Last week, we addressed the enigmatic nature of liberal politics focusing on the gridlock over what has been touted as the biggest and most popular legislation in the United States since FDR. We saw how it is possible for two or even one senator to hold up legislation which is designed to improve the lives of citizens, especially the struggling Middle Class. But we also saw how voters usually react with vengeance against a party which, in their judgment, proves ineffective in governing.
To be sure, President Biden and Democrats in Congress mean well for the public. The party has always been the party of the working class and poor masses struggling to make it. The Republican Party, on the other hand, has demonstrated its affinity with the rich and powerful, cutting their taxes and mocking the poor as “welfare queens”. But with the emergence of Trump as a populist iconoclast sweet-tonguing the underclass and sympathizing with them over their plight in the hands of both parties, the Democratic Party was jolted afresh. For the party, Trump’s stunning victory in 2015 was a wake-up call. Biden, a perennial advocate for the Middle Class, won the presidency and his Build Back Better agenda was hailed as another FDR moment, a perfect response to the COVID assault.
Then, the dithering and shillyshallying ensued, occasioned by a fear of what the reaction of voters would be to such a massive legislation meant to address the economic and social malaise. And dithering yielded to paralysis and gridlock. Until reason prevailed on Friday after the electoral drubbing in Virginia and the near loss in New Jersey!
Notably, FDR was elected President in 1932 at the peak of the Great Depression. Having won in a landslide, and knowing his plan to arrest the near-death economic experience facing the nation, FDR centered his first Inaugural Address with a frontal attack on fear itself with what has justly become an iconic quote: “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.” Unfortunately, what FDR warned against almost ninety years ago, appears to have now gripped his political descendants in the Democratic Party, and it is unclear what the coming years 2022 and 2024 will consequently bring them and the nation.
So much for the US of A in the throes of liberal political debacle. Nigeria is also a liberal democracy and it is fair to ask the same question of dear country. But our politics has its own uniqueness which stands it apart. This uniqueness of our system is the subject of our attention today.
First, while not all of them, it is fair to say that a majority of our elected officials go into politics for what they can get and are therefore more concerned about their own welfare as seems clear from the humongous remuneration they vote themselves. I have closely observed congressional deliberations and politics in the US for almost 50 years. I am yet to see representatives and senators arguing over their pay or being obsessed with their own welfare or prioritizing it over citizen issues. Some members of Congress sleep in their offices because they cannot afford rent in DC while they pay mortgage on their houses in their districts. Many have no cars, depending on cabs and Uber for their transportation. Ours is different.
Second, we have a partisan structure that, while similar to the United States and other liberal democracies in some ways, is also unique. It is similar in the sense that individuals, either as members or as elected officials, also have a reservoir of freedom and independence to defy party directives as they seem fit. But while expulsion or suspension from party is a threat in our politics, elected officials vote their conscience in the US without any repercussion, until the Republican Party’s new cult of personality. Senator Manchin suggested to Democratic Party leaders that he didn’t mind becoming an Independent if that would help. But he would still caucus with Democrats.
Here, we have no regard for free thinking or independence which we punish with suspension or expulsion. But if we look at the kind of infractions that attract such punishment, they have little to do with individual’s objection to party position on policy matters. They are almost always for “insubordination” to party hierarchy or high ranking elected officials at local or state levels. Meanwhile, the ruling party publicly documented position on restructuring has been jettisoned because some high-ranking members of NASS choose to have nothing to do with it.
Third, while we have a strong party system, partisanship doesn’t dominate our politics. Competing fiercely with it is our ethnic and nationality loyalties which, in many cases, appear to trump other considerations. We see this in many policy making areas, the most recent being the issue of security. Southern governors, including those belonging to the ruling party, have coalesced around a ban on open grazing which they see as a relic of a past that must give way to a new approach to livestock farming. But while a few Northern governors of the ruling party, including Kano and Katsina State governors, agree with their Southern counterparts, majority of them see things differently.
Here we have a hybrid of enigma. We combine individual greed with sectional loyalty. But the success of sectional loyalty doesn’t trickle down on the poor masses in the various zones. And while policies may appear tailored to help them out, these are almost always too little too late. Or they end up benefitting the elite at the expense of the poor targets. How we deal with this combination of malaise is more than an intellectual curiosity.
Assume that the anti-corruption war targets individual greed. How do we deal with sectional loyalty in the guise of ethnic nationalism, which has been with us since the beginning of the republic, a by-product of the way the country was cobbled together and ruled for forty-six years by the colonizers? That we are still confronted with it more than a hundred years after amalgamation is a testament to its enduring character.
For John Stuart Mill, the foremost advocate of liberal democracy, freedom is a non-negotiable right of everyone. But he also knew, from experience, the hindrance to the advancement of freedom in a multinational society where differences of language and culture may create feelings of hostilities among citizens of the same country. As he puts it:
“When portions of mankind, living under the same government, cherish these barbarous feelings – when they feel towards each other as enemies, or as strangers, indifferent to each other – they are scarcely capable of merging into one and the same free people.” For emphasis, they lack “the fellow-feeling which would enable them to unite in maintaining their liberties, or in forming a paramount public opinion”.
Facing the reality of such “barbaric” consciousness, and recognizing the need to advance freedom, Mill suggested that boundaries of nationality should coincide with boundaries of states wherever ‘the sentiment of nationality exists in any force.” As he sees it, freedom to “determine with which various collective bodies of human beings they choose to associate themselves” is one which cannot be denied any division of the “human race.”
But second, “a still more vital consideration” for Mill was that “free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities.” He doesn’t see much prospect for effective cooperation “among a people without a fellow-feeling especially if they read and speak different languages.”…That any of them feels aggrieved by the policy of the common ruler is sufficient to determine another to support that policy.”
Mill wrote from experience. Many of the multinational kingdoms and empires that he referenced have since disintegrated into separate nation-states. Of course, if we are wise and not given to a false sense of hegemonic hubris, we would remedy our situation with appropriate measures that address the concerns that Mill raised. To advance individual freedom, and enshrine equality, we must move to a decentralized mode of governance that appreciates our diversity.







