The Nation Newspaper

Category: Friday

  • NIGERIA @ 53: How presidency and governors immiserise us

    NIGERIA AT THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE. Fifty- three years after independence, our dear country totters dangerously at the precipice. But that in itself does not pose such a morbid danger to the entity. What is troubling is that Nigeria’s critical leadership seems not to appreciate how close we are to an irrevocable doom. They therefore carry on blissfully using a template that is bound to lead us to our collective atrophy.

    THE PRESIDENCY IS THE WORST CULPRIT. It is business as usual for the presidency, the fulcrum of leadership and the key catalyst for change. But the capacity to lead and effect basic changes is too low to engender radical, paradigmatic changes which are what we sorely and urgently need now. The presidency which controls over 50 per cent of the nation’s revenues continues on its binging, wastefulness and a worrisome inability to focus on the major problems.

    ACUTE INABILITY TO MANAGE THE BUDGET is at the heart of the matter apart from the well known old enemy, corruption. All the institutional levers for implementing the budget may have crashed as we hardly achieve 20 per cent of our capital budget year-on-year. Capital expenditures are hardly released to the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) and whatever little is released are roiled in corruption and inefficiency.

    Though we do not need the corroboration of the National Assembly, House members who were on oversight inspection of MDAs projects last week found only about 30-40 percent project execution with three quarters of the year gone. If this has been the story in the past one decade or more, what it simply means is that there has been little or no development going on in the country over this period.

    LIKE PRESIDENCY LIKE STATES. The 36 states of the federation are no better than the presidency. All the state governors without exception effectively disburse both the state and local government funds without proper recourse to the executive council or the state houses of assembly. State budgets are mere formalities hardly implemented while the LGAs don’t have budget anymore. The result: most governors expend the state’s resources loosely and recklessly as if they were pocket money but often in whimsical and myopic ways.

    Naturally, all the statutory institutions for orderly distribution of resources like the ministries, the agencies, the LGAs and development areas have been shutdown in most states. The decrepit state of ministries across the country is enough proof that there is no life in them how much more delivering service to the people. Please take a trip to the LGA and LCDA secretariats across the country and you will find most of them overgrown by weeds. Of course it is common knowledge that most of the LGA heads and key personnel who are mere errand boys and girls of the various governors do not dare live in the vicinity of their LGAs. They all live in the state capital or posh and secured parts of town and only come to office when there is money to share.

    NO GOVERNANCE GOING ON HERE. The result is that what we have is a semblance of governance. We see the presidency hee and haw over a few projects and our supermen governors engage in so much abracadabra in cities and a few towns. A vast expanse of the country is left in total neglect and disarray. This explains why hardly anything is working in spite of Nigeria’s huge earnings; it explains the burgeoning youth unemployment, and criminal activities like kidnapping, baby factories, and armed agitation.

    To cut a very long story short, we cannot be governing our country wrongly and expect the right results; the current template is not sustainable and if the president and governors insist on it, the country will meet its perdition sooner.

     

    FEEDBACK: Re: Iwuanyanwu: Selfish politics to the end

    Good morning Mr. Osuji, Iwuanyanwu has been a great disappointment. A very young man when he came to public prominence, he quickly imbibed a cynical disposition to business and politics. His Hardel and Enic Construction Company became known for shoddy and poor jobs and abandoned road projects. As a pioneer student of in 1981 of the Federal university of Technology Owerri, I still remember today a donation he announced towards some projects at our then campus at Samek Road, off Okigwe Road. He donated some large number of bags of cement and staff, students and the audience hailed him. He then announced that the donation was conditional upon his company being awarded one of the contracts in the campus and the university authority agreeing to hire one of his warehouses for storing the cement. It was a deflating anti-climax for us all then. Today, nobody knows what he stands for in politics. – 08188884775

    Steve you have always made my day each time you show the brilliance in your use of the pen. The likes of chief Iwuanyanwu must be told the home truth. Fire on at full throttle. -08039568640

    Brother Steve you hit the nail on the head. Iwuanyanwu has no noble principles and swims any government in power – tyrannical, fascistic or blood thirsty. He says Igbo are not organized and coordinated but what has he done towards Igbo unity. I am truly disgusted with that man. From Gabriel, Aba. – 08051481333

    Steve my brother Chief Iwuanyanwu is indisposed and can never recover. In fact that is all about him since we know him and he cannot change. From Charles Umunnakwe, -07039095549

    Hi Steve. I will still say that the major problem of Ndigbo is that the political space is left in the hands of ‘freerollers’ who misconstrue Igbo political world view. You can imagine someone like Ojo Maduekwe who dropped from being foreign minister to accepting an ambassadorial posting. People like Iwuanyanwu will continue his ‘trade’ until serious Igbo wake up from their slumber. Maybe you should start something like Ohaneze Renewal Group. There are more than enough young, vibrant Igbo elite who can anchor that. From Olu, 08033013597

    Leave press work, contest for presidency, it’s your right. From Anu, 08165124180

    Dear Steve, after reading Iwuanyanwu’s Calabar statement, I could not believe it. For long I have been wondering when someone would stand Ndigo in front of the mirror. Iwuanyanwu is not alone in this politics of the stomach. What has so-called mainstream politics got my people from Obasanjo to Yar’Adua to Jonathan? May god save us? – 08086135704

  • NLC v. The people

    NLC v. The people

    It is difficult not to reckon with the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) which claims to represent and protect, the interests of the toiling masses of the country. But when it appears that the NLC stands against those same interests on a fundamental issue that is at the foundation of the misery of the people, then it goes without saying that the original claim of effective and selfless representation needs a re-examination.

    It is certainly not unusual for there to be a misreading of the mood of the base by the leadership of an organisation leading to a misjudgment of the desires of the former by the latter. That scenario is the reason for the not so uncommon cases of mass revolt against the leadership. If you claim to be my leader and you don’t even understand what I want according to my best judgment of my interest, then you have no business leading me because you cannot represent my interests effectively. And what you cannot represent, you cannot protect.

    The widely reported unguarded attack by the Vice President of the NLC, Mr. Isaa Aremu against proponents of Sovereign National Conference (SNC) is not only misguided, it is misinformed. It is misguided by reason of its clear aversion to the expressed interests of the working class that Labour represents.

    Let us start with a common denominator and tease out the variations. Majority of the working class in this country have taken sides with the proponents of the convocation of a national conference, by whatever name it is called, that addresses the structural imbalances in this country because they are wise enough to know that those imbalances create serious bottlenecks in the effective delivery of the proverbial dividends of democracy.

    Consider just one item. For a long time, power has been on the exclusive list of the Federal Government. States, local governments, or private companies have no effective participation in the generation and/or distribution of power and energy. But of course, the Federal Government has been grossly incompetent in the discharge of that constitutional responsibility. Despite this, it has guarded jealously that exclusivity until recently. But we know that because of this constitutional debacle, the promise of industrial development cannot be fulfilled, leading to the misery of the toiling masses. Is it unconstitutional, as Mr. Aremu would have us believe, to seek a discussion around the kind of issues that should be the preserve of the Federal Government versus other jurisdictions? If the answer is “no”, as I am sure it is, isn’t this what the proposal for a national conference is about? And shouldn’t the NLC, as the purported representative of the working people, be in the forefront of confronting this issue?

    The media report that is available to me suggests that Mr. Aremu made his remarks when he spoke with journalists on Tuesday. I assume then that he made off-the cuff remarks. If so, one can probably excuse the incoherent nature of his declarations. What strikes me from the report that I have, however, is that there is not one reference to the interests of the working people as a reason for the position of the NLC. Mr. Aremu rested his position on several factors, not one of which touches on the misery of the people that the NLC represents. Surely, the NLC has the right to take a philosophical or ideological stand on issues, but every such philosophy or ideology must be anchored in the interest of workers.

    Now, what are the philosophical and ideological grounds of the attack of the NLC on the proponents of a national conference?

    The Labour leader put together a mixed bag of ideas in support or defence of his position. Unfortunately, it seems to me that the ideas are ill-informed. First, Mr. Aremu argues that an SNC is diversionary and unconstitutional because Nigeria has elected representatives and therefore it would be unlawful to convoke an SNC. Nobody should shortchange the system midway, he added. I dealt with this kind of argument in my comments on Senator Mark’s first position in the column titled: “Mark this logic.”

