Category: Segun Gbadegesin

Apero Yoruba was launched as a series of zoom meetings on the plight and prospect of Yorubaland on June 11 2022. An initiative of Egbe Omo Yoruba North America (EOYNA) under the presidency of Dr. Durojaiye Akindutire, the focus of Apero was how to revive the old values that facilitated an all-round development of Yorubaland in the First Republic, and ward off the undesirable features of social life that tend to negate development and security.

At the inception of Apero, we knew that it must have a buy-in of the grassroots where its impact must be felt. We deliberated ad nauseam on this important aspect of Apero’s mission. Indeed, one of the committee members, Dr. Banji Adegunloye, was obsessed with this singular issue. If Apero is not going to be a talk-shop, the grassroots must be impacted, he always insisted. And the entire membership was sold on this important focus.

For the implementation of that important element of Apero’s mission, at the end of the zoom meetings, we set up Advisory Working Groups (AWG) on every topic that the zoom meetings covered, from education to rural development, security, women empowerment, and youth development. These groups are already at work and getting results.

But we were also thinking of replicating Apero in all our local towns and villages. This particular interest was given impetus in Olakunle Abimbola’s intervention in his column in The Nation newspaper when he suggested that all nationalities should have their own versions of Apero. A great idea, thinking about it. To show that Apero is a noble idea whose time has come, we were eager for Apero Yoruba to have babies not only across Yorubaland, but also across the country.

It was therefore a pleasant surprise, when out of the blues, the first baby of Apero Yoruba came out of Okeho, my own neck of the wood. I have to say that I had no hand in its making. The credit must go to some of the most dedicated and patriotic young men and women passionate about the development of their homeland. I witnessed the energy and zeal of these men and women first hand in the run-up to the celebration of the centenary of Okeho’s return to source in 2017.

Led by two young men, Tim Amosun and Wale Adewoyin, many of these youths came of age after I had myself relocated from the homeland years ago. That they remain undaunted and undiscouraged from their self-assigned mission even in the face of distractions remains a great source of inspiration for me. I must also pay tribute to the elders in the house, led by Kabiyesi Onjo of Okeho, HRM Rafiu Osuolale Mustapha, Adeetan II and the Chairman of Egbe Omo Ibile Okeho, Alhaji Azeez Salami Lakanla, who support them and grant them the free hand to use their skills and talents for the good cause of development.

Talking about passion and zeal, let me share with you a bit of what Apero Omo Okeho has been able to accomplish in the less than six weeks of its existence. First, in the first two weeks of its coming to being, the subscription to its WhatsApp handle exceeded 513, which is the limit for group platforms on WhatsApp. To accommodate more members, it had to migrate to Telegram. This tells me that there is a real hunger and thirst among both young and old for participation in development efforts.

Second, it is not just the explosion in the number of forum participants, the quality of contribution is even more impressive. The Apero Omo Okeho WhatsApp platform has been focused on development matters with no room for vulgar or obscene postings which have been the bane of other platforms. Members have been self-policing the platform and errant postings have been censured and shamed. To my pleasant amazement, many of such censures have been met with apologies rather than resistance. This demonstrates to me the level of maturity of participants which bodes well for great accomplishments.

Third, Apero Omo Okeho has registered with the Nigerian Corporate Affairs Commission as a corporate entity. That is to say, it has a legal standing to operate. Third, it has set up Working Committees on various issues, including Economic Development and Industrialization, Political Affairs, and Education. This is exactly where Apero Yoruba is now, and I am encouraged by the fact that Apero Omo Okeho is on the heels of Apero Yoruba.

 

Read Also: Seven takeaways from Apero 1

Fourth, however, Apero Omo Okeho has done much more. It has established branches across various cities and towns where there is a significant presence of Okeho Indigenes, including Ibadan, Oyo, Lagos, Abeokuta, and is now contemplating expanding to the Diaspora. These branches are important to the extent that they harbor many Okeho indigenes of means and influence who may have been reticent in matters that affect the town either because they have never been contacted or because they feel settled and contented with their adopted hometowns. But no matter how contented one is, home is home.

Fifth, one thing that had given me sleepless nights over the emergence of Apero Omo Okeho was how the new entity was going to be perceived by the existing organizations, especially the umbrella of all Okeho organizations, Egbe Omo Ibile Okeho. I was relieved, however, when, browsing through its WhatsApp platform, I saw the heart-warming exchanges between the leadership of Egbe Omo Ibile Okeho and the coordinators of Apero Omo Okeho, in which the former gave its unflinching support for the latter. That’s the way it should be. As the elders suggest, aja iwoyi nii mo ode iwoyi se. We must follow the trend if we are going to succeed in mobilizing our Generations X-Z for development. It is also a credit to the initiators of Apero Omo Okeho that they sought the blessings of Egbe Omo Ibile Okeho from the beginning.

