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Category: Segun Gbadegesin

All the way: Serving with conscience (2)

Today, I bring another relevant excerpt from my memoir coming up for public presentation on December 21, 2015. The point of this entry is to underscore the shaky foundation on which the pillars of our national structure were built. Even when the enormity of the task of national rescue was so glaring and so demanding of an unadulterated unity of purpose, age-old pettiness of spirit and self-centredness crept into the gaping holes in the walls of the nationalist struggle. It sounds very familiar even in contemporary struggles.

Background to Life: War, peace and the struggle for self-determination

My ground zero was 1945, one of the most eventful years of the 20th century. Among other significant world events, 1945 saw the end of the Second World War fought by what is called the greatest generation.

It was the war of freedom, we were told. However, my parents, grandparents and their generation of Africans, two levels removed from the back alleys of the First World that dictated the terms and conditions of war and peace in our common terrestrial globe, were drawn into that war without the slightest idea of what it was about. It did not matter that they were also victims of an unjust imposition of Western imperialism; they were also being co-opted to fight a war of freedom thousands of miles away with its assurance of economic hardship and loss of life and limb.

As events unfolded, it was clear that the war-time economic condition was becoming unbearable for the people. Severe inflation had impacted the real income of public sector workers, whose fixed salaries cannot cope with runaway inflation, and peasants who had no luxury of regular salaries, but still had to pay through the nose for regular needs such as salt.

On the basis of the reality of inflation, government had granted a cost of living adjustment to salary earners in 1942. However, by 1945, the condition had deteriorated drastically with cost of living rising more than 200 per cent without any further salary adjustment since 1942. At the same time, there had been an intense activity on the part of labour organisations due to the formation of the Nigerian Trade Union Congress as the rallying point for all labour unions from the different sectors of the economy.

In June 1945, workers from 17 unions, representing some of the most important wings of the economy, including railway, post and telegraphs, and civil service, went on a strike that lasted about five weeks and effectively crippled the economy and governmental activities. It was significant that the strike was effective despite the fact that the labour leaders had revoked the order to go on strike before it was to take effect. It meant that the workers, and not their union leaders, deserve commendation for the success the strike recorded. This sounds familiar.

In spite of the hardship that Africans encountered with the wartime colonial economy, however, there was a redeeming aspect of the war and the involvement of Africans in combat. It was a self-reassuring experience as well as an eye opener to what could be. Africans not only had stories of courage to spread around the village squares back home, but they also had words of encouragement concerning the prospect of freedom for Africa. If Europe used Africans to fight their war of liberation, Africans can now ask for their liberation from European imperialism. Three events contributed to this upsurge of hope.

The first event was the establishment of the Atlantic Charter, following a meeting in 1941 between the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. The Atlantic Charter caught the attention of African nationalists in general and Nigerians in particular, and re-energised them for the struggle. Article 3 of the charter expressed “respect (for) the right of all peoples to choose the form of Government under which they will live; and (the) wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them.”

The second event that sowed the seeds of hope was the 5th Pan-African Congress held in Manchester, Great Britain, which as George Padmore shows in The History of Pan-Africanism, “unanimously supported the members of the West African delegation in declaring that complete and absolute independence is the only solution to the existing problems.” This resolution galvanised the activities of the nationalist movement in Nigeria and elsewhere, including Ghana and Kenya.

The third event was the June 26, 1945 Charter of the United Nations Organisation (UNO), which reaffirmed “faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small” as contained in Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations, 1945. While nations under colonial rule were not parties to the formation of the United Nations, it was important to them that their colonial masters were. There was therefore a moral burden for the latter to discharge and the intellectual and educated elite of the colonies did not fail to hold them to account.

Nigerian political elite and the educated class were not unaware of the developments during the war and the external initiatives that affected their condition as colonial subjects. They took up the fight for political and economic liberation in style and, because of the events highlighted above, 1945 was a special landmark in the struggle. While the war propaganda had not prevented the agitation for liberation from colonial imposition, and while nationalists had turned the propaganda of Allied Forces to their side in some cases, the end of the war gave them a greater latitude and justification to put pressure on the colonial government without the danger of being accused as saboteurs of the war efforts.

