigerians in the prime of life – reported using cannabis in the past year, far outstripping the use of other drugs. The severity of the problem extends beyond consumption into widespread cultivation and organised production. Field assessments focusing on high-risk areas in the Southwest reveal that nearly 8,900 hectares of land are under cannabis cultivation, often hidden deep within forests and remote regions. These illicit farms are clustered and interconnected, hinting at organized networks that not only supply domestic demand but also facilitate trafficking beyond Nigeria’s borders.”

    Painting a grim picture of the challenge, Marwa said: “The social and public health implications are stark. With youth and adults alike turning to habitual cannabis use often initiated in late adolescence the nation faces the threat of long-term health consequences, increased dependency, and cascading social harms, including lost productivity, crime, and the burden on overstretched healthcare systems. More revealing is the fact that out of a total of 15 million kilograms of assorted illicit drugs seized by NDLEA in the past five years, over 75 per cent of them are cannabis. Just imagine the harm that quantity would have done to our youths, public health and national security.”

    He however expressed confidence that the initiative will reverse the trend if given support because it’s aligned with the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration.

    He commended national stakeholders and international partners that have shown support for the initiative.

    “This pilot project was kicked off with the invaluable support of several global institutions and partners, including the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC); the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Global Partnership on Drug Policies and Development (GPDPD), Berlin, Germany; Mae Fah Luang Foundation under Royal Patronage (MFLF), Bangkok, Thailand; as well as support from friendly countries and development partners committed to sustainable livelihoods and community resilience, including friends and partners who participated virtually from Nigeria, Ghana, South Africa, Germany, Thailand, Peru, Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Netherlands, Myanmar, Bhutan, Laos, Afghanistan, Iran, and Guatemala.

    Also significant was the presence and support of Ondo State Governor, Dr. Lucky Ayedatiwa and the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Senator Abubakar Kyariwho was ably represented by the Regional Director Southwest, Mrs. Alao Temitayo,” he said.

  • MTN Foundation scales digital skills drive for SMEs

    MTN Foundation scales digital skills drive for SMEs

    In alignment with the Federal Government’s National Digital Economy and Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) Development agenda, the MTN Foundation has commenced the seventh phase of its ICT Business Skills Training, onboarding 6,000 microbusiness owners across Nigeria.

    The virtual training programme, which began on January 5, is designed to help aspiring entrepreneurs transition from paper-based operations to the use of simple digital tools that enhance productivity, efficiency, and business growth.

    The onboarding session was facilitated by a Business Analyst, Babajide Jolaolu-Kehinde, and moderated by the Programme and Partnerships Lead, Temiloluwa Oyekanmi. Participants were introduced to the SWOT framework—Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats—as a practical tool for evaluating business performance and identifying priority areas for improvement.

    Jolaolu-Kehinde stressed the importance of digital record-keeping, online payment adoption, and customer data tracking as essential foundations for sustainable growth. He noted that these practices align with broader government efforts to formalise and scale small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) across the country, emphasising that growth is driven by deliberate action and structured systems rather than optimism alone.

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    During the session, trainers shared real-world examples of traders who expanded their customer base by adopting digital tools such as WhatsApp, online marketplaces, mobile money platforms, and basic spreadsheet applications. Other case studies highlighted how accepting mobile transfers and using digital order channels enabled businesses to reach customers beyond their immediate locations.

    A major focus of the training was the limitation of manual, paper-based operations. According to the facilitators, such systems restrict visibility into sales performance and customer behaviour, while digital tools provide real-time insights, reduce errors, and unlock access to wider markets.

    At the conclusion of the onboarding, participants were encouraged to implement at least one digital improvement in their businesses. Organisers also confirmed plans for follow-up workshops and mentorship sessions to ensure sustained impact, with the training programme expected to run for an additional four weeks as part of efforts to support SME growth and Nigeria’s long-term economic development goals.

  • ‘Cooperation vital to global submarine cable resilience’

    ‘Cooperation vital to global submarine cable resilience’

    Governments, industry representatives and international organizations representing over 70 countries have reaffirmed the need to strengthen support for subsea cables which are at the heart of global digital communications.

    The reaffirmation was made at the International Submarine Cable Resilience Summit 2026 during which a declaration was issued at the summit’s closing in Porto, Portugal, together with a set of recommendations developed by the International Advisory Body on Submarine Cable Resilience.