Let me end this piece by giving the proverbial mic to one of the architects of Apero Omo Okeho, Wale Adewoyin, as he describes the mission, aims and objectives and the value orientation which must be regenerated for the development of Okeho, and by extension, of various communities.

According to Wale, the mission of Apero Omo Okeho is “to mobilise Okeho people at home and in the diaspora towards the development Okeho.” This is in tandem with the mission of Apero Yoruba Nile Loko, which is the renaissance and renewal of the Yoruba. This is why I see Apero Omo Okeho as the first fruit of the mission of Apero Yoruba to mobilize our people for the renaissance and renewal of Yorubaland. If other communities can follow this lead, then we are on the road to success.

I concede that some cities, especially state capitals, which bask in the glory of governmental attention, may not be moved by this. Ibadan, Oshogbo, Ado-Ekiti, Akure, Abeokuta, and Lagos enjoy government investments. But no matter what party is in power, many rural areas have been left behind.

Thanks to the sense of fairness and equity of Minister Babatunde Fashola, Okeho-Iseyin Road is being rehabilitated after 20 years of disrepair! On the other hand, while other local government headquarters in Oyo state have benefited from the developmental efforts of Governor Seyi Makinde, for reasons unknown, Okeho has been left out. Now, a High Court has been allocated. But the Council Chairman is waiting on the state’s approval for the renovation of the building estimated to cost only N3m! If approval isn’t granted, the community will have to bear to cost! It won’t be the first time!

With aims and objectives that include harnessing “the God-given potentials of Okeho and that of the people for the socio-cultural, political, economic and infrastructural development of the town”; pulling “resources together to fight insecurity to a standstill”; and protecting “good socio-cultural heritages of the people”, Apero Omo Okeho is finally poised to meet the challenges of development.

As I commend the arrow-heads of Apero Omo Okeho, I pray that a thousand Apero flowers may bloom across Oke-Ogun cities, and in every Yoruba town and village. Then we can reclaim the Yoruba heritage of progressive self-help development.

 

 

 

Thinking of Nigeria, its promise and prospect at independence and its spectacular failures some sixty two years later, calls to mind the analogy of a building with a faulty foundation and a succession of flawed builders.

The foundation of the building in mind may be crooked for a number of reasons: inadequate soil structure, incompetence of civil engineers and architects, deliberate act of sabotage, etc. No matter the reason, a building with a faulty foundation is a disaster in waiting with tragic consequences for innocent lives as we have seen in recent times.

As challenging as such a situation is, and as dire as such a consequence is, however, it is probably not irredeemable. The possibility of course correction at an early stage of building is neither remote nor rare. Competent builders may be able to detect errors in the design and execution, and avert disaster. They may correct foundational flaws and save the building.

However, where you have flawed builders compounding the foundational problem with their own incompetence or deliberate act of sabotage, disaster is inevitable. Sabotage? Why would a builder engage in sabotage? This is what a flawed character can and will do, and it entails aggravating the already faulty foundation!

Nigeria has a foundational problem. Right from the beginning and up to the dawn of independence, its original architects and civil engineers acted in bad faith. They deliberately designed an edifice based on their narrow self-interest. Harold Smith, the Oxford-trained colonial officer, was so tormented by conscience to the point of spilling the beans. Census was fabricated and election was fixed for their preferred results. With such a foundation, subsequent disasters, including the bloody civil war shouldn’t surprise them.

Yet, the original architects and engineers were only a half of the problem. As with the building analogy, if they are competent and not deliberate saboteurs, builders could reset the foundation, strengthen it and build a lasting edifice. Instead, however, since flag independence, Nigeria has had builders with demonstrated incompetence and character flaws masquerading as patriots, deliberately compounding the original sin of fraudulent foundation, and ultimately destroying it. We are at this point now where the righteous are at a crossroads: what can we do?

The builders come in various shapes with an assortment of odious motivations and dishonest intentions. There are hegemonists zealots. Some are self-regarding greedy egomaniacs. There are High Machs who don’t hesitate to dine with the devil and Angels as needed. But, of course, there are also principled patriots, the tribe of which has been gravely depleted by the ferocious onslaught of the first three.

The motivation of the principled patriots is self-effacing, sincerely motivated by the prospect of building a virile nation that can compete with any developed nation in every area of human endeavors. Even with the faulty foundation at the dawn of independence, despite the lopsided imbalance of the federation, with a constitution that allowed regions to develop at their pace and engage in healthy competition, we witnessed the result of developmental efforts in the various regions, with the Western region under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo towering above others.

Examples of the welfarist programs and policies of the Obafemi Awolowo administration abound. They include agriculture and rural development, with livestock ranching located across the region’s divisions between 1952 and 1966 — that’s 70 years ago for crying out loud! Are we now second-guessing the practicality of ranching in 2022? The well-known universal free primary education program which catapulted many families from the fringes of living to the middle and upper levels of social life, and the various developmental and progressive programs across the region.