It was of course easier said than done and the doing part was hampered by what has become even a more glaring malady in contemporary nation-space: personal ambition and ethnic suspicions that mar organisational effectiveness. As James Coleman succinctly narrates, a new movement named the Lagos Youth Movement had been founded in 1934 by Ernest Ikoli, Samuel Akinsanya, J. C. Vaughn and H. O. Davies as a rallying point for nationalist agitation, and in 1936 its name was changed to the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). Unfortunately, not much later, its promise had been eclipsed by pettiness and economic and professional considerations by the key players.

The collapse of the NYM left a bad taste for many of its members and observers such that many recoiled into their shells and subsequent efforts to organise on a national level proved abortive.

The prospect of success finally emerged when young students, including those from secondary schools in and around Lagos took the initiative and pressured Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikwe to provide leadership. The result was the formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), which held its Constitutional Convention in January 1945 with the objectives of struggling for the extension of democratic principles, advancing the interests of colonial peoples and imparting political education to the people of Nigeria with a view to achieving self-government.

This was the political climate in Nigeria when I made my debut on this terrestrial globe. The peace that marked the end of the Second World War did not really matter for Nigeria because her journey towards independence was to be marked by war of words between nationalists and colonisers. The struggle for freedom and independence, which others took for granted, had just begun.

December 11, 2015
All the way: Serving with conscience (1)

In grateful commemoration of the 70th anniversary of my arrival on mother earth, a public presentation of my new memoir, All the Way: Serving with Conscience, is scheduled to take place at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs on December 21, 2015. Based on my considered judgment that my discussions in the book may be of interest to my readers, in the next few columns, I plan to release excerpts from the book. Today, I start with the preface titled “The Bondage of Conscience”.

“On Monday, June 27, 2005, I departed Washington Dulles Airport for Lagos to spend about three weeks with my children and grandchildren and attend to some business. The Air France flight from Washington had a late departure because the incoming aircraft was delayed due to bad weather. So, instead of leaving Washington at 6:45 pm, the plane did not take off until 9 pm. We landed in Paris about 10:00 am on Tuesday, but because we had to be transported by bus from the aircraft parking lot at De Gaulle airport to the terminal, we missed the Lagos-bound flight. The plane took off as we were being bused to the terminal. Naturally disappointed, there was nothing we could do. We had to wait until the following day.

“As I lay on the bed that night at Campanile Hotel, pondering the whole situation, some thoughts kept running through my mind. Why did I and other Nigerians have to go through Europe to get to Nigeria? Why could we not fly directly to Lagos from either Washington or New York? Why do we not have a national carrier? Why are we at the mercy of foreign airlines? Why? Why?

“Although I had some idea of the answers to my questions, this was not what came to my mind as I lay on my bed. Instead, I found myself wanting to engage more purposefully in philosophical reflections on many of the issues that I have contemplated over the years: the mystery of birth, the excitement of childhood, the responsibility of adulthood and some landmarks in the checkered history of a nation.

“This is not a typical memoir of recounting personal actions and involvement in matters of local, national or professional importance. There is some of that; but this is meant as much more than a diary of events.

“My personal story of involvement up till now in issues that require action has a backdrop in events that predated my birth. The trauma of the Middle Passage and the indignity of colonisation are both significant landmarks that impacted fatherland and the trajectory of its fortunes. The condition that my grandparents and their peers faced was not of their making. Neither were my peers and I responsible for those conditions that we had to engage and confront.

“In the life of a nation as in that of individuals, there are such unplanned, undeserved and undesirable intrusions. The mark of our humanity is the inbuilt devices that enable us to confront these intrusions and supersede them. For the nation, however, unless we subscribe to the idea of a national soul, which in my view is a chimera, it is the individuals that make up the nation who have the responsibility, through their inbuilt devices, which they may (or may not) choose to unleash at the appropriate times, to save the nation from unwanted intrusions and cultivate it to the highest level attainable. Needless to add, in so doing, the individuals also cultivate themselves to the highest level of their potentials. And when they fail, they short-change themselves irredeemably.