    The declaration offered guidance to bolster international cooperation across the public and private sectors to boost the resilience of this vital shared infrastructure, ranging from shortening cable repair times to supporting underserved regions.

    Submarine telecommunications cables carry most of the world’s data traffic. About 500 of the cables extending more than 1.7 million kilometres serve as the backbone of global connectivity, economic and social development, and digital access for people, institutions and businesses on every continent.

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     “When it comes to critical digital infrastructure like submarine cables, resilience is both an end-to-end imperative and a shared responsibility. The Porto Summit outcomes reaffirm our commitment to strengthening global cooperation that can make a real difference in policy engagement, operational readiness, and investment decisions,” International Telecommunication Union (ITU) Secretary-General Doreen Bogdan-Martin, said.

    The summit was organized by Portugal’s national regulatory authority for communications, ANACOM, in partnership with the ITU and the International Cable Protection Committee (ICPC). It also hosted a meeting of the International Advisory Body on Submarine Cable Resilience, which was established by ITU and the ICPC in 2024.

    “I am deeply proud to have had the unique opportunity to guide such a distinguished group of leaders from both the public and private sectors, representing all regions of the world. The International Advisory Body was created to deliver concrete and meaningful impact, and I firmly believe it is already doing so. This impact is particularly significant for regions, countries, and remote islands where economic incentives for rapid response mechanisms are more limited, rendering them especially vulnerable to submarine cable disruptions,” Chairwoman of ANACOM and Co-Chair of the Advisory Body, Prof. Sandra Maximiano, said.

    Following up on last year’s inaugural summit in Abuja, Nigeria, the Porto event featured the second physical meeting of the Advisory Body.

     The guidance presented by the Advisory Body in Porto is aimed at streamlining submarine cable permitting, maintenance, and repair processes; improving legal framework and regulatory procedures; encouraging cable geographic diversity and redundancy, especially for Small Island Developing States, Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries, and underserved regions.

    Others are encouraging the adoption of industry best practices for assessing, mitigating and responding to risks to submarine cable infrastructure; encouraging enhanced cable protection through better planning across marine sectors; building cable capacity and supporting innovation through training and use of technologies.

     “It is encouraging to see the cooperation between governments and industry in developing these recommendations. We look forward to their implementation to strengthen cable protection and resilience,” ICPC Chairman Dean Veverka, said.

    More than 99 per cent of international data traffic is carried by subsea cables. Over 200 faults are reported globally each year, with disruptions to communications impacting economies, access to information and public services, affecting the daily lives of billions of people.

  • Africa doesn’t lack capital. It lacks bankable projects

    Africa doesn’t lack capital. It lacks bankable projects

    By Oladele Dele Akinjo

    Nearly a decade ago, I worked on a gas infrastructure transaction that, on paper, had everything going for it. It was strategically important. Demand was identifiable. Long-term contracts were in place. Reputable lenders and development institutions were involved. By most conventional measures, it was considered bankable.

    And yet, the project spent years in debt restructuring.

    • Not because the asset failed.

    • Not because demand disappeared.

    • But because bankability had been assumed rather than deliberately built.

    That experience has stayed with me, because it reflects a broader pattern across Africa’s infrastructure and energy landscape, one that is often misdiagnosed.

    Africa’s infrastructure deficit is frequently framed as a financing problem. From experience, it is not.

    There is significant global and regional capital actively seeking African infrastructure exposure today. From development finance institutions and infrastructure funds to pension capital and local banks. What remains scarce are projects structured to meet the risk, governance, and enforcement thresholds required by long-term capital.

    When projects stall or struggle to reach financial close, the explanation is often attributed to investor appetite or global market conditions. More often, the cause is structural.

    Returning to that gas infrastructure transaction, the weakness only became visible under pressure. The project had signed contracts and identifiable demand. What it lacked was resilience. Cash flows were exposed to delayed payments, extended receivable cycles, and macroeconomic volatility. Risk had been identified, but it remained concentrated at the project level.

    This pattern repeats itself across African infrastructure. Contracts exist, but cash-collection mechanisms are weak. Currency risk is transferred wholesale to projects. Governance frameworks are referenced, but enforcement depends on discretion rather than process.

    Long-term capital does not avoid Africa because of risk. It avoids risk that cannot be modelled, priced, or enforced.

    That transaction also highlighted the limits of commonly used risk-mitigation instruments. Sovereign-linked guarantees and credit enhancements are frequently cited as solutions to bankability challenges. In theory, they are effective. In practice, they are often politically sensitive to enforce.