But the most important contribution of Awolowo as a principled patriot was his struggle for the entrenchment of democratic norms and true federal structure in the country. With his insistence on a federation based on linguistic and cultural affinities and support for minorities, including support for the creation of Midwestern Region from the Western Region, Awolowo showed himself as a competent and flawless builder with his effort to correct the faulty foundation. For this, he was marked for elimination and he paid the political price. But the country is worse for it, and his words of wisdom still ring true.

The hegemonists shout one Nigeria with one side of the mouth and ethno-national superiority and advancement with the other. For them, the idea of a nation built on fairness and equity which fails to guarantee their divine right to rule is a nonstarter. And they have held on to this indefensible position for the better part of the life of the country.

Consider this most blatant of all political hypocrisies in the history of the country. In July 1966, the military government of Aguiyi Ironsi was bloodily terminated ostensibly for his promulgation of Unification Decree 34 which did away with the federal system of government adopted by the country at independence. The successor military government even lamented that, with that decree, the basis of unity was no longer there. But none of the successive governments since 1966 has ever considered restoring the pre-1966 federal system of government!

Why? Because the hegemonists who have sponsored all these governments find that unitarism favors their sectional interests, and this notwithstanding whether these governments are led by northerners or southerners. Provided their parochial interests are served, damned be national unity. So who’s fooling who!

This maddening hypocrisy has now been exposed in a most dramatic way in the ongoing fracas on security. If unitarism works, a unitary policing system will most effectively secure life and property. But the opposite has been the case at least since the beginning of the 4th republic. Two southern and two northern presidents have thus far resisted support for the creation of state police. With security situation worsening across the nation, states formalized vigilante efforts. Amotekun is the security outfit of the southwest. Governors wanted to arm Amotekun with effective weapons but the federal government refused on the ground that Nigerian constitution doesn’t recognize regional or state security entities.

Now, Katsina and Borno States have been exposed as arming their security outfits with sophisticated weapons. Why deny Amotekun of southwest and approve Katsina and Borno of the North? In a hastily delivered response, Katsina State denied arming its state security outfit, arguing that the vigilantes were given the weapons to train for self-defence! This is getting very interesting and outrageously ridiculous. You train vigilantes in self-defence against the use of AK47 by bandits but you don’t give them AK47? Tell that to the Marines!

Greedy self-regarding egomaniacs and Hi Machs are one of a kind. Privileging selfish interest as their motivating agenda, their sole purpose and goal in politics is its promotion. For this, they are prepared to enter alliances with anyone, no matter differences in outlook and perspectives. For them, denouncing someone with the full force of their voice in one election cycle doesn’t prevent them from praising him or her to high heavens at the next cycle. It’s all a matter of political calculation.

Without a political principle imbued with moral conviction, egomaniacs are open to any allies since it’s just a game of numbers. We have had examples over the life of the country across the geopolitical zones of the country under the guise of various ideological postures. Ready to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds, they are the most dangerous of the lot.

We are at the crossroads. In the wisdom of elders, endowed with equal strength, lion won’t serve merely as bag holder for tiger: Kaka ki kiniun se akapo ekun, kaluku a se ode tire lotooto. Such a demand is enough justification for the parting of ways. This is where our people are now. They have been driven against the wall. They are sick and tired and can take it no more. Even professionals and intellectuals who have been reticent about the clarion call for separation have realized the doublespeak of unitarists. When you don’t appreciate the limit of your hegemonist agenda, you inadvertently unite disparate forces in resistance.

It’s another October 1st.  Pray, where’s the mood for celebration!

 

 

Something unbelievable just happened. The unforeseen just occurred. But the remarkable turnaround of Northern governors and traditional rulers with their endorsement of state police doesn’t seem to have hit the rest of us with the excitement that it deserves. Why has the breaking news not been picked up and disseminated beyond its first mention by the media. Is it cynicism? Perhaps, and justifiably so.

You cannot but be suspicious when you recall some other breaking news received in the past with a great deal of enthusiasm. Think of the Governor El-Rufai-led Committee on Restructuring and what became of it. Inaugurated with fanfare by the APC National Working Committee, the governor and his team went into action, apparently with a view to getting the job done once and for all, and keeping the party’s campaign promise to the nation. It submitted a report which included a recommendation for state police.