“I had a childhood that oriented me in the direction of positive action. I had an education that prepared me for activism in support of just causes. I was morally wired and politically activated. Therefore, it was not difficult for me to commit my professional life to the struggle for the uplift of motherland. Surely I was free to live my life in peace without getting involved in any form of activism. I could focus on my professional life and shun the urge to confront evil and social injustice. And I could justify such a course by reference to the futility of any such engagement or confrontation. I did not choose that course because I felt palpably the pang of conscience with its incessant taunting and challenge to action.

“Bishop Joseph Butler was the pre-eminent authority on the supremacy of the principle of reflection and conscience. Of the 15 sermons that the Anglican Bishop preached in the 18th century, two were on conscience and more had discussions of the principle sprinkled all through them. He argued that the highest principle in human beings and that which is designed to guide morals and actions is the principle of conscience. Since conscience belongs to our nature, it is absurd for us to act without the reflection of conscience. If we do not allow the intrusion of “interest and passion”, then it is certain that “reflection and conscience” will always prevail and in prevailing will lead us to always approve “an action of humanity rather than cruelty.”

“Animals are governed by instincts and passion. Humans also have instincts and passions. However, in addition, we also have reflection and conscience and this is the distinguishing mark of our human nature. It is what separates us from brutes. Therefore to the extent that reflection and conscience guide our actions and overrule our instincts and passions, we behave true to type. The human being, whether Christian, Muslim, Atheist, or Orisa devotee, has written in his or her heart a natural disposition to “kindness and compassion”, provided other “interests and passions” do not interfere and “lead him (or her) astray.” But there are always those competing interests and passions and they could be as strong as the natural disposition to “kindness and compassion.” The problem is that we have no way of knowing and determining which of them is placed in us by nature!

“The predisposition to inflict harm on an innocent person, or the instinct to annul a free and fair election on the basis of personal interest or animosity is as strong and as natural as the disposition to honesty and patriotic magnanimity. The disposition to corruptly enrich oneself from the common treasury is as strong as the conscientious determination to act honestly.

“What principle then is there in us to offer a judgment on which of the “natural dispositions” is right? It is the principle of reflection and conscience. It is there in everyone of us. It enables us to distinguish between good and evil. It taunts us as it passes judgment on our actions, prospectively and retrospectively: “What you did was wrong! You should be ashamed of yourself!” We feel it in our heart as the rebuke of conscience sinks into the veins and vessels of our being. It also urges us to certain conduct and does not withdraw until we act. If we do not, it places the blame on us and we feel a sense of shame.

“I have always been in bondage of conscience. It is no wonder that I chose the study of philosophy. I was most assuredly attracted to the field because of its synchronisation with my pre-career convictions.

“In Philosophical Consciencism, Kwame Nkrumah, the hero of Ghana’s independence and for much his life, the unrelenting crusader for the freedom of Africa on the continent and in the diaspora, aptly observed that for an African student of philosophy, the subject could not have the same meaning that it has for an average Western student. In the West, while the struggle for freedom and genuine democracy may still be said to be an ongoing process, in Africa at the turn of the 21st century, it has hardly begun. Therefore for its African student, philosophy must live up to its Socratic meaning as the gadfly, the conscience of humanity. If philosophy truly responds to experience, my career orientation has not been an exception.”

December 4, 2015
Thankfulness

Today, I take a break from political discourse. I am sure it won’t really be missed that much because for the majority of our people, including regular readers who have kept faith with our weekly dialogue, politics is not really all that matters in life. And for many, it is at best a necessary evil that one must keep at a distance when possible. For some others, it is not only that politics is not all that matters; it does not matter at all. Therefore they would rather focus on what matters in life.

I believe that politics matters to the extent that it has an unmistakable grip on everything that matters. This is especially so in a neo-colonial enclave with an underdeveloped private sector that is completely dependent on the public sphere. You certainly cannot call the bluff of your benefactor! Being about who gets what, where and when, is a very big deal. That is what politics is about.

Yet with all its eminence, politics is not all that matters for our humanity. It is not what makes us humans. It certainly is not what makes us good human beings. It could help when it is done right; but on its own, there are so many unsavoury properties that make it more of a burden on its practitioners than a benefit. Even in this era of change, we are living witnesses to the ugly side of politics. For many, power-grab is the objective and self-aggrandisement is the ultimate goal.