    When stress emerges, calling on such instruments is viewed less as a contractual remedy and more as a policy failure; one with reputational and systemic implications for the sovereign. As a result, protections that exist on paper are treated as last-resort options that few are willing to exercise.

    Structures that depend on remedies that cannot be realistically enforced are inherently fragile.

    If Africa is serious about scaling infrastructure delivery, the focus must shift from announcements to structure. In practice, bankability is built through a small number of deliberate technical choices.

    First, cash flows must be protected before guarantees are relied upon. Escrow arrangements, letters of credit, revenue trapping, and automatic payment waterfalls should absorb stress early, before sovereign or third-party support is triggered. Guarantees should act as backstops, not substitutes for payment discipline.

    Second, risk allocation must be explicit. Foreign exchange, demand, regulatory, and operational risks should sit with the parties best able to manage them, rather than being vaguely “shared.” Ambiguity may appear collaborative, but it increases uncertainty and raises the cost of capital.

    Third, base-case assumptions must be conservative by design. Debt sustainability should hold under downside scenarios. Upside volumes, future off-takers, or policy improvements should benefit equity, not be required for viability. If a project only works when everything goes right, it is not bankable.

    Fourth, governance must be automatic rather than discretionary. Step-in rights, cure periods, and enforcement triggers should operate by rule, not negotiation. Governance is not about formal structures; it is about execution certainty under stress.

    Fifth, project preparation must be treated as a capital discipline. Technical, legal, and commercial risks should be resolved before financing is pursued, not retrofitted during distress. Weak preparation cannot be corrected with better term sheets.

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    Finally, local capital must be structurally integrated. Projects are more resilient when domestic institutional capital and blended-currency structures are embedded from the outset. This reduces foreign-exchange fragility and improves long-term durability.

    Africa does not lack infrastructure opportunities, and it does not lack demand. It also does not lack capital. What it lacks, consistently, are structures that align cash flows, risk allocation, governance, and enforcement in a way long-term capital can trust and defend.

    For project sponsors, this means investing more discipline upstream before financing is pursued, and resisting the temptation to push unmanageable risks down to the project level.

    For policymakers, it means recognising that guarantees without credible enforcement mechanisms weaken bankability rather than strengthen it.

    For development institutions, it means treating project preparation not as ancillary support, but as a core investment function.

    Bankability is not a label applied at financial close. It is the outcome of deliberate technical choices made much earlier. Until those choices improve, Africa’s infrastructure challenge will remain less about funding, and more about structure.

    •Akinjo, an expert in investment banking writes from Lagos.

  • Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Sir: The unveiling of the Gas Master Plan (GMP) 2026 by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL) marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s long-standing effort to transform its vast natural gas resources into a foundation for industrial development, energy security, and sustainable economic growth. The launch held in Abuja under the framework of Nigeria’s gas-centric energy transition strategy signals a shift from mere policy outlines to implementation-anchored execution across the gas value chain.

    At the heart of the plan is the bold ambition to raise national gas production to 10 billion cubic feet per day by 2027, with a further target of 12 billion cubic feet per day by 2030, supported by projected new investments of over $60 billion across the oil and gas sector. These targets are grounded in Nigeria’s possession of some 210 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of proven gas reserves, with even greater potential, positioning the country as one of the most consequential hydrocarbon basins on the African continent.

    Government and industry officials have rightly described the GMP 2026 as a strategic inflection point — one that moves beyond policy articulation to practical execution, commercial viability, and sector-wide coordination. It is a deliberate attempt to weave gas infrastructure expansion into Nigeria’s broader development narrative, one that embraces power generation, compressed natural gas (CNG), liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), mini-LNG, and downstream industrial off-takers as critical components of national growth.

    This re-energised focus on gas comes at a time when the world’s energy landscape is rapidly evolving, with global markets placing a premium on cleaner, more efficient fuels. Gas, often touted as a transitional energy source, offers Nigeria a pathway to reduce gas flaring, strengthen domestic energy supply, and integrate its economy more deeply into regional and international energy markets. Current plans to accelerate infrastructure such as the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) pipeline and other transmission networks are expected to unlock domestic utilisation while anchoring Nigeria’s potential export capacity in the years ahead.