Here’s this columnist’s reaction to that exciting news in February 2018:

…Then reason prevailed. APC announced its committee on restructuring. And there was a long gasp which morphed into a thunderous cynical chorus. “APC is deceiving Nigerians! How can an anti-restructuring guy like Nasir El-Rufai chair a committee on restructuring? Can anything good come out of such committee? It just shows that the party is not serious about restructuring”

Undeterred by the negativities, Governor El-Rufai and his committee went into action, holding consultations across the country, receiving memoranda from Nigerians, and foraging into records of two decades of constitutional conferences from 1994 to 2014. In the end, the committee submitted its report, which, to the surprise of many thoughtful persons, is faithful to the spirit of the APC manifesto with its recommendation of devolution of power to states, including a bold effort on the question of resource control, local government, and state police.

But what came out it? Zip! And with his excitement over the report, this columnist had to eat his words! So, here’s the same Governor El Rufai in the center of a forum announcing an endorsement of state police. What can a reasonable person make of it? Dismiss as gimmick? Reject as belated in view of the fact that many southerners have moved from any of these moderate ideas to extreme solutions to the national question? Or adopt a cautious optimism?

You cannot really blame those you now tag as extremists because they are agitating for a breakup of the country along nationality lines. If you make reasonable changes impossible because you benefit from the status quo, which is stifling progress and snuffing out worthwhile living experiences from millions of our people, do you really expect them to crawl back in their bedrooms and allow your self-regarding motivation parading as the common good to ruin their future generations? Whenever I read about some mantra of the imperative of national unity coming from sources which are openly canvassing sectional agenda and policies, I see through the hypocrisy. And those that you label as agitators also see clearly and they cannot take it anymore.

Insecurity of lives and property is the foremost duty of any government. It is the basis of the contract of association that binds the governed to the government.  In a federal system, this is most effectively achieved by federating units taking care of the security of their residents. But for the hypocrites mouthing unity while they play ethnic card, security of 200 million people must be centralized and managed by a police force of less than 400,000 out of which about 100,000 are assigned to protect Very Important Personalities. How is a police so understaffed ever going to work effectively for the protection of the lives of the proverbial common man?

In the wake of the impunity of foreign killer herdsmen and kidnappers imported into the country, who prowl farmlands, farmers risk their lives going to their farms and confronting these brazen murderers. With farmers’ lives in danger, food shortage is all but certain. And the poor are further impoverished and malnourished. Governors are supposedly the chief security officers of their states, but they feel helpless as Miyetti Allah flaunt its closeness to the highest office of the land. States scramble to protect their people with security networks. Amotekun is the code name of the Southwest Security Network.

Read Also: No going back on call for state police, say Southern governors

And what did we hear from the Attorney General of the Federation? “Illegal!” he crowed. Rightly ignoring him as a joker, Southwest inaugurated Amotekun. But how much can this entity do without weapons, which has been denied by the Federal Government? And this, despite the known fact that every agency of the federal government, as well as Hisbah, the Northern entity created to enforce Sharia Law, are empowered with sophisticated weapons. Bawo ni obo se sori ti inaki o se? What’s the basis for the discrimination if not to provoke? And how do a provoked people react other than find an enabling alternative to their misery? This is the source of the agitation for Yoruba nation, for Biafra, and others. You don’t get rid of such movements without addressing their grievances.

It is from this background that I look at the Northern Governors and traditional rulers’ endorsement of state police. I am wondering if it is their way of addressing the cause of the agitations. I am wondering if the endorsement comes from their voluntary judgement, as Chief Security Officers of their states and traditional custodians of safety, after reflecting on the state of security of their citizens. And I am pondering what, if anything, they are going to do after this endorsement. Are they going to sponsor legislation for a constitutional amendment to provide for state police? Or are they going to just look on for what happens at the Almighty National Assembly (NASS) which has not even acknowledged their endorsement?

These are important questions to address in view of our experience with the El-Rufai Committee Report on Devolution of Power. Surely, this could be different. The El-Rufai Committee was appointed by APC National Working Committee (NWC). The latter has no constitutional mandate vis-à-vis NASS. Of course, as the ruling party, with a majority of NASS members, it could use its majority to bulldoze its way for the legislation that it desires. But other factors, including the ever-present ethnic makeup of NASS, will always stand in the way. Bear in mind too, that Northern Governors and traditional rulers were eerily silent on the El-Rufai Committee report.

So, this time is different. The two most important establishments in the North have paired up to endorse state police. Together their influence over NASS members from the North is unquestionable. If they are truly in favor of state police as a bulwark against insecurity, they will show this, not just by verbal endorsement, but by working their representatives and senators and by calling on their state legislatures which they effectively control, to support a constitutional amendment.

There is no denying the obvious that decades of northern resistance to anything championed by the south has unfortunately poisoned the waters of national unity to the point that Nigerians who worked together across party and nationality lines for constitutional federalism are now agitating to go their separate ways. The south has bent over backwards at every point for the sake of national unity. But when it appears that they are being taken for granted every step of the way, with the core North flaunting its dubious advantage of census, what is the south expected to do?