    The major issue is that this type of argument simply begs the question. Proponents of an SNC are aware that there is a constitution. They are, however, convinced that the constitution is not timeless and can be revisited to better serve the interest of the people. Constitutions are made for citizens; citizens are not made for constitutions. SNC is an attempt to remake the constitution. Therefore, the existence of a constitution cannot validly be used as an argument against SNC. And as Senate President Mark finally realised, a national conference “can find accommodation in the extant provisions of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees freedom of expression and association.’

    The Labour leader suggested that Nigeria is not a debating society and that Nigeria should be functional while the citizens should stop agonising. I really don’t know what this means! It is certainly not a well-considered statement even in the category of an off-the-cuff remark. If Nigeria should be functional and it is not, as even the NLC would admit, since it is not tired of leading protest rallies on a regular basis.And if there is a prospect of ending the dysfunction inherent in the system that we inherited from military unitarists and their hegemonist collaborators, what does rationality recommend?

    SNC promises to be that last hope to fix the national dysfunction. It provides an avenue for us to “organise our thoughts to make the country work” as the Labour leader recommends. And on a point of correction, nobody, not any one of the leaders or members of the various organisations proposing a national conference, has suggested that Nigeria is too big. I am not, therefore, sure what the basis is for the NLC argument that “it is wrong to say that Nigeria is too big.’

    From a globalist’s perspective, the NLC is against SNC because “SNC is no longer a global trend” and “all ethnic sentiments should be divorced from Nigeria’s national life” because “globally, the use of ethnic nationalities is no longer fashionable.” These are philosophical positions bolstered by reference to global trends. In other worlds, Nigeria should follow the trend. Of course, he is not concerned about what happened to Yugoslavia, or to the Soviet Union, or what is happening in Scotland.

    Let us assume that multinational state is the global trend. It could be a slippery slope. Do we want to suggest that whatever is the global trend is what we should follow?When it suits our self-interests we are quick to suggest that we should domesticate democracy to fit the cultures of our peoples. But those cultures are not abstract; they do not fall from the sky. They are specific to particular domains and arenothing more than an articulated mix of languages, religions and customs. We recognise them in our original national anthem. But now, if we are to follow the ideologically moderated stance of the NLC, “how can language and ethnic identity remain an issue for us?”

    This last rhetorical question posed by the Labour leaders goes to the heart of the matter and we cannot dismiss it lightly. But what is being ignored is that we had a chance to deal with this issue in the various conferences prior to Independence and we opted for a true federal system that gives recognition to the diversity of language and culture. And we know that it was the military who truncated our Republican constitution that also dealt a fatal blow to the agreements that we thought should serve us well as a nation united in diversity. An SNC would allow us to readdress the issues and take back the autonomy the military arrogated to itself.

    Genuinely frustrated that Nigerians are not embracing the global trend, and are still divided by language and ethnicity, the Labour leader made glowing reference to the United States of America where, from his perspective, the historic election of the first African American president ended all divisions and dissentions: “The day an African-African became the president of the most powerful nation in the world, the United States, colour had ceased to be an issue.” Really? Q.E.D.

  • About Hajj

    About Hajj

    This article is not new. It was published in this column during Hajj period last year. It is being repeated here today with some alterations in response to readers’ popular demand. Here it goes:

    Hajj in the life of a Muslim is like pregnancy in the womb of an expectant mother. The experience varies from woman to woman. The foetus in the womb undergoes various stages before reaching the stage of delivery. But by the time the child is finally delivered, the mother feels a relief of her life. And the child assumes a tabula rasa (clean slate) that makes him absolutely innocent.

    A pilgrim is like a newly born child, spiritually, if he strictly performs Hajj as prescribed by Allah. But if he returns into the world of vanity, he automatically becomes like a person in snow white attire who finds himself in a palm oil market. Unless he spiritually guides his loins, he may immediately become a tainted person both in body and in soul.

    Pilgrims who are going on Hajj must be prepared to go through series of rigour both spiritually and physically. The rigour of getting the money with which to perform Hajj; the rigour of getting the travelling documents including visa; the rigour of taking care of the home front before embarking on the holy journey; the rigour of boarding the plane with a sense of high risk; the rigour of going through the security search at the embarkation point as well as in Saudi Arabia when entering and when departing; the rigour of performing the Tawaf and Sa’y; the rigour of moving from Makkah to Mina on the 8th of Dhul-Hijjah, then to Arafah on the 9th of Dhul-Hijjah, and back to Mina via Muzdalifah on the 10th of Dhul-Hijjah; the rigour of locating the tents at Arafah; the rigour of throwing the pebbles at the Jamrat in Mina on the three or four days known as Ayamu-t-Tashrik; The rigour of performing Tawaful Ifadah at the sanctuary in Makkah after the first day of throwing pebbles; the rigour of shaving the head and slaughtering the rams, the rigour of performing the farewell circumambulation otherwise known as Tawaful Wida‘i all in the midst of millions of people can be too much to forget so soon after Hajj.

    Whoever is not bothered by the money spent on Hajj should at least be bothered by the various stages of the involved rigour including that of visiting Madinah. To lose all these to the forces of Satan after Hajj is like losing one’s travelling passport after obtaining visa. The prayer of every genuine pilgrim is to retain the validity of Hajj forever.

    Performance of pilgrimage must be based on genuine intention and high spiritual standard. An intending pilgrim must have attained puberty. He must have been an ardent practitioner of the first four pillars of Islam: (Salat, Zakah, and Sawm) all of which are fervently based on faith (Iman). Hajj without these pre-requisites is like a tree without roots.

    Money is a major pre-requisite for Hajj but it is not absolute.

    Hajj, the last pillar of Islam shows very vividly, the similitude of what mankind will experience on the Day of Judgment. Looking at the unique way in which pilgrims dress for Hajj and how they assemble at Arafat leaving their luggage behind in Makkah, one will realise how ephemeral this world is.

    The various stages of preparation through which pilgrims pass before arriving at Arafat are symbolic of our peregrination in life as human beings. Like the Day of Judgment, Arafat is the climax of Hajj performance. Anybody who misses Arafat misses Hajj. But Arafat is not by physical appearance alone. It takes a combination of factors to participate effectively in that great assembly which serves as the climax of Hajj.

    For Hajj to serve its spiritual purpose in the life of a pilgrim, certain steps must be taken before leaving home. They are as follows:

    • Fine-tuning the first four pillars of Islam very sincerely

    • Packaging the intention to perform Hajj

    • Ensuring the security of the way

    • Providing for the family and dependants at home

    • Paying all the outstanding debts including promises

    • Ascertaining the condition of health

    • Perfecting immigration procedures and undergoing all necessary medical services including inoculation

    • Assuming a mood of humility like that of a servant approaching his master.

    • Readiness to endure hardship and to tolerate fellow pilgrims’ attitudes.

    Admonishing Muslims on spiritual journey, including Hajj, Prophet Muhammad once said: “Actions shall be judged according to intentions. Whoever embarks on a spiritual journey for the sake of Allah will be adjudged on that basis. And whoever bases his/her intention for pilgrimage on marriage or material gains should not expect any reward beyond that for which the intention is based”. The steps to follow in the performance of Hajj are as follows:

     

    The Miqat

     

    Miqat is the specified place for the wearing of Ihram dress. There are five of such places in all. But the one earmarked for pilgrims from Nigeria cannot be reached by pilgrims travelling by air. It is over-flown while crossing the Red Sea. What most Nigerians do therefore is to wear their Ihram dress in Jeddah which has now been adjudged right through a Fatwah. Thus, Nigerian pilgrims can now wear their Ihram dress on arrival at the pilgrims’ airport in Jeddah.

     

    Tawaful Qudum

     

    Tawaf means circumambulation of the Ka’bah. The very first Tawaf to be performed by any pilgrim on entering Makkah is Tawaful Qudum. It is performed before a pilgrim settles down in any residence. Tawaful Qudum is an obligatory Sunnah from which only residents of Makkah among pilgrims are exempted.

     

    Residence in Makkah or Madinah

     

    Most Nigerian pilgrims often seek their accommodations in Makkah or Madinah close to the Haram. This is to enable them walk to and back from the Haram conveniently at the time of any Salat. To minimise pilgrim’s regular occurrence of missing their ways, they are provided with hand bands bearing the addresses of their residences. Pilgrims are therefore advised to wear such bands at all times to enable them show it to either the Hajj guides or policemen when the road is missed. It is also important for pilgrims to always be with their identity cards provided by Nigerian Pilgrims’ Commission or private agents. This is to enable them to be identified in case of sickness, accident or even death.