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    Yet, a plan of such ambition also demands sober reflection on execution, governance, and inclusivity. Historical bottlenecks in gas infrastructure, weak implementation frameworks, and regulatory uncertainties have often stymied earlier iterations of Nigeria’s energy plans. The GMP 2026 must therefore transcend rhetoric to deliver measurable results from tangible improvements in electricity supply and industrial power to job creation and improved economic participation across regions.

    Bold targets require equally bold commitment to accountability, transparency, and institutional coordination if they are to inspire both local confidence and international investor interest.

    Moreover, while gas is framed as a bridge in the energy transition, it cannot be divorced from broader considerations of climate responsibility. Nigeria’s economic strategy must balance the immediate benefits of gas exploitation with long-term commitments to cleaner, sustainable energy ecosystems. Pursuing partnerships that incorporate renewable energy initiatives and emission-reduction strategies will amplify the plan’s impact and align Nigeria’s energy goals with global climate priorities.

    Ultimately, the Gas Master Plan 2026 could be transformative but its success hinges not just on lofty targets, but on disciplined execution, structural reforms, and a shared national commitment to leveraging resources for inclusive growth. As Nigeria seeks to establish itself as a major gas hub and energy security anchor in Africa, the pathway from vision to reality must be paved with strategic clarity, institutional rigour, and unwavering focus on the wellbeing of citizens who stand to benefit most from a renewed energy economy.

    •Felix Oladeji, Lagos.

  • Catastrophic miscalculation

    Catastrophic miscalculation

    Sir: Nigeria’s troubled tryst with nationhood has seen it all in more than 60 years of false dawns, cruel stops and starts, broken dreams, and shattered hopes. Indeed, it is to the eternal credit of the country and a testament to its resilience that it is still standing, somehow managing to hold things together.

    Nigeria’s shaky foundations were laid with the amalgamation of 1914. If independence was supposed to consolidate those faulty foundations, the quick fire coups that followed in 1966 before snowballing into the cataclysmic Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 put paid to those hopes. The country has struggled to recover ever since, with the deep wounds inflicted during the civil war showing a significant capacity to fester.

    Today, Nigeria faces significant challenges to achieving national unity and cohesion. Ethnic and religious divisions instigated by historical differences and disagreements remain sharp.

    In 2023, against significant odds, Bola Ahmed Tinubu who campaigned on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the race to become Nigeria’s president. If the challenges that greeted his emergence were considered significant, events since have put those challenges in their shadows.

    Sometime last year, reports emerged that about thirteen military officers were taken into detention following a failed coup attempt against the government. While the Defence Headquarters confirmed the news, it was reluctant to release their names pending the conclusion of preliminary investigations. With the recent conclusion of investigations, the Defence Headquarters has since released the names confirming that there is a case made out against the military officers.

    Until the recent surge of coups in a handful of West African countries that border Nigeria, it was unthinkable that a military coup could be contemplated in Nigeria. This was largely because Nigeria had gone down that path before and discovered that as inviting as that path was in the despair of heedlessly chaotic civilian rule, nothing ever lay there but the death of democracy and the disorienting darkness it dips a country into.

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    Nigeria’s leadership crisis is decades old. It is not even about the current administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In fact, of all those who have led Nigeria recently, the former Lagos State governor is showing the greatest promise. Many have led Nigeria and have failed, including many who came in military camouflage, suspended the constitution, dictated decrees, and ruled with iron fists only to leave the soul of Nigeria broken, its spirit crushed, and its coffers empty.

    As for those for whom discontent and disappointment with the current administration have congealed into nostalgia for the days of military rule, let the fact that nothing good that can go the distance ever comes out of military rule serve as a warning to them. Democracy is too delicate for calloused and often corrupt military fingers. For all its flaws, especially in a country that so often lacks direction and decisiveness, democracy remains the best bet and the surest promise.

    There can be no sympathy for military officers who took their eyes off Nigeria’s steep security challenges to plan a doomed coup. They must be made to dance to the drumbeats of the law, and their apologists must be left in no doubt that Africa’s biggest democracy has no desire whatsoever to return to the treacherously dark days of military rule.

    •Kene Obiezu, keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Emerging world order and Africa’s lessons from the Trump era

    Emerging world order and Africa’s lessons from the Trump era

    By Oumarou Sanou

    The post–Cold War international order was never perfect, but it rested on an implicit bargain: economic integration, shared security frameworks, and a rules-based multilateral system that, however asymmetrical, offered predictability. Today, that fragile system is cracking. What we are witnessing is not merely a shift in global power centres; it is a contest for the very architecture that governs the relations between the powerful and the weak.