.A more pertinent question is this: Now that the North has come along pitching its security tent with advocates of state police, what should be the reaction of the south? There is a deficit of mutual trust all round. The agitation for self-determination has picked up momentum precisely because people feel that they are being taken for granted. They are being killed, maimed, and raped right in their neighborhoods and farms with no help from the federal government. Now, they feel that they’ve suffered enough and want a break from the crippling malaise they didn’t bargain for!

Time will tell if this new Northern initiative is a game changer.

 

 

 

 

Welcome back, old chum!” Opalaba announced himself with an unusual greeting on the phone.

“What do you mean, welcome back? From where? I have always been at my base”, I shot back, as I sensed a mischief brewing.

“I am just welcoming you back to your beat as a columnist. For a while, I thought that you have been reassigned to the news desk. All I have read from you in the past twelve weeks have been one reporting after another. That was until last week when I read your piece, “Of politics and politicians”, a refreshing comeback from your adventure into news reporting”, my friend explained himself.

“Well, I guess I should thank you then for being so observant, and if I may add, being your old meddlesome self”, I fired back.

“Oh, is that what you think? Just observing the difference between your opinion piece and your reporting gig makes me meddlesome? Well, then, what if I tell you that you got it all wrong in your analysis of politics and politicians?” Opalaba went headlong to the substance of his call.

“No, Opalaba, that’s not meddlesomeness. That’s simply expressing a view that is at variance with mine, and I totally respect that. So bring it on. But when you dabble into what is above your pay grade, on the issue of what a columnist can or cannot do, you are crossing a line.”

“Okay, my friend, no vex. So in the matter of politics and politicians, let me tell you that what you dismissed is the foundation of political success. It is called political smartness.”

“Wow, what an insight, Opalaba. I wonder why that didn’t occur to me.”

“Please don’t wow me. I know you didn’t mean that as a compliment. Now, let me explain myself before you come with your grammar dagger. I agree that politics is an institution established for the promotion of the good of the community, whether that community is as small as a hamlet or as big as a multinational state. Politics is as old as humanity itself. But that endgame of politics is better managed in a nuclear family community than in a multinational state. In the former, there is the advantage of a division of labor and line of responsibility which is more challenging in a village community, and much more so in a multinational state. In the latter, there are competing opinions about the good to be promoted and the means of promoting it.”

“Are you following me, or are you bored already?”

“Bored ke!  Agb?ye o, my distinguished Professor Opalaba.”

“Okay. Good. Now while some may emphasize promoting the good of the community through educational development, others may want to emphasize spiritual cleansing. For each of these, there may still be differences about the means. Do we offer free education to every child of the community or is it for those who can afford to pay?

“Those individuals who are imbued with a sense of public service align themselves, according to their preferences, on either side of the divide. That’s how ideologies become important in politics. You go with those who share your mindset.

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“Here’s where political smartness comes in. The point of having interest in public service is for you to influence outcomes and you achieve that if your side prevails. So, you first look at the options, you sample public opinion, and you determine which side has the benefit of numbers because in the end, it is numbers that matter in a democracy where the majority decides. And, whatever it takes is what you do to win. It is what gets you to put your stamp on policies aimed at promoting the good of the people.”

Opalaba would go on but he probably sensed that he was already losing me.

“Wow again, my friend. That was great. I wonder why I didn’t think of all these, and it took the fertile mind of a retired physician to lecture me on politics and politicians. Well, thank you my friend.

“But now, as that old troublemaker would say, let us examine together what you just laid out. You know, the one whom the Delphi Oracle declared the wisest of all in his time was never a man to pooh-pooh an idea. He just always wanted clarity of ideas. We should follow his lead.

“So, my friend, we must get a handle on these questions: What is political smartness? What is it to be politically smart? Is political smartness always good?

“Your point is that to be politically smart is knowing the best means to victory and that means knowing and following where the numbers are. After all, as you put it, it is a game of numbers. But you will agree with me that consistency demands that we apply the same yardstick to other human endeavors as well.

“Here’s what I mean. A politician’s victory is determined by the polls. So he or she is smart if she has the numbers and wins. Meanwhile, a bricklayer is victorious if he succeeds in setting the bricks right and getting the plastering smooth, and that makes him smart. Now, how about an armed robber’s victory? It is determined by success at his robbery mission. So he or she is smart if she gets right the means to victory, namely, successful robbery without being caught. From these examples, can we really say that smartness is always a compliment? Doesn’t it depend on what you are about and how you go about it?

“Now to the issue at hand. Political smartness is not always a good thing. Indeed, in our clime, it has never been a good thing. If it was, we will not be where we are now. Let’s look at this more carefully.

“Of the synonyms of political smartness, the one closest to my understanding of your use of it is political cunning or foxiness. It is the capacity for double dealing. It is the ability to hide your true intentions from public scrutiny in order to get your victory. It is the proclivity to dine with the devil without getting stung. It is a Machiavellian idea of smartness, and it is practiced by High Mach politicians.