     

    Movement to Mina

     

    Pilgrims must be ready to undergo some rigour in the process of moving to Mina from Makkah. The rigour which normally affects all pilgrims is engendered by limited time available for millions of pilgrims who must move to that spiritual camp before the sunset on the day preceding Arafah day.

     

    Arafah

     

    At the Plain of Arafat, pilgrims are advised to stay under their tents and concentrate on the spiritual activities that take them to the place.

    They must reach Arafat by mid day when Salatu-d-Dhuhr and ‘Asr should be observed combined. Anybody who is not at Arafat by mid day is considered not to have taken part in the assembly and therefore missed Hajj. Immediately after observing the combined Salatu-d-Dhuhr and ‘Asr, the Imam who led the two Salat is expected to give a sermon. Listening to such sermon is as compulsory as giving it.

    The great assembly of Arafat terminates shortly before sunset (Magrib) and the pilgrims return to Mina via Muzdalifah.

     

    Muzdalifah

     

    At Muzdalifah, pilgrims are expected to halt their journey to observe Magrib and ‘Ishai combined. They are also expected to pass the night there and observe the Salat-s-Subh of the following day before proceeding to Mina. Muzdalifah is adjacent to Mina and is therefore a walking distance.

     

    JAMRAT

     

    Stoning of the devils (Rajmu Jamrat) begins a day after Arafat and continues for the next three or four days that the pilgrims are supposed to spend at Mina. This exercise is obligatory and without it, Hajj is incomplete. There three points at which stones are to be thrown. Seven pebbles are to be thrown at each point on every one of the three or four days to be spent in Mina.

    While going for the pebble-throwing exercise, pilgrims are advised to take their pebbles along with them. Except for the first day when seven pebbles are supposed to be thrown at only one spot, pilgrims are required to throw twenty one pebbles each day the three spots provided while they remain in Mina.

    Picking such pebbles at the point of throwing them is forbidden. All pebbles must have been picked before leaving the tent for the ‘Jamrat’ or on the way.

     

    Majzarah (Abattoir)

     

    Slaughtering of all sacrificial animals is done at the abattoir in Mina. Pilgrims do not need to bother themselves by going to the abattoir for the purpose of carrying out this compulsory obligation. They can simply buy the guaranteed ticket sold by designated Saudi agents. The ticket is the evidence that one has performed that duty. The slaughtering is done on behalves of the pilgrims by some authorised artisans who are paid by the Saudi Hajj authorities from the money paid for those animals. The animals to be slaughtered at Jamrat range from rams to camels. A pilgrim should slaughter one ram or more while seven pilgrims may combine to slaughter one camel or five of them may jointly slaughter on cow.

     

    Tawaful Ifadah

     

    For pilgrims who can afford to go to Makkah after throwing the first seven pebbles, it is good to perform Tawaf-ul-Ifadah. For those who cannot, the exercise can be deferred till the end of Tashrik.

    Pilgrims who have performed Tawaf-ul-Ifadah are free to shave their heads and change from their Ihram dress into civil or traditional dresses.

    The only reason for any pilgrim to go to Makkah from Mina during the camping period is to perform Tawaf-ul-Ifadah. No pilgrim should break camping rule by going to Makkah without performing Tawaf-ul- Ifadah. And after performing Tawaful Ifadah, no pilgrim should remain in Makkah or elsewhere without returning to Mina before sunset.

    With the completion of the camping days in Mina and the arrival of all the pilgrims in Makkah, Hajj has been completed except for Tawaf Wida‘i otherwise called farewell Tawaf. That Tawaf is compulsory.

    It is then left for pilgrims to decide whether or not to go to Madinah. Going to Madinah is not compulsory. It can neither validate nor invalidate Hajj. But it will be spiritually odd for any pilgrim to choose not to visit the Prophet’s Mosque.

    Throughout the Hajj exercise, what should be uppermost in the mind of a pilgrim is the spiritual benefit.

    Hajj is compulsory only once in a life’s time for those who have the wherewithal to undergo it and can satisfy the conditions attached to its performance.

    On arriving home finally, pilgrims are not expected to start organising parties in celebration of a successful Hajj performance as ignorantly done by some Nigerians. Maintaining Hajj is a necessity for those who know the value of doing that. Whoever is privileged to perform Hajj once should forever be grateful to Allah as no one is sure of getting another chance.

     

  • An opening

    An opening

    “The ice is melting. The door has been opened. We are inching closer. We must seize the moment.” Thus spoke Opalaba, in his new role as the Oke-Ogun oracle.

    “What is this about?”

    “From “forget about it,”we are now hearing “maybe it’s time for a national conference,” and you still don’t get it? Just weeks ago, the Number 3 citizen ruled out even the idea of a sovereign national conference because there is no constitutional provision for it. Now he sees the light and is willing not only to entertain the idea, but to give prospective organisers his blessing. On my part, I see an opening and it must be exploited and taken advantage of.”

    “That’s wonderful, my friend,” I responded. “But since when have you been excited about anything that comes out of NASS? You have always been the Cartesian skeptic. Nothing would assure you of the sincerity of purpose of our lawmakers until they deliver. So why is this case any different? Are you so sure that our Senate President doesn’t have a joker up his babaringa?”

    “More importantly” I continued, some of the best minds who have remained for more than three decades at the forefront of this issue have expressed doubt and concern concerning the genuineness and reliability of Senator David Mark’s new position. While some kicked “against a National Conference without sovereign power”, others described it as “diversionary” according to media reports. So tell me, Opalaba, what do you know that they don’t?”

    “And before you answer, there is something that I thought you are missing. In your enthusiastic response to Senator Mark’s new insight, you didn’t quite pay close attention to what he said. He still doesn’t endorse a conference with sovereign authority; the conference he endorsed is still not going to be a sovereign national conference; for him we have to settle for a national conference.”

    “You are right”, Opalaba responded. “And I am not visually handicapped. I can read and understand. I know that Senator Mark pulled back from a full endorsement of a sovereign national conference. But can’t you and your progressive friends give the man some credit? Do you know where he had been? This man is a soldier—an officer and a gentleman. Do you think it was easy for him to admit that he was not quite right just a few weeks ago? Moving from an absolute “no” to a maybe “yes” is certainly a big deal for him and it is for me an opening. The question is whether you folks will take advantage of it.”

    “What is striking to me”, Opalaba continued, “is that this born-again approach is not just coming from NASS. I read that a few weeks ago, Oronto Douglass, the influential Special Adviser to President Jonathan observed that “a we the people agreement” must “be midwifed by all Nigerians for the good of Nigeria.” Whatever you think about that statement, it appears to me to represent a rethink on the part of the President who had also ruled out an SNC.”

    “It is important to bear in mind where we came from and how we got to where we are now. The military truncated our democratic journey in 1966. They dictated to us what the norms of governance had to be for thirteen years during which period they moved us into the wilderness of unitarism. Then in 1979 they gave us a bit of a democratic respite but ensured that the unitary system wasn’t tampered with. They took back the reins of power after four short years and remained in the saddle for another fourteen years. In the circumstance, even quite a good number of the non-military folks among us have only the vaguest ideas of what a true federal system is and they need the most gentle orientation and accommodation.”

    “Furthermore”, Opalaba continued, I am aware of the polar opposites of extreme absolutes and the havoc they wreck on a political community. My way or the high way is a prescription for chaos and terrible impasse. Against the insistence of the “absolute no to SNC” there is the “absolute yes.”Between the two, nothing gets done, except for those that derive satisfaction from indefinite struggle on the rhetorical level. But the most productive politics is the one that allows for compromise. It’s how policies get made for the benefit of the people. It’s how politicians get credit for their actions.”

    “So Mr. Wiseman, what are you suggesting?” I inquired of my friend.

    “If you would know and would not think that it is below your dignity to negotiate, I see an opening for negotiation and compromise for us to have a national conference of ethnic nationalities. If my assumption is correct, by now, the leading organisations in the advocacy for a sovereign national conference have their various position papers not only on the substance but also on the procedure. The first step then is for these organisations and groups to get together, compare notes, and come up with a consensus on how to move the agenda forward.

    “My second step would be this.Once there is an agreement on the part of all the pro-national conference organisations, then they need to approach the office of the Senate President for a dialogue on how he and his team would make good on his words. I don’t agree that Senator Mark, an officer and gentleman,just threw out lines without any intention of following through. In any case, even if that was what he did, we will not know until we make the effort to reach out to him and his team. Moreover, in view of the statement attributed to Oronto Douglass, I would not leave out the Office of the President.