    In Davos earlier this year, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney delivered a speech that resonated far beyond Canadian audiences. He warned that the world is experiencing “a rupture, not a transition” in the international order—a rupture driven by great power rivalry, coercive economic instruments, and the abandonment of long-standing norms that underpinned international cooperation. Carney’s admonition was clear: “If we are not at the table, we are on the menu.”

    Carney’s words are particularly relevant in light of the behaviour of the United States under President Donald Trump. Whether it was threats of acquisition or control over Greenland, aggressive tariff wars, or overt economic coercion against traditional allies like Canada, Trump’s actions revealed a willingness to privilege raw national interests over collective stability and legal norms.

    Trump’s repeated threats to Greenland—suggesting the United States might pursue control of the territory and even floating military options—were not only alarming in themselves but illustrative of a broader willingness to subordinate sovereignty to strategic ambition. When such rhetoric comes from a self-described champion of “America First,” it sends a sobering message: might still make right in the world, even among countries that claim to champion democracy and the rule of law.

    Meanwhile, revelations that officials from Washington held private meetings with Alberta separatist activists in Canada stirred fears of foreign interference in a neighbour’s internal affairs. Critics in Ottawa denounced these contacts as a breach of Canadian sovereignty. Such actions, whether driven by geopolitical opportunism or domestic political theatre, further illustrate the weakening of mutual respect that once characterised Western alliances.

    Yet it is not only Western allies who have felt the tremors of this shifting order. Trump’s use of tariffs as negotiation tools—far beyond strategic trade leverage, extending toward punitive measures against Canada, Mexico, and other trading partners—underscored a willingness to weaponise economic integration itself. The result: fractured alliances, defensive economic posturing in Europe and Asia, and a deterioration of trust that had anchored global cooperation for decades.

    For Africa, these developments are not abstract. They serve as both a warning and a lesson.

    First, the era of assuming predictable behaviour from great powers—whether the United States, Europe, or others—is over. If a democracy like the US can threaten tariffs or territorial ambitions without significant institutional pushback, what then for African states facing far more powerful neighbours or external influences? Africa must understand that in a multipolar scramble, goodwill will not protect it. Sovereignty must be backed by strategy and diversified partnerships.

    Secondly, the Trump era illustrates the limits of aligning too closely with any one power. African nations have long faced pressure to choose between Western influence and alternative models—whether from Russia, China, or other actors. What Africa needs, as Carney suggested for middle powers, is “cooperation without subordination”: strategic alignment that preserves autonomy rather than replacing one patron with another.

    This is where many pseudo-pan-African narratives fall short. They paint Africa’s choices as binary—either anti-Western or pro-Russian/Chinese. Such framing is simplistic and dangerous. Africa’s challenge is not to replace one hegemon with another, but to craft an independent strategy rooted in its own developmental priorities, not the geopolitical interests of outsiders.

    Africa also faces internal vulnerabilities that external actors can exploit. Just as the alleged Trump administration’s interactions with Canadian separatists raised fears of meddling in domestic cohesion, many African states grapple with separatist movements, ethnic tensions, and governance deficits. These internal fractures could be manipulated by external powers seeking influence–be it the US, Russia, China, EU and the others. Nigeria’s own experience with separatist agitation, for example, could invite unwelcome foreign interest if not managed within a strong governance framework.

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    The Trump era also underscores the importance of resilience in global institutions. Carney’s critique of the “rules-based order” highlighted how powerful states can weaken norms and leverage economic integration as coercion rather than cooperation. For Africa, which relies on international norms for trade, security, and diplomacy, this erosion is dangerous. It means engaging not only in bilateral relationships but also strengthening regional architecture—from the African Union to ECOWAS and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)—to buffer external shocks and present collective leverage.

    Moreover, Africa must invest in economic self-reliance and intra-continental cooperation. Reliance on distant powers for security, investment, or economic growth leaves African states vulnerable to external shocks and policy whims. Strengthening intra-African trade, harmonising regulations, and building joint capacities in critical sectors can provide a foundation from which African states negotiate rather than capitulate.

    Finally, the African diplomatic corps must be modernised. Africa needs representation that not only attends global summits but actively shapes narratives and defends African interests. Just as Western powers deploy elaborate strategic communication and lobbying capabilities, African states must professionalise their diplomatic engagements to protect sovereignty and influence outcomes.