“You talk about politicians grouping and regrouping around ideological preferences. If that was true, it would be a great thing. Then, our people would have clear preferences between and among political parties. But it stretches imagination too thin to suggest that what we have now as political parties are ideologically oriented. This is why politicians don’t think twice before jumping from one party to another, and doing so oftentimes as if it’s just akin to changing suit. In so doing, we know, of course, that such politicians are just looking where their bread is better buttered. If this is what you call political smartness, may it never be my portion.

“Are you still with me, my friend?”

“Yes I am here. You think I will take a flight?” Opalaba answered.

“No! Why, by Ghosh, would such a thought cross my mind?

“Now then, there is one last point on this matter. From your submission, political smartness appears to be about winning elections. But politics is more than winning elections. It is about improving lives and benefitting people. If you describe a politician as smart because he knows how to rig and win at the polls, then you are not talking about success in politics.

“Look at it this way. From your standpoint, it can be arguably inferred that Chief Obafemi Awolowo wasn’t politically smart. After all, he stuck to principle. He didn’t hide the fundamentals of his agenda from the people whose votes he sought, and he was denied the presidency. But look how politically successful he was. When he had the opportunity to serve the people of Western Region, he did so with focus and integrity, promoting their welfare and advancing their children’s interests. Those generations that he benefited are remembering him for good today. Tell me, how many of your politically smart people come close to Awolowo’s stature and success in politics?”

For once, Opalaba was tight-lipped.

Think of two words, each of which conjures to mind the other, and these two, politics and politicians, appear perfect examples. But there is a snag. Politicians don’t generally reflect or practice the principles of politics.

Consider two different examples: teaching and teachers or carpentry and carpenters. And the difference cannot be clearer. Carpenters do carpentry. They learn the art and go by its rules, otherwise they fail and the consequence of failure in their enterprise is grave. Ditto with bricklaying and bricklayers.

On their part, teachers learn the art and principles of teaching and they go about their profession paying attention to these. Otherwise they run into trouble with the law, and more importantly, they fail to achieve the goal of teaching. Note that the law takes seriously the conflation of teaching and cheating, and errant teachers are made to pay the price for their malfeasance.

Of all vocations, politics is the most consequential for human well-being. It sets the norms and standards for others in light of their bearing on human well-being. It also establishes the principles and standards of distributive and penal justice so there is peace and security in the political community. Politics is the architectonic. And to that extent, it is a most noble vocation.

Yes, I know what you’re thinking! What universe is this columnist living in? What is so noble and laudable about politics? How is a dirty game noble? Are we seeing or talking about the same thing?

Exactly! We are not! I am expressing my understanding of politics in its original sense while you are thinking about politics in its debased sense. And it doesn’t really matter that the debased sense now appears to have eclipsed the original sense.

What’s the original sense? Politics in its original sense captures the art of governing the polis, a city state or society characterized by a sense of community. In such a society, the distribution of benefits and burden of life is carried out with selfless considerations on the part of the individual, usually the paterfamilias, as Awolowo puts it in The People’s Republic. Seeing every member of the community as one and as his own, the paterfamilias has no reason for partiality. Therefore, justice is served. Again, believing that every member of the community belongs to him and to one another, the paterfamilias looks after them, and promotes their well-being as he would his own. It is this sense of community that grounds politics.

This sense of politics as service on behalf of the community did get debased by politicians. How? You may ask. The original community, by law of nature, cannot remain static. There is dynamism in social life and village communities encounter the need for expansion and merging for better life. The cohesion of the original community soon gave way to diverse societies with new leaders emerging. A new and debased sense of politics is inevitable. While the original sense rests on the selfless motivation of the paterfamilias, the new sense exploits the receding presence of the paterfamilias. Unfortunately for the original sense, there seems to be no passing over of the selfless motivation of the paterfamilias to the new breed politicians.

Thus, we may argue that the debasement is unfortunately wired into the DNA of politics, its assumptions about human nature, namely that good people with moral fiber and an ingrained motivation to lead with integrity and conscience will always and automatically emerge to serve. Given this assumption, there are no formal requirements, no school of politics for politicians, and no formal rules of engagement or code of conduct. While a carpenter goes through rigorous training, and a teacher has to learn the principles and practice of education, a politician only needs to be witty, sweet-tongued, and charismatic.

The same point can be made in a different way as done by a tiktok commentator kindly shared with me by my good friend and high achiever cousin, JMA. We had leaders who became politicians. They were good. But now we have politicians who were never leaders. And they are bad. Leaders understand they nobility of politics and they led by abiding with its norms and ethos. Therefore politics retains its original sense in the custody of leaders. But in the hands of politicians, politics is a shadow of itself, a caricature of what it is expected to be.