    “Here is the foundation of this approach. Politics is about interests and at any point in the life of politicians and the political environment that they inhabit, there are plural interests a good number of which cross and interlock in a good number of concentric circles. The loop between the circles sometimes has strange bedfellows occupying it.It is a confirmation of the famous saying that in politics, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, just permanent interests. The idea of permanent interest is also suspect. An interest in getting elected into an office may bring two politicians together. Once and if they lose and the ticket is disbanded, that interest is rendered impotent. Therefore all along, it appears that it is a temporary interest.

    “Who knows what, in light of everything going on around him, the interest of the president is at the present time? If he has an interest in a lasting legacy that would place his name in the annals of Nigerian history, not just as a “me-too president” but as one who laid the foundation of a truly federal republic, then he might be willing to work with advocates of a national conference to get it done now. This is why I see this recent development as an opening and we must take the initiative, seize the opportunity and enter the room of negotiation and compromise now.”Thus sayeth Opalaba in his moment of reflection.

  • Wetin ministers dey do sef?

    Last week we had said that 39 and not nine ministers should have been fired by President Goodluck Jonathan. I had held that barely half a dozen so-called ministers know why they sat on their exalted seats while picking at random, both the sacked and retained public officials for a quick performance review in the last two years. Many readers reacted insisting that my list was not comprehensive enough while pointing out some woeful non-performers I seemingly spared.

    Diezani Alison-Madueke , minister of Petroleum and Natural Resources seems the most detested and disagreeable to readers. How could you have missed her out, many queried? I quite agree with them that she has been the least stellar and disappointing of all the Jonathan’s men. Ironically, she holds the most important job in the land after the president of course. Her failure is an entire story that would probably require a serial when the time ripens but suffice to say that surprisingly, she brought nothing to her office for one who had played in the oil sector most of her life.

    She simply picked up the decadent template that had been operational in that office for about five decades and even debased it further. In other words, she just collects rent and fritters it with such frenzy. She has not brought a penny value to the industry that is supposed to drive Nigeria’s growth and development. If she is sacked today, she would have been remarkable for three things, a flurry of corruption allegations trailing her tenure like flies; the multi-trillion naira subsidy scandal that passed under her nose yet she feigned ignorance; and third, we will all remember the PIB (whatever that is) and how she has wasted our time singing PIB, PIB, PIB! May be we would have been better off with a beautiful parrot as oil minister. We just teach the bird to sing PIB and it would probably make a better job of it.

    She promised to build what she calls the Greenfield refineries after the January 2012 fuel subsidy protests but everything promised in the wake of that upheaval has turned out to be lies. She insists that refineries and petrochemical complexes cannot be developed unless the so-called subsidies are removed but even countries like South Africa that has no crude deposit have numerous large and viable refining complexes functioning. The same international oil companies that would not develop or add value to our crude oil are developing and running huge modern refining and petrochemical complexes in Asia, Europe and America. Mrs. Alison-Madueke has turned out the worst in the long list of incapacious and visionless oil ministers. What a crying pity.

    Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, minister for Finance and the Co-ordinating Minister of the Economy (CME), also came up for mentioning as among the failed ones requiring to be expended. Yes the CME has not been able to pull her weight considering the enormous powers conferred on her. Life has turned out worse for the average Nigerian regardless of the meaningless positive ratings from abroad. The budget, her primary task and a key driver of the economy has remained mired at all its crucial stages of preparation, appropriation and implementation. It has become certain that Mrs Okonji-Iweala does not have the grit and aplomb to pull this economy from the brinks.

    Other ministers that drew an especial ire of the readers are agriculture minister, Dr. Akinwunmi Adesina and Olusegun Aganga of the ministry of Trade and Investment. These two are said to be adept at playing to the gallery and making so much sound and fury with little significance. Someone pointed out that Aganga has sign over a dozen phoney MoUs with so much fanfare with hardly any progressing further from the signing ceremony. One such example is the $2.55 billion biofuels project which MoU was signed by Aganga late 2011. The pilot project ought to have been completed December last year. We are not aware of any such ‘giant’ project anywhere; there are several other examples.

    When Aganga is not signing phantom MoUs, he is regaling us with some chimerical huge Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) flowing into Nigeria like Ogunpa river flood. But many Nigerians can only watch in bemusement as the little, little Western Union change from their long-suffering ‘exiles’ abroad is being co-opted into Aganga’s pool of achievements in office. But we know better to understand that when government claims Nigeria’s FDI inflow is the largest in Africa, its all lies and deceit.

    Dr. Adesina on the other hand was early this year, embroiled in the Nigerian wonder of delivering 10 million GSM telephones to rural farmers as if phones were major implements for farming. He has become clever at telling us how much we spend annually to import rice, palm oil, wheat, fish, vegetable oil and other items we can easily produce but he has not been able to devise a means to transform our agriculture.

    Rice farming presents the greatest opportunity were the minister serious and capable. Nigeria is perhaps the second largest importer of rice globally, giving away over $1 billion annually. But there are key stakeholders in rice production in Nigeria and there is a Rice Fund which has become a sink hole of corruption. The minister has not driven local rice production beyond the level he met it two years ago and the huge fund is still sunk somewhere used more as slush fund than for local rice development.

    These are the visible ministers, most others are so docile and inactive we do not eve know them two years on and that is so very convenient for them to live in obscurity, to hide in the shadows while enjoying the perks of office and giving nothing back. Wetin ministers dey do sef? Ministers such as Abba Moro, (Internal Affairs), Sarah Ochekpe, (Water Resources), Tanimu Turaki (Special Duties), Chukwuemeka Wogu (Labour and productivity), among others. What really do they do? By the way, do we really need ministers?

    FEED BACK: Re: 9 ministers sacked, should have been 39

    Brilliant piece, however Jonathan should axe himself too in addition to the 39 ministers suggested. He is just too clueless and wasteful. Motunrayo, Ibadan, 08067564858

    I have just finished reading your piece… you miss the point on the Agric. Minister. If you ask a peasant farmer in northern Nigeria, he is like a god to him thank you. From Abdullahi Mohammed, 08095592257

    Steve you wrote well but did not say anything about the girl with the protruding beautiful eyes who frittered away 2 billion bucks on private jets. Isn’t it incredible that while others are being booted out, she is loved and left alone? 07025885993

    Thanks Steve for that clinical assessment of GEJ’s ministers but don’t you think that the failure of about 39 students in a class of about 43 is a failure of the teacher himself? Now can you point to a singular achievement of the emperor himself? From F.T. odugbemi, State of Osun, 08033565813

    Steve that was mean but if truth must be told, GEJ and his cabinet leaves a sour taste in the mouth. Thanks for that stringent x-ray of executive inertia. 08037910012

    Steve I have criticized your articles in the past but concerning the sacked ministers, I score you a hundred and one per cent. Well done. 07058534745

  • Letter to EFCC

    Letter to EFCC

    The Chairman, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC),

    This is a formal petition to your Commission against the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), a Federal Government agency responsible for traffic and safety of roads in Nigeria. The petition is being written on behalf of the overwhelming majority of Nigerians who have been rendered voiceless by the power that be.

    It is quite unusual for a letter of this type to be an open one. But since its subject matter is an open wound which, only the truth can heal, making it an open document becomes a sine qua non especially due to the prevailing expediency. Besides, this is the only easy means of reaching your Commission without any delay or foul play. Perhaps you will recall that a unit of your Commission, (the Special Control Unit on Money Laundering) paid a courtesy visit to the Nigerian Supreme Council (NSCIA) at its headquarters in Abuja last Friday. The purpose of the visit, according to the Head of the Unit, was to sensitize the Nigerian Muslim Ummah under the umbrella of NSCIA, on the need to cooperate with the unit on matters relating to money laundering and other related offences. Whether the same sensitization campaign was extended to the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) is another matter.

    Encounter with an EFCC representative

    Yours sincerely was one of those who played host to that unit. After an elaborate explanation on corruption generally and money laundering in particular, the leader of the team called for comments, questions and observation. As a journalist, my own comment came in form of question. And the question went thus:

    1. Is the duty of EFCC only to run after government officials who have left office and are suspected of stealing public funds? If the answer is no, why is EFCC not running after the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC)? The reason for this question is this: the same FRSC which designed and introduced a new driver’s license to Nigerians a few years ago came round in 2011 to introduce another with 100% tariff and reduced the three year tenor of that license to two years. Yet, the license is said not to be available after making people to pay for it. If that is not fraud what is it? And now, basking in the euphoria of its success on license matter, the same FRSC has gone ahead to design a new number plate to replace the old one without minding the rule of contract guided its transaction between the Commission and the public. Should the EFCC fold its arms and watch idly while a government agency is ripping off the public in such an audacious manner?