Therefore, I leave politics aside for once. And I take advantage of an annual ritual in my adopted homeland to discuss one of the few ideas and practices that really matters in human life. This is the idea and practice of thankfulness.

As the Yoruba have it, thankfulness presupposes thoughtfulness. A thoughtful person is a thankful person. There are so many challenges of life that an average person encounters on a daily basis: poverty, disease, loss of loved one, troubled and emotionally disturbed children, joblessness, problematic relationships, etc. As the saying also goes, it is the wearer that knows where the shoe pinches. Eni kan lo mo!

Yet the scripture instructs us to be thankful “in all things!” How is it possible for a person dealing with a sudden loss be thankful? On what might such a thankful spirit be based?

What the Yoruba position on this matter means is that whoever is a deep thinker (as opposed to shallow thinker) would see the reason and the need to be thankful even in the face of unimaginable loss or calamity. After all, it could be worse.

It is the season of Thanksgiving in the United States of America when family and friends gather around the dinner table with a feast of turkey and all its accompaniments and a desert of apple pie. Everyone around the table would have a story to tell, especially about what is worth being thankful for. On top of the list around every family table is the joy of family. Having a family to look up to is a special gift for every human species. And this is well-noted in far away America, the proverbial land of privacy and individualism.

Two issues strike me watching and participating in this ritual in the last 26 years. First, the historical and sociological account of American individualism is not as simple as it has been presented. The majority of Americans, especially in the rural communities of the north and most communities of the south, are as family-oriented as typical Africans. I have seen this in the way that families rally round loved ones admitted to hospitals, and in the number of family members who witness their loved ones graduate from college.

Second, it may be argued that Americans in general have good reasons to be thankful and there is no basis for comparing them with Africans in general or Nigerians in particular. After all, Americans have state and national governments that are responsive to their needs or at least to their complaints, while that is not the case in a typical African nation.

Obamacare was the response of the Obama administration to the need of tens of millions of Americans for health insurance. For those who have benefitted and would not have to worry seeking medical care, there is a good reason to be thankful. One might then ask: “What reason does a poor Nigerian have?”

Opalaba has an answer with his story of the three swimmers. I have heard the same story a thousand and one times and each time, it has a new meaning.

The first swimmer is the wealthy man who decided to take advantage of the beautiful weather, serene environment, and clean river for a good swimming exercise at the end of a profitable business day. He carefully removed his shirt and trousers, revealing his beautiful swim suit. He jumped into the river, swam for a few minutes, and got out of the water gracefully. Thanking God for his wealth that afforded him the luxury of leisure, he walked to his chauffeured car and was on his way to enjoy the rest of the evening.

The second swimmer didn’t have a top to remove. He was not wealthy. Indeed, he was dirt poor, having only a vest and a pair of underwear. He jumped into the river, swam joyfully and got out thanking God as he lay on the bank of the river so the sun can dry his vest and underwear. It could be worse, he intoned.

Lastly, the third swimmer approached the river as he appeared to the world on his day of birth, with nothing on his skin, joyfully singing: “Now Thank We All Our God.” He also jumped into the river, swam heartily and got out, expressing gratitude to God for being alive.

The naked swimmer was not blessed with the luxury of leisure. He probably left the river a-begging. He did not have clothing to cover his skin or to protect him from the elements. Yet he was thankful to his creator for the unquantifiable gift of life. As miserable as he must be in the thinking of the wealthy swimmer, the naked swimmer was the most thoughtful of all.

This is how Opalaba always ends the story. For him, everyone alive has something to be thankful for. This is understandable. Only the living is in a position to be thankful, not just to God, but also to fellow humans who benefit him or her in one way or another. As one Yoruba chorus has it: The living will give you praise. I am thankful that I am one of them. Only the living can praise you.

The idea that only the living can give thanks seems to exclude the dead. Yet, the living can also be thankful on behalf of the dead because death is not the worst thing that could happen to a human being. Otherwise, “ikuyajesin” (death is preferable to ridicule) would be a meaningless jargon. While the loss of a loved one is heartbreaking, there is always room for gratitude.