Comparing the paterfamilias of Awolowo’s The People’s Republic with leaders in the First Republic is like comparing oranges with oranges, while comparing both of them with contemporary politicians is like comparing apples and oranges. It would have been a great continuity if the paterfamilias and leaders had institutionalized an apprenticeship system of politics for their successors. Or to place the burden on the successors, it would have been to their benefit if they had been inclined to studying the leaders. But they knew what they wanted, and I doubt if any of these ideas of teaching and learning really bothered them.

Let us concretize the philosophical points of the foregoing with examples.

First, a positive example of a politician that affirmed the virtue of politics as an institution of significant role in the life of society. The reason the name Obafemi Awolowo will remain indelible in our collective memory is that he personified the nobility of politics, in the mold of the paterfamilias. He lived by its tenets of integrity and selfless regard for the “least of these.” He went into politics to make a difference in the lives of the common people, to bridge the gap between the privileged and the underprivileged, to make life more abundant for all, and to have everyone enjoy the benefits of freedom.

With the power and authority entrusted to him by the people for just seven years, Awolowo achieved what many of his contemporaries and successors can never set their minds to in a lifetime. It is not because of natural or biological difference. It was choice that made the difference. Awolowo chose to serve others. He prioritized service to others above himself. That is the true calling of politics and it is what is so conspicuously lacking in our politicians today.

Second, consider what politicians have been up to since the beginning of the Fourth Republic. A state party leader without an elective office was approached by a young man interested in contesting for a legislative office. In what appears to be a recruitment interview, the “leader” asked the young man pointedly: My son, can you tell lies? Can you kill? Are you capable of breaking promises without apology? For this leader, who is representative of what goes on today, these are what a politician must be able to do. The contradiction cannot be more glaring and unfortunate. If politics is the art of doing good and promoting justice without fear or favor, a practicing politician with the mindset of such a party leader in our example doesn’t practice politics.

A third contemporary example is worthy of referencing. In faraway US, a self-declared paragon of democratic politics from where we get our model of governance is going through some confounding hiccups in its politics. A democratic institution inaugurated more than 200 years ago as a shining city on the hill in the words of its 40th President, Ronald Reagan, is suffering an internal attack on its foundations. A cult led by a leader whose selfish interests continue to dictate the approach of his party to the demands of state is busy destroying the foundations of democratic politics.

As a result, a party that once understood and affirmed the preeminence of law and order, and hero-worshipped law enforcement, is now up in arms against law enforcement agencies which have not changed from their mission, but have just been consistent in upholding the rule of law without fear or favor. Here’s a politician who doesn’t give a damn calling on law enforcement agents to deal with criminal elements especially those who don’t share his political views, but who doesn’t see any contradiction in crying foul when the same law enforcers deal with his or his friends’ delinquency.

Politicians have debased politics!

 

Apero Phase 1 focused on the analysis of our challenges as a people by looking back at where we were, examining where we are and what has become of us, and mapping out a future that is desirable for our great grandchildren. To the extent that is humanly possible, it achieved its goals and some more, thanks to the dedication of the Planning Committee, invited speakers, chairpersons, moderators and rapporteurs, and the inspiring example and support of Ori Ade Apero, Kabiyesi Oba Adedokun Abolarin, Orangun of Oke-Ila.

Apero Phase 2 is action-oriented, to walk the talk, so that the passion generated by Apero 1 is fully exploited for the benefit of our people and our heritage, bearing in mind that we had a glorious past because some individuals made enormous sacrifices, using their mental and material resources to create for us an enabling environment in which we thrived. When we see the degeneration of our youths, we cannot but shake our heads in disgust. This is what moves us.

Between the conclusion of Phase 1 and the beginning of Phase 2, it is useful to take stock and share some lessons learned. In Welcoming Apero on this page on June 10, 2022, I quoted from the presentation of one of our Planning Committee members, a man of science and medicine, who has proved an indispensable team member, Professor Funsho Famuyiwa, as follows:

“Chief Obafemi Awolowo, an Avatar of the Yoruba Race, who through the grace of God, carried the equivalent of their “Abrahamic Covenant” has provided the TEMPLATE for our Self Governance. At its core is the Principle of Egalitarianism—The Greatest Good for the Largest Number. An “Equal Opportunity” dispensation. Good Governance married to Sound Moral Values and the Fear of God! Ethos of OMOLUABI, BIBIIRE and ALAJOBI.”

Professor Famuyiwa then asked the question: what will Awolowo do if alive today?” This question was the strength that we needed to carry on our deliberations. It sustained us even in the face of adversities.