    2. What informs the idea of plea bargain that you adopted as a measure of performance? Should recovery of money from a daring thief be enough as punishment for stealing public funds? Isn’t that an encouragement for further theft especially by the younger generations?

    In response to my questions, the head of the EFCC delegation that paid visit to NSCIA admitted that he had been following the debates and controversy trailing the number plate saga but, according to him, nobody had formally petitioned his Commission on the matter. He therefore advised me to write a petition to EFCC if I felt strongly about the way the number plate was being handled in the country vis a vis the populace. I therefore gladly grabbed the advice and took it for a challenge because I really felt not only strongly but also terribly bad about it.

    The matter quickly reminded me of Margaret Thatcher’s impression of Nigerians, as relayed in this column two weeks ago, which enabled the Iron Lady to dream of coming back into this world as a Nigerian ruler after her death. It is unimaginable that any such open day robbery as that of number plate would be committed in any sane country by government officials in the name of generating funds for the government and get away with it. Constitutionally, generating funds is not part of the duties of FRSC but the idea was motivated by the urge to make money using the government as alibi.

    Breach of contract

    The concern here is not about the new number plate per se but about the manner in which it is being used to extort money from gullible Nigerians. For God’s sake, how can anybody breach a contract so audaciously and claim to be acting according to law? What law permits a government agent to dupe the public by any means and insist on enforcing such fraud? Besides asking me to petition his Commission on the matter, the EFCC man neither stated categorically that EFCC would invite FRSC nor express personal opinion on the matter.

    In his answer to my second question about plea bargain, the head of the visiting EFCC unit said that plea bargain is a contemporary global norm aimed at minimizing the extent of loss on stolen money. He went ahead to justify it as a rational way of punishing a thief which he described as better than mere imprisonment that could not fetch the defrauded person or institution anything.

    The facts

    Nigeria was using a particular kind of number plates before the creation of FRSC. Soon after its creation, the new road safety corps introduced a new number plate. After a few years, the newly introduced number plate was changed but the populace was not forced to acquire the new one except for new vehicles. Now, nobody is quarreling with FRSC on the introduction of a new number plate. The bone of contention is the contract on the old one. If the FRSC decided to change the number plate again without consulting anybody, why must the populace be forced to acquire it? The only reasonable way of going about it is to replace the old number plate free of charge since there was never an agreement between the agency and the populace on it. If FRSC chooses to force people to acquire the new number plate at (an outrageous) fee what then happens to the money they had paid for the old number plate especially when that old number plate will be collected from the vehicle owner who paid for it?

    VIO’s denial

    The argument here is that the new number plate should be meant for new vehicles while the old plate should remain with the old vehicle. And that is the main gist of this petition. In my quest for the whole truth about the controversial number plate, I visited a Vehicle Inspection Office (VIO) to make inquiry and my findings were shocking. An official in that office who spoke with me on condition of anonymity said the whole exercise was about ‘chop make I chop’ (i.e. a fraud). He said everybody already knew Nigerian flag which was on the old number and queried the rational for placing Nigerian map on number plates of vehicles only to ask vehicle owners to pay exorbitantly for it. He also confirmed that the only difference between the old number plate and the new one is the transfer of the local government number to the beginning from the end an action which he described as a mere gimmick to dupe the public. He then denied any involvement of VIO in the ‘dirty’ exercise and pointed out that the gimmick was between the FRSC and the Nigerian Police saying it all had to do with money.

    Asked to name the exact amount for acquiring a new number plate, the gentle man said it is N25000. And when I pointed out to him that the FRSC announced N10000 for replacement of the old number and N15000 for a new plate he said by replacing an old number a vehicle owner must automatically replace other documents like vehicle license and vehicle insurance documents. All these plus the number plate, according to him, will cost about N25000. Now, this is the question that concerns the EFCC: If the tenor of my vehicle particulars has not expired should I be forced to change them willy-nilly?

    The fraud called driver’s licence

    As for the driver’s licence, no fraud can be more daringly committed. The FRSC introduced a new driver’s licence in 2011 without much ado. It imposed a fee on it and unilaterally reduced its tenure. These were not contested by gullible Nigerians. But now, even after paying the stipulated fee, most Nigerians cannot obtain the license for which they have paid. Instead, they are given what is called a temporary licence which lasts only two months after the expiration of which you can be questioned and fined on the road either by the same FRSC or the Police. Is this not enough as an assignment for EFCC? Is FRSC above the law and immune to investigation?

    Terrorism angle

    The case of number plate as currently being handled by the FRSC is far beyond ordinary fraud. It actually amounts to terrorism by all means which is capable of igniting a keg of gunpowder if not altered. Terrorism, as mentioned in this column last week, is not just about killing and maiming innocent people by aggrieved renegades. What is going on currently about number plate in Nigeria is nothing but terrorism the fight of which falls within the EFCC’s jurisdiction. Some respondents to this column have either called for the boycott of the controversial number plate or rolling out of all vehicles in the country and then abandon them on the roads for the bullying FRSC and its Police counterpart to tow to their stations.

    Why open letter?

    I chose to write this open letter to you as the watchdog of corruption in the country with the intention of making copies available to all Nigerians so that in the near future you will not feign ignorance of information about this type of fraud. We are all Nigerians. If this kind of treatment is given to Nigerians in Diaspora what will be your role as the nation’s watchdog on corruption? With this open letter to you, the trust reposed in you by Nigerians in respect of taming the monster called corruption is being tested. And your success or failure in this case will determine the hope or despair of the citizenry in the national assignment given to you. Through the imposed number plates and the deadline given by FRSC Nigerians are being defrauded and you are generally perceived as a major rescuer.

    Warning

    In journalism, it is no news to report that a dog bites a man. What is news is a report that a man bites a dog. To avoid the latter situation as far as the issue of number plate is concerned your Commission must step in now and stop what may soon become a keg of gunpowder. Nigerians must not be taken for granted perpetually. The nation already has enough problems to grapple with. People’s revolt must not be added. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.

  • Under their siege

    Under their siege

    Those who devour usury will not stand except like a person whom Satan has driven to madness by his touch….” Q. 2: 275

     It is no longer news that Nigerians are being placed under a very stringent siege by two vicious uniformed government agencies. One of them is the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC). The other is Nigerian Police Force (NPF). These two agencies are in a fierce competition to tear the poor Nigerian masses into shreds in a bid to satisfy their common employer which is the federal government. The consequence of their actions on the populace and the implications of such consequence on the security of the country do not seem to be their concern. What matters to them in this case is the revenue they are eager to generate for the federal government and the likely peripheral opportunity that may accrue to their officials individually from the exercise.

     Axiomatic quotes

     Sages are the pillars of history. Their words of wisdom are like the tonic of all eras that keeps generations of man going. Such sages can be compared to plants of benefit which grow in all lands and are found useful at all times. They are axiomatically quotable across generations. The greatest of them all is Prophet Muhammad (SAW) who, in a famous Hadith, once said that: “When an issue of (great) significance is entrusted to un-trustable hands expect the end of time”.

    And in a tacit corroboration of the above axiom, a popular English philosopher, John Locke (1632-1704), once observed a situation in his time which was similar to that of today’s Nigeria and concluded as follows in his treatise on Civil Government: “…freedom of men under a government is to have a standing rule to live by, common to everyone in that society…and not to be subject to the inconstant, uncertain, unknown, arbitrary will of another man”.

    Judging Locke’s observation and juxtaposing it with the prophetic admonition quoted above, one may tend to believe that true history is not what is chronicled on the pages of any book by the cronies of a tyrant. Rather, it is what the masses endure, how they resist tyranny and how they struggle for survival that forms the body of true history. And since history is a combination of body and heart, it is the attainment of genuine human liberty through such process of struggle that forms the heart of history.

    Colours of terrorism

    Terrorism, especially in Nigeria, is grossly misconceived to mean only the killing of innocent people by some aggrieved and disgruntled elements in a society. No! Far beyond that level, terrorism is like a constant hue with many colours and shapes. It can come from the sphere of politics or economy or ethnicity or religion or marital life or social service or environment or even sports. There is no aspect of human life without tendency for terrorism depending on the administrative competence and experience of the person who occupies the topmost helm of affairs and his or her disposition to the well being of the citizenry.