    The emerging world order is marked by competition, not cooperation. This reality will not change simply by wishing it so. Africa’s response must be pragmatic, strategic, and rooted in its own interests—not in reaction to external pressures but in pursuit of its own vision of prosperity, stability, and sovereign self-determination.

    •Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

  • Nigeria’s economic test before 2027

    Nigeria’s economic test before 2027

    By Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Against the pessimism that dominated late 2025, the Naira has emerged as an unexpected bright spot. Closing the week at approximately N1,391/$1 on the Nigerian Autonomous Foreign Exchange Market (NAFEM), the currency has sustained a rally that leaves it more than 10% stronger than its opening level in 2025. This is not a speculative blip. It is the visible consequence of structural corrections long overdue.

    Two forces explain this recovery. First, improved FX inflows—especially from non-oil exports—have strengthened supply. Second, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)’s disciplined withdrawal of excess Naira liquidity has punctured speculative demand. Most importantly, the long-distorted gap between the official and parallel FX markets has effectively vanished, now trading within a 2% margin. For investors, this convergence signals credible price discovery and renewed confidence.

    Yet markets alone do not determine the political and social economy. Nigerians experience both the cost and the benefits of these reforms directly—and that is where perception becomes decisive.

    The Tinubu administration faces three interlinked challenges.

    The first is physical insecurity, which continues to disrupt agriculture, commerce, schooling, and family life across large parts of the country. No macro-economic gain will be felt where farmers cannot farm, traders cannot travel safely, or communities live in fear.

    The second is translation—the conversion of macroeconomic stabilization into tangible, everyday benefits. Nigerians hear that indicators are improving, yet high prices, tight credit, and fragile incomes persist.

    The third, and most politically consequential, is communication. Economic reform that is not clearly explained feels punitive; reform that is not empathetically communicated feels indifferent. In an election year, that perception can harden quickly.

    The opposition has filled this communication vacuum with a simple narrative: things are harder, money is scarce, prices are rising, Nigerians are unsafe—and the government is to blame. That message resonates because citizens are living through the pain of adjustment.

    What is missing is an honest alternative. Fuel subsidy restoration is fiscally unsustainable and legally constrained by the Petroleum Industry Act. A return to multi-tier exchange rates would revive arbitrage, scare away foreign capital, and undo the fragile FX stability now emerging. The opposition’s silence on alternative solutions does not make it unattractive to the electorate as a viable alternative nor does it neutralize hardship—and hardship shapes perception.

    A stronger naira, a tighter economy

    Nigeria’s $46.1 billion external reserve position, now at a multi-year high, gives the Central Bank genuine capacity to defend the Naira without reverting to trade bans or capital controls that previously strangled enterprise. Yet, this stability has a cost. In its determination to tame inflation, the financial system has swung toward extreme caution. Commercial banks parked over N33 trillion in the Standing Deposit Facility in January alone. Currency stability has improved—but credit circulation remains constrained.

    This creates a paradox: macro-stability without micro-access. Medium, Small, and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs)—responsible for roughly 40% of GDP—remain largely excluded from affordable financing. Stability that does not reach producers, traders, and employers risks becoming politically hollow.

    Markets are optimistic—voters are cautious

    Nigeria’s stock exchange market ended the last week of January with a N45 billion increase in market capitalization, led by industrial goods and Tier-1 banks. Consumer goods stocks remain subdued, weighed down by high borrowing costs and weak household demand.

    International observers are taking note. Nigeria is now projected to rank among the top contributors to global real GDP growth in 2026, alongside economies such as Indonesia and Brazil. These signals strengthen investor confidence—but they do not substitute for domestic legitimacy. Elections are not won on IMF projections.

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    Beyond stability: The institutional imperative

    Recent economic analyses have rightly observed that Nigeria has moved from emergency crisis management into a phase of stabilization. While broadly accurate, this assessment understates the urgency of converting macro-economic stability into tangible relief and institutional trust.

    Stability is not a destination—it is a narrow corridor. Linger too long, and public patience erodes; move too fast, and inflation resurges. The real challenge is not merely affordability; it is perceived fairness and credible governance. Nigerians are asking harder questions than price indices reveal:

    • Is the burden shared fairly?

    • Are institutions reforming, or merely enforcing pain?

    • Will today’s sacrifice translate into dignity tomorrow?