The practice of thankfulness elicits a positive response from benefactors, giving them good reasons to do more. On the other hand, an unthankful recipient of a benefit is compared to an armed robber. Therefore no matter our situation, we have good reasons to be thankful to those who benefit us, and to the creator for the unmerited grace of being human.

I am thankful for my loving wife, children and grandchildren, extended family, loyal friends, teachers, mentors, moral leaders, royal fathers and elders who still believe in me. And yes, I am thankful for those honest political leaders who selflessly and thoughtfully guide the destiny of the nation.

Happy Thanksgiving!

November 27, 2015
Thankfulness

Today, I take a break from political discourse. I am sure it won’t really be missed that much because for the majority of our people, including regular readers who have kept faith with our weekly dialogue, politics is not really all that matters in life. And for many, it is at best a necessary evil that one must keep at a distance when possible. For some others, it is not only that politics is not all that matters; it does not matter at all. Therefore they would rather focus on what matters in life.

I believe that politics matters to the extent that it has an unmistakable grip on everything that matters. This is especially so in a neo-colonial enclave with an underdeveloped private sector that is completely dependent on the public sphere. You certainly cannot call the bluff of your benefactor! Being about who gets what, where and when, is a very big deal. That is what politics is about.

Yet with all its eminence, politics is not all that matters for our humanity. It is not what makes us humans. It certainly is not what makes us good human beings. It could help when it is done right; but on its own, there are so many unsavoury properties that make it more of a burden on its practitioners than a benefit. Even in this era of change, we are living witnesses to the ugly side of politics. For many, power-grab is the objective and self-aggrandisement is the ultimate goal.

Therefore, I leave politics aside for once. And I take advantage of an annual ritual in my adopted homeland to discuss one of the few ideas and practices that really matters in human life. This is the idea and practice of thankfulness.

As the Yoruba have it, thankfulness presupposes thoughtfulness. A thoughtful person is a thankful person. There are so many challenges of life that an average person encounters on a daily basis: poverty, disease, loss of loved one, troubled and emotionally disturbed children, joblessness, problematic relationships, etc. As the saying also goes, it is the wearer that knows where the shoe pinches. Eni kan lo mo!

Yet the scripture instructs us to be thankful “in all things!” How is it possible for a person dealing with a sudden loss be thankful? On what might such a thankful spirit be based?

What the Yoruba position on this matter means is that whoever is a deep thinker (as opposed to shallow thinker) would see the reason and the need to be thankful even in the face of unimaginable loss or calamity. After all, it could be worse.

It is the season of Thanksgiving in the United States of America when family and friends gather around the dinner table with a feast of turkey and all its accompaniments and a desert of apple pie. Everyone around the table would have a story to tell, especially about what is worth being thankful for. On top of the list around every family table is the joy of family. Having a family to look up to is a special gift for every human species. And this is well-noted in far away America, the proverbial land of privacy and individualism.

Two issues strike me watching and participating in this ritual in the last 26 years. First, the historical and sociological account of American individualism is not as simple as it has been presented. The majority of Americans, especially in the rural communities of the north and most communities of the south, are as family-oriented as typical Africans. I have seen this in the way that families rally round loved ones admitted to hospitals, and in the number of family members who witness their loved ones graduate from college.

Second, it may be argued that Americans in general have good reasons to be thankful and there is no basis for comparing them with Africans in general or Nigerians in particular. After all, Americans have state and national governments that are responsive to their needs or at least to their complaints, while that is not the case in a typical African nation.

Obamacare was the response of the Obama administration to the need of tens of millions of Americans for health insurance. For those who have benefitted and would not have to worry seeking medical care, there is a good reason to be thankful. One might then ask: “What reason does a poor Nigerian have?”

Opalaba has an answer with his story of the three swimmers. I have heard the same story a thousand and one times and each time, it has a new meaning.

The first swimmer is the wealthy man who decided to take advantage of the beautiful weather, serene environment, and clean river for a good swimming exercise at the end of a profitable business day. He carefully removed his shirt and trousers, revealing his beautiful swim suit. He jumped into the river, swam for a few minutes, and