    One typical example of terrorism in Nigeria today is the imposition of a new vehicle number plate by the officials of Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) in connivance with the Federal Government for the purpose of generating revenue. That insensitively obnoxious policy will soon be heartlessly enforced in the country even to the detriment of the same economy which the conniving duo is pretending to safeguard.

    The trouble ahead

    In about two weeks time, over 90% of Nigerian vehicles, except those of the governments, will be forcefully grounded. This, according to the warning now being repeatedly issued, through the mass media, is going to commence precisely on October 1, 2013, when the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), will start impounding those vehicles for plying the roads without wearing the new imposed number plates.

    While talking to some journalists recently about the ‘project’, the boss of the FRSC, Corps Marshal Osita Chidoka, said the cost of the new driver’s licence is N6,000 while that of motorcycle operators is N3,000. The Standard Motor Vehicle number plate, according to him, costs N15,000; Articulated Vehicles is N20,000; Out of Series vehicle is N40,000; Fancy is N15000; and Dealer is N30,000. However, licensing officials of the FRSC and the VIO, according to some applicants, are charging far above the quoted official rate. For instance, the new number plate which officially costs N15,000 is said to be issued at N35,000 unofficially while replacement which is supposed to be N10,000 is being allegedly issued at N25,000 through the backdoor. And since the plates are not available, the only alternative for any vehicle owner is to park his or her vehicle until a time when the plates will be made available at the official rate. That is Nigeria for you. Head or tail, the masses who will eventually bear the brunt of all these are the final losers.

    The current number plates in use which is now being changed was introduced some years ago by the same FRSC. But rather than admit its own error and embark on a gradual enforcement of the new one, this agency, banking on the solid support of the Federal Government, has decided to force the poor masses to pay the cost of its own mistake. What a country, what a government! Is democracy for enslavement?

    In any civilised country, old number plates are allowed to wither away with old vehicles if there is any cause for redesigning them at all while new ones are subjected to new law with human face and human heart. And the cost is surely made affordable for motorists. This is not the case in Nigeria where only money is the issue and government agencies become hard-working only when the job will bring unofficial personal largess. Here is a country where the policemen, the traffic wardens and the road marshals are absent at their duty posts when it is raining and at night except where and when personal largess is accruable to them.

    Added agony

    And, now, in the competition for such largess, a game of wit is taking the front burner. To beat the FRSC in that game, the Nigerian Police have come up with a sudden new devise that can give them an upper hand in the competition. Just last Monday, an announcement was made through the media stating that all vehicle owners must henceforth obtain a permit for biometric number plate (whatever that means) and the fee for obtaining such permission is N3, 500 per vehicle. And that order takes ‘immediate effect (and automatic alacrity) from Monday, September 16, 2013. In other words, every vehicle owner will now have to shuttle between the offices of the FRSC where he can always be told to come back tomorrow and that of the Police where, as usual, no one will be available to attend to him. Hmmm! Nigerians are in bondage.

    It is, therefore, not enough to purchase a N10,000 worth of number plate for N25,000 through the backdoor, you must also top it up with at least N3, 500 in the name of biometric permit. That is if the N3, 500 biometric permit, too, does not acquire a backdoor through which you can obtain it to avoid delay.

    In this period of unbearable hardship, when working class men and women can hardly afford N1,000 to fuel their vehicles once in a week, and parents are running up helter-skelter to find a means of paying the school fees of their wards, people are being compelled to pay about N28, 500 just to change their old number plates with special permit to use such numbers or park their vehicles.

    Between FRSC and VIO

    What is most amazing in all these is the cat and mouse game going on between the FRSC and the Vehicle Inspection Office (VIO) in the issuance of the relevant documents. While the FRSC that introduced and is now imposing the new number plate is said to be responsible for its production, the VIO is charged with the task of distribution. And the Police Force, on the other hand, corners the responsibility of authenticating the number plate through the so-called biometric permit. Thus, Nigerians are wholly entangled in a conspiratorial web of official oppression. What else is called slavery? And if you ask for the opinions of the officials of these agencies, they will be quick in rationalizing the exercise through the alibi of national security and even accuse Nigerian press of bias and incitement. It will not be a surprise if they tag this type of writing a crime for which the writer should be prosecuted. They have forgotten that the same pen with which new births are announced is used in announcing the obituaries of new deaths.

    In the colonial days

    In the terrible old days of the struggle for independence in Nigeria when the British colonialists still held sway , a foremost nationalist and versatile journalist, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, who later became the country’s first President, once publicly observed (in 1934) as follows: “….I have always maintained that no social reform is possible without taking the masses into consideration……The verdict of history supports the thesis that no revolution, be it social, economic, religious or political, could crystallise without the support of the masses. (In a democratic setting) the people hold the mandate of man’s existence as a social animal and no person can successfully claim to be a patriot who overlooks this important factor. Those intellectuals who think that they, alone, are gifted to change the destinies of their fellow men and women, are living in a fool’s paradise, like Louise xiv (of France) and others who thought of the people as mere tools of the elite. History shows that they lived to sign their own death warrants”.

    Almost 80 years after that thoughtful and electrifying speech by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria doesn’t seem to have moved ahead positively by one inch. The colonial heritage in this country is like a recurrent decimal incessantly reminding us of our seeming perpetual bondage clandestinely weaved into the vestiges of our colonial past. Thus, the theoretical independence of 1960 is just a matter of nomenclature which does not necessarily confer any practical freedom on Nigerians. What we ignorantly call independence in this country is a substitution of white man’s enslavement for that of the black man. And that is a technical return to the pre-colonial slave trade of the yore.

    Personal experience

    By the way, if we may ask, where is the new driver’s license introduced and imposed on the people in 2011? Is it available today? Yours sincerely paid for one in February this year but has not been issued any till date. Instead, I was issued a bale of papers with a promise to produce the real licence later while I was asked to keep coming for it three times in a week (Monday, Wednesday and Thursday) as if I had no job other than going for driver’s licence. Eventually, I had to stop reporting at the Jericho office of the Road Corps in Ibadan after four months when it became clear that the exercise was an apparent rip-off. Today, eight months after paying, I am still going about with that bale of papers in case of any Police check. Given this dubiously messy situation, the relevant question now is this: why did we change the old paper licence that we were carrying about in the 1970s into a plastic one?

    Genesis of FRSC

    When the idea of a new agency to be called ‘Federal Road Safety Corps’ (FRSC) was first muted in 1988, the entire Nigerian populace heaved a great sigh of relief. The general thought then was that a better option was being introduced to the traffic system in Nigeria especially when those first recruited for the new outfit were University graduates. By that time most Nigerians were already tired of the ‘wetin you carry’ syndrome of Nigerian Police. And, in fairness to the pioneer recruits of the FRSC, an element of civility was displayed to the great delight of the citizenry.

    Yours sincerely was one of the front-line Nigerian journalists who fought vehemently for the independence of the FRSC when the Police wanted to emasculate that agency by all means in the 1990s. The likes of one Mr. Abayomi Omiyale an official of FRSC, in Lagos State, at that time, created such a marvellous impression on the populace by their patriotic activities that some of us in the pen profession stood firmly for the independence of FRSC from the claw of Nigerian Police Force. But today, see what that same agency has become. The endemic virus called ‘Nigerian factor’ has held it by the jugular and the wheat has now become an admixture of the chaff. The only exception in the stable of that agency now is the crop of highly responsible gentlemen and women who volunteer to serve without remuneration and are designated Special Marshals.

    Besides, there is no distinction between the Police and the FRSC today in terms of the cited Nigerian factor above. And, as a matter of fact, the latter seems to be by far worse than the former given its supposed educational background. If anything, the behaviour of most FRSC officials on Nigerian roads is not only a disappointment but also a confirmation that what is called education in Nigeria today has nothing tangible to contribute to the development of the country. In a nutshell, this country is hopeless.

  • Nine ministers axed:should have been 39

    Good riddance! Be gone and fare thee well. This is what we all must say to the ministers fired from President Goodluck Jonathan’s cabinet on Wednesday. We hear some of them burst into tears, while they actually ought to jubilate and be grateful that they were relieved of a burden that was obviously breaking their weak backs. Many Nigerians had long expected this sack but Jonathan doodled apparently not quite understanding the essence of a cabinet. Many expected a near clean sweep; or something like 19, or even 39, for left to this column, only about three to half a dozen of the lot have shown that they can think through their responsibilities and deliver any result.