    Affordability without fairness still feels unjust. Growth without credibility still feels exclusionary.

    The agenda before October 1

    First, security must be treated as economic infrastructure. Every secured farm, road, and school reduces costs and safeguards livelihoods. Security spending should be explicitly linked to household welfare outcomes.

    Second, fiscal policy must now lead. Interest rates cannot build roads, ports, or power plants. Infrastructure is Nigeria’s most potent anti-inflation and pro-employment lever.

    Third, idle capital must be deliberately mobilized. Targeted credit guarantees, risk-sharing mechanisms, and sector-specific financing can unlock MSME productivity without reigniting speculative pressure.

    Finally, communication must become an institutional function of governance. Nigerians need clear timelines, measurable benchmarks, and plain explanations—what was unavoidable, what has been achieved, and what relief is realistically ahead. Not slogans. Not silence.

    The political test ahead

    The Tinubu administration has corrected distortions that nearly broke Nigeria’s economy. The Naira’s recovery, FX convergence, reserve accumulation, and renewed investor confidence are real and consequential. But politics is not audited in reserve statements. It is lived in markets, classrooms, farms, and homes.

    Between now and October 1, the task is unmistakable: Convert stability into shared relief, reform into reassurance, and data into dignity.

    In politics, perception rivals truth.

    But truth that is felt still wins.

    •Prof Shilgba writes via <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Fed Govt to digitise fish import licences

    Fed Govt to digitise fish import licences

    The Federal Government has approved the digitisation of fish import licensing process in a move aimed at strengthening regulatory oversight, improving efficiency and supporting the growth of local fish production within the maritime economy.

    The approval was granted by the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Dr Adegboyega Oyetola, who has directed the Department of Fisheries and Aquaculture to immediately commence implementation of a digital platform to replace the existing manual licensing system.

    The reform, according to a statement yesterday, signed by the Special Adviser to the Minister, Dr Bolaji Akinola, is part of broader efforts to modernise marine administration and aligns with President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which places emphasis on economic diversification, food security, job creation and institutional reform.

    Oyetola said the policy shift was a strategic intervention designed to reposition Nigeria’s fisheries sector for sustainable growth and improved competitiveness.

    He said: “The digitisation of fish import licensing is a major step towards eliminating administrative bottlenecks, improving transparency and ensuring that our regulatory processes align with global best practices.

    “This reform will not only simplify procedures for genuine operators but will also strengthen government oversight, promote accountability and support our broader objective of boosting local fish production,” he added.

    Industry stakeholders say the move represents a significant milestone in the ongoing reform agenda of the Federal Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, which has prioritised technology-driven solutions to reduce bureaucracy and improve governance across the fisheries and maritime value chain.

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    Under the new framework, fish import licence applications will be processed electronically, a transition expected to streamline procedures, minimise delays, eliminate duplication and significantly reduce opportunities for human interference and administrative inefficiencies.

    The ministry noted that the automated system will also enhance Nigeria’s alignment with global best practices in maritime and aquatic resource administration, particularly in data-driven regulation and compliance monitoring.

    Once operational, the digital platform will provide real-time data on fish import volumes, enabling the government to accurately assess supply gaps and implement evidence-based policy decisions. According to the statement, the data analytics component will support more strategic planning, ensuring that import licences are issued in line with national food security priorities while protecting local producers from unfair competition.

    The system is also expected to strengthen compliance by ensuring that only qualified and duly registered importers receive licences, thereby curbing illegal and unregulated fish importation that has long undermined investments in local aquaculture.

    Oyetola said the reform is closely tied to the ministry’s commitment to revitalising domestic fish production and reducing the country’s dependence on imports.

    “Nigeria has enormous potential to achieve self-sufficiency in fish production, and we must create policies that encourage investment in local aquaculture while responsibly managing importation,” he said.

    “Our goal is to progressively reduce dependence on imported fish by strengthening local capacity, creating jobs and supporting Nigerian fish farmers to thrive in a more competitive and well-regulated environment,” he added.

    Nigeria remains one of Africa’s largest consumers of fish, with demand consistently outstripping local supply. The minister has repeatedly highlighted the need to bridge this gap through targeted investment in aquaculture, improved fisheries management and policies that encourage private sector participation without stifling indigenous producers.

    The digitisation of fish import licensing, the ministry emphasised, will serve as a critical maritime regulatory tool to ensure that importation supports, rather than suppresses, the growth of domestic fish production.