The first takeaway for me then is an appreciation of the track record of Egbe Omo Yoruba, North America (Egbe) in its selfless dedication to the homeland. Since 1994, when Egbe took on the task of defending and promoting democracy in the face of scurrilous attack from impostors, it has never looked back. Even when its intentions were misconstrued, it labored on in the hope that others will see the goodness of its intent. Even when those that Egbe considered its partners in the struggle abandoned the principles they jointly embraced in the course of the struggle, having tasted the forbidden fruit of naked power, Egbe continued to insist on the justice of its cause in the spirit of that old saying, “one with God is majority.”

That Egbe still stands firm is a testament to its solid foundation on principle. Tried and tested quite a few times, it soldiers on. At a point in the height of the struggle, some breakaway faction adopted the name Afenifere USA, unfortunately tricking our elders back home to support them. That Afenifere USA has long vamoosed and, ironically, it takes Egbe’s leadership to form an authentic Afenifere USA branch. Pretenders cannot displace Egbe Omo Yoruba North America as the umbrella Yoruba organization in this hemisphere. I salute the outgoing President Durojaiye Akindutire for his leadership. I congratulate the new President, Dr. Ayodeji Famuyide, and his executive. Godspeed!

Second, Apero benefited immensely from the topnotch quality of our presenters from the beginning to the end. That we were able to assemble such an array of talents in every session is remarkable and the credit must go to our Program, Content and Logistics sub-committee led by Professor Famuyiwa. From university dons, to SANs, from medical professionals, economists, award-winning writers and film producers to journalists, agricultural specialists and practicing farmers, we had our fill of talents. Yorubaland is blessed and its future is bright.

Third, Apero covered a lot of very important topics, from education to healthcare, from agriculture and rural development to governance and leadership challenge, restructuring and Yoruba Sovereign Nation, women empowerment and youth agenda, and there is a broad consensus on the action that must be taken on the state of the nation. Indeed, our panelists gave us a roadmap to the development of our land, provided there is the will to move forward.

Fourth, the matter of security was the most challenging for our people and it was what they kept coming back to. This is understandable in view of the prevailing situation. Farmers cannot go to their farms because of fear of killer herdsmen and kidnappers for ransom. Indeed, as early as our first session, many participants challenged us and forced us to defend our decision not to make security our first topic for discussion.

Some unfairly thought that since we were in the diaspora, we didn’t care about the security challenges our people were facing back home. They didn’t buy the argument that security specialists were not available until later. Well, that turned out to be true, and when they did show up with their expert presentations, we could discern a sense of relief on the part of many participants. This experience demonstrated to us the importance of placing security at the top of our agenda going forward.

Fifth, Apero 1 exposed a deep-seated division among our people on the question of the political pathway for Yorubaland. Recall that the original objective of Apero was to provide a forum for debate and dialogue over this crucial issue. It was going to be a platform for coming to a consensus about what Yorubaland must pursue, whether restructuring or Yoruba Sovereign Nation.

For some reason, some of our people, again unfairly, assumed that Apero members were inclined to one side or the other. Some prominent patriots refused our invitation to speak because they either believed that we are advocates of “mere” restructuring, or “extremist” Yoruba nation State. Indeed, at our last Committee meeting, a friend and colleague asked pointedly, “are you guys for Yoruba nation or not?”

We invited Professor Wale Adeniran, Deputy Leader of Ilana Omo Oodua, and Mogaji Adegboyega Adejumo, an Afenifere chieftain, representing the two sides of the debate. Others, including youths, were on the panel. There were passionate arguments on both sides. In subsequent panels in which Barrister Femi Falana (SAN) and Dr. Wonu Ogunkoya participated, we also had more insight into the issue.

From their inputs, a majority of Apero 1 zoom audience wanted a Yoruba Sovereign Nation. The question is how to get there. The UN states clearly that the “recognition of a new State or Government is an act that only other States and Governments (presumably including the mother State) may grant or withhold. It generally implies readiness to assume diplomatic relations.” Recognizing this is important for the Yoruba Nation struggle.

Sixth, Apero exposed the best and the worst of our cultural heritage. Our speakers and panelists were some of the best that our culture has to offer the world. So are many of our participants who demonstrated the abiding virtues of Yoruba cultural heritage. But we also saw some of the worst among us, those with a “my way or no way” mentality; who see nothing good in an opposing view, whose first and last resort is curse and abuse. With a stronger claim to the Omoluabi ethos, we warned ourselves not to get in the mud with them.

Seventh, Apero had a cathartic effect on its audience, thus directing their minds to the possibilities that they can effect in light of what others had accomplished for the nation in the past. With an average of 200 participants at each session of Apero, and most of them youths in their prime, wondering what the future had for them, the real life examples of success in farming by JR Farms, in cybersecurity by Dr. Banji Adegunloye, and in e-learning and entrepreneurship by Professor Oyinkansola Jinadu have attracted the curiosity of many. If Apero succeeds in directing the attention of these folks to such opportunities, it would have fulfilled an important aspect of its mission.