    SELF-SERVING PRESIDENCY But by this cabinet change (if we must call it that), Jonathan has shown how pitiably mixed up he is in his bid to run a government and how he is not ‘working’ and his administration will continue to flounder even if he stayed a 100 years in office. Now he has sacked these fellows by the tag of ministers not because they were not up to speed on the job but because they will not serve his political purpose in the coming months. The pack of Ruqayyat Rufai, Okon Ewa-Bassey, Olugbenga Ashiru, Ama Pepple, Shamsudeen Usman, Hadiza Mailafia, Olusola Obada, Bukar Tijani and Zainab Kuchi have been marinated in the rich trappings of Jonathan’s presidential powers that often becomes Nigeria’s public office holders, in the past two or more years.

    But what we call a cabinet here is a glorified royal court where the king’s men didn’t have to work or exert their minds; all they need do is to be ever present at the royal court, smile broadly at the king’s lame jokes to be acceptable in the king’s presence. Now this horde has become an irritant to the king and they are hereby thrown out like litter. This is the way our executive cabinets have worked at all levels since the British left these shores; members of the executive largely serve the boss and not the people. Now they have been sacked not because they have not performed in their duty posts but because they are deemed no longer useful to the boss man.

    NO GRAND VISION President Jonathan fell deep into the same hole like all his predecessors. He picked underlings, party wags, personal aides, in-laws and mistresses of party big men to form a cabinet. Some had never held down a serious job in their lives and many who can never run a store were saddled with an entire ministry and accompanying agencies. Because neither the boss nor the messengers have any strategic vision for the job or the country, they end up destabilizing the system instead of adding or bringing any value to bear on it.

    The result is that after four or even 20 years, the country would not be much different from how they met it. Our education for instance, would be in the doldrums and ASUU would continue to bicker; we will keep having a ministry of planning that cannot see beyond today and ministry in charge of housing that cannot manage to build a row of sheds in four years. Therefore, naught upon naught is naught; there is no grand vision, no overriding national interest being pursued and no strategic perspective brought to the job.

    In this light it would be asking too much if we begin to question or interrogate the performances of these so-called ministers in the last two years. Safe to Gbenga Ashiru who managed to project some respectability in Nigeria’s foreign policy, most of the others (including those still on their seats) cannot be remembered for any positive contribution while they warmed their various seats. Prof. Rufai in the education ministry will be remembered for protracted ASUU strike and education policy that changed every session. She seemed always out of her depths while her upstart junior minister was rather illiterate for such most important job. Both the president and his appointees can’t seem to fathom the import and majesty of education in this age.

    Mama Ama(l) Pepple, a retired civil servant, one would wager she doses half the time in office having segued from a lifetime of wearisome Nigerian bureaucracy into heading a ministry. One cannot remember that she delivered anything, not in housing, not in urban development in two years. Mrs. Obada was noticed cutting tapes here and there and that was all. Prof. Ewa-Bassey was neither seen nor heard anywhere and it would not have mattered if we did not have a ministry in charge of science and technology. Mrs. Mailafia manned one of the most important ministries in modern times but bet she did not realize just how critical issues of environment are in today’s world. She never lifted off the ground. Mrs Kuchi, the junior minister for power could not be expected to have put in any work if her senior counterpart was de-fenestrated and thrown out by the scruff of the neck; all one has for her is sympathy.

    The same emotion I extend to Mr. Tijani, the junior for agriculture who must have been dazed by the bamboozling and bombastic razzmatazz of his senior man, Akinwunmi Adesina. Shamsudeen Usman who was in-charge of National Planning was particularly pathetic. He has been around as cabinet minister for nearly two decades under various governments and manning different ministries. All these years, one hardly remembers him for any performance on the job or freshness of thought; he is remembered as a time-server and bench warmer. This last outing however, completely unraveled the former bank chief. As the man in charge of National Planning, not one day did he give the nation nary a thread of insight about our condition yesterday, today or tomorrow. Worse, the vision 20-20-20 which was on his corridor died a natural death right their in his hands. In fact he carried on as if he was doing the rest of us a favour serving us in the executive council.

    Beyond the sacked ones, most of the rest really ought to be chucked out if it was really all about service. Just a few instances: what on earth is Ms Omobola Johnson (Communications) doing there; what can we point to if she leaves today? Same for Prof. Onyebuchi Chukwu (Health), one cannot see any imprint or monument. Labaran Maku has not brought anything to his office apart from the odium of a ministerial visit (we remember him for something at least); Goodsday Orubebe (Niger Delta ministry) has nothing to offer, same for Onolememen (Works). Akinwunmi Adesina is all fancy foot works with neither depth nor results and ditto for Olusegun Aganga who has lived a fantasy world of phantom investors.

    Apart from one or two, this cabinet and its leadership have been a debacle, to say it straight. Let’s be rid of them!

  • The war within

    The war within

    We live in a republic defined by its self-governing status and the constitutional principles by which it conducts its affairs. Those constitutional principles respect, among others, the fundamental rights of human beings to live their lives with minimum interference from government or any other authority. That is one difference between a monarchy and a republic.

    Republicanism is predicated on the principle that individuals have rights and those rights must be protected against the whims and caprices of any groups or individuals. One system by which a republic proceeds to respect the principle of respect for human rights is the democratic system of governance according to which citizens directly or indirectly participate in the formulation and implementation of policies. In either case, the majority principle has the edge in the practice of democracies. This has led to the denigration of democracies in contrast to republicanism.

    But while much has been made of the virtues of republicanism and while the tradition has been to applaud republican virtues over democracy, it seems to me that the bifurcation can be misleading because there can be no republican virtue without adequate attention to democratic virtues.

    In truth, democracy is the rule of the people by the people and for the people. Here the people can rule themselves directly or indirectly through their elected representatives. Either way, it is the majority voice that is heard and respected. From which it follows that the minority will always lose out. Talk about internal democracy in group and political party procedures cannot lose sight of this crucial aspect (defect?) of democracy. Yet, it cannot be overlooked that as flawed as it is, democracy is still an indispensable instrument of governance in a republic, a reason why we are quick to cast aspersion on non-democratic (self-governing) republics.

    The most important instrument of democratic governance in modern democracies is the political party. For democracy to function properly and thrive, political parties must function properly. But there is no guarantee that political parties will function properly. From which it follows that there is no guarantee that democracies will thrive. Two questions follow naturally. How must political parties function? What is the criterion for proper functioning? And why is there no guarantee that they will?

    Before we look at the possible answers to these questions, it is perhaps helpful to look at an alternative to a system of political parties in a democracy. A clear-headed argument was once made by the Ghanaian philosopher, Kwasi Wiredu, for “a no-party consensual democracy” in Africa, based on what he considers the prospects of such a system in forging harmony and protection for minority interests. Wiredu’s position is not too far-off from the position of those early nationalists who argued for one-party democracies on ground of harmony and consensus, though he differed from them in the sense that they “murdered” competing political parties in order to make their case, while he doesn’t assume the prior existence of any parties.

    I am not persuaded by the argument for a no-party system because it is unworkable in our modern complex societies with not just one but numerous groups—ethnic, religious, linguistic—with competing interests. The modern political party is clearly indispensable to the governance of modern democracies.

    But what is expected of political parties and how must they function. The assumption is that a political party brings together people of like minds, with similar interests and ideological persuasions about the place of government in the lives of citizens. The party competes for political power along with others by selling its programs and policies to the electorate. If the electorate buys its programs and policies, and there is a free and fair election, it wins the support of citizens and assumes power. This is where the practice of majority rule becomes a problem for critics of democracy and efforts have been made by theorists of democracy to suggest corrective measures that promote minority interests. I will not go into this here. Suffice it to say that the system is not that obnoxious.

    Now, the norm is what has been spelled out briefly in the last paragraph. However, the practice has not often conformed to the norm. The interest that brings people together has not always been that which they can sell with honesty to the citizens and the virtue of the political party, to articulate the foremost interests and aspirations of citizens, has not always been the motivating factor for a good number of contemporary political parties. The political party has been turned into a business organisation where the pecuniary interests of the leadership are dominant; but they are able to access political power and keep it because of their ability to manipulate the citizenry.

    In a system that is rigged against the majority of its members because of the conditions of their existence—poverty, ignorance, disease—such manipulative practices succeed and a political party in power gets to impose itself on the nation with impunity even when it doesn’t discharge the responsibilities of governance to the satisfaction of the citizens.

    Recall however that the satisfaction of the citizens is not a category that is high on the list of the party’s priorities in the first place. This is the reason that there can be no guarantee that the party will function adequately or that democracy will thrive. For in the last resort, when citizens are tired of manipulation, no matter the nature of the force levelled against them, there will be mass revolt, and it cannot be guaranteed that democracy will survive such a revolt. But even before such a time, there is bound to be war within the structure of the party itself.

    The personal interests that bring its members together cannot be reconciled through consensus because human nature is egoistic and acquisitive as Hobbes told us long ago and we still don’t believe him.

    If nothing else has demonstrated the veracity of Hobbes’ theory, the war within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) seems to me to a veritable example of a party, whose members are governed by the principle of personal egoism. Recall an unfortunate exchange between the late Chief Afolabi and the late Chief Bola Ige when the former accursed the latter of ingratitude to the leadership of the PDP who out of their generosity extended an invitation to Chief Ige to “come and eat.” The expression was that raw.

    Consider now the grounds of the complaints of the members of the “New PDP” against the party leadership. Every bit of the complaint has to do with personal interest. Jonathan must forget contesting in 2015. Tukur must go. Amaechi must be restored as NGF Chair, etc. How does resolving any of these disputes or acceding to any of these conditions impact the fundamental interests of Nigerians? The New PDP faction has not made any case that focuses on issues of party accountability to the people. It has not faulted a governance style that has emboldened terrorists and sentenced innocent citizens to a life of perpetual insecurity. Indeed, the New PDP has not worried itself about the conditions of existence of the poorest of our fellow citizens.

    The war within, no matter how it is resolved, whether in favor of the old or the new PDP, does not seem to have any prospect of benefitting the average suffering Nigerian. Indeed, what is most likely is that a consensus will be reached by the warring parties in the crisis. Attention would be paid to the original interests that brought them together and the personal interests at stake and the settlement will have no bearing on what a party in power owes to democracy or to the people who are the ultimate beneficiaries of a democratic republic’s system of government.

  • Endless agonies over FRSC and NERC

    Restraining from writing this piece for quite sometime now has in itself amounted to enduring a niggling pain. For over two months, I had deliberately held down the urge to bare my mind on the troubling misgivings one has about these two federal agencies. One held back ‘fire’ perhaps in sympathy for the young, ebullient compatriots heading them who need encouragement to succeed instead of barbs of criticism. But the more one shied away from doing it, the more one is tormented by the need to render this apparent public service.

    The Federal Road Safety Commission, FRSC and the National Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC both have their jobs well-defined and cut out for them. They are however imbued with a particular good fortune in the sense that aspects of their schedules have direct and immediate impact on the populace nationwide but even better still is the fact that these activities are monstrously revenue churning.

    First FRSC: apart from devising means of ensuring safety on federal highways, it has a much more lucrative task of issuing driver’s licences and number plates. These services which enjoy a sitting-duck customer base of no fewer than 70 million are in a torrid mess right now. There are few processing centres and even those are pock-marked by touting and racketeering mainly insider-induced. People pay for many months without being issued documents or getting service. The stories emanating from licensing offices are long and ugly but this bit will suffice.

    NERC on the other hand and as the name suggests ought to regulate electricity distribution, metering as well as oversight the new private operators. NERC is better known to Nigerians today as a ‘crazy’ government agency that only specializes in increasing electricity tariff especially at a time of blinding ‘blackout’ and near zero power supply. But if people could live down the ‘thrombosis’ of tariff increase in a time of ‘darkness’, how are Nigerians supposed to swallow the fact that they paid for meters for years and they never get them. Just like FRSC, NERC is so fortunate to have over 100 million Nigerian households begging to pay just any price for these meters that ought to be free in the first place. My personal experience is that a close friend paid about N50,000 and it took nearly four years to get the one-phase meter.

    At times like this, one remembers forlornly, a Dora Akunyili, Ifueko Omoigui and even Stella Oduah in this era of stupefying inertia. What the trio have in common is that they proved most convincingly that with the right leadership and drive, even government agencies will work in Nigeria. They showed us that you could cut through the fat of bureaucracy to get the results you want. No excuses. I want to wager that an Akunyili would have delivered meters house-to-house starting from Bonny Island upwards through katsina right up to the outer fringes of Chad and the Niger Republics. An Omoigui would have devised a 48-hour home delivery method for anyone who concluded his vehicle documentation process. Service, service, service; no excuses.

    The pity is that the two helmsmen (Osita Chidoka, FRSC and Dr. Sam Mbah, NERC) are young, vibrant and well-regarded young people; how they succumbed so supinely to inertia and put Nigerians through such untold agonies is difficult to tell? (Perhaps they have insights the rest of us cannot fathom whereupon this space will be availed them for any article that would shed light on the issues raised above).

     

    Readers speak

    Below are a few of the SMS reactions to last week’s article: Kwankwaso, Haruna, Odimegwu and fictional censuses, published on this space:

    Ha Mr. Osuji, why did you write with such anger today? The truth is that we are all guilty of self preservation when the issues affect our tribes. See how ‘Baba Clark’ and Asari Dokubo gyrate over any criticism of President Jonathan. You have also ‘defended’ Igbo nationals when criticized e.g. minster of Aviation, among others. What of the recent accusations and counter accusations over Fani-Kayode’s article which was precipitated by an Igbo man’s claim that Lagos is no-man’s? In my view, these are all natural reactions because we belong to our tribes FIRST before we are Nigerians.. – 08034726625

    Most of the time, I find your comments disgusting. Your are not different from Haruna Mohammed in fanning the embers of tribal hatred. Odimegwu has spoken, let it be. – 07026802510

    God bless you my brother! Igbos are everywhere in this country giving credence to our false unity. Igbos should withdraw to the east like the Yourbas and Hausas have done and Nigeria will cease to exist. From Obinna, Aba, 08072175614

    You are an irritating pollutant, a disgusting opinionist whose mind is possessed by tribal misconceptions. The earlier you are shown the way out, the better for our dear newspaper. Don’t kill yourself while trying hard to tell and defend a tribal lie. Come to the north and take a census of at least one household and your tribal infection may be healed. – 08085536615

    Oga Osuji, thanks immensely for being very sensitive to national issues. Some people out there just think others are ‘mumu united’. That others don’t talk of the fraud called national census doesn’t mean they are fools and those committing the fraud will always have a field day. Thanks for calling Malam Haruna to order in his subjective feature. From Monday – 08033691236

    Dear Mr. Steve Osuji, your piece is a masterpiece, God bless you. – 08164483725

    I read your piece and I think your conclusions are wrong and mere sentiments. All indices supporting high population such as early/child marriage, polygamy and poverty are more prevalent in the north. That high figures are cooked up for the north as you insinuated cannot be correct. From A. Ojo, Lagos. – 08023535890

    Thank you Steve for your work on Odimegwu, Kwankwaso, etc. – 0803541017

    Opara-ukwu Igbo! That is what you are Steve Osuji. Thanks for your exceptional disquisition in EXPRESSO, 30.8.13. Your bold refreshing candor is re-enlivening to countless Ndigbo. Iwu akataka! From Ogbuehi M. – 08034868081.

    Honestly sir I am very much proud of you and I am happy to know that there is someone who can think and stand by the truth. I just want to encourage you to do more. – 08069265966

    I have just read the charade you submitted on Kwankwaso and Odimegwu your kinsman. For irrationally chasing Igbo sentiments and churning out the rubbish that the Igbo is better than every other human on earth, you are a disgrace and a curse to your pen profession and your so-called race. Shame on you and the tabloid that gave you the platform. Nigeria does not need your arrogance. From Salau@LKJ -08036001282

    For just firing a bullet into the air, those who are benefitting from the falsehood are developing heart attack. The only advise I have for Odimegwu is: let your strategies be coded before those beneficiaries of falsehood ambush you. From Effiong, Calabar – 08072003205

    Well done Steve! The judgment from the Census Tribunal which invalidated 2006 census results from 14 LGAs in Lagos (see Sun, Vanguard of 31.8.13) has validated your piece if it needed any. There will always be crisis in a country built on injustice, for instance Kano is touted to be in the same population bracket with Lagos yet old Kano had 44 LGAs. When Jigawa State was created from this same Kano, it was allotted 27 LGAs making old Kano to have 71 LGAs while Lagos remains at 20 LGAs. Can anyone quantify this singular injustice in terms of federal revenue allocation?! Please keep it up Steve, change will come someday, somehow. From Amaku, – 08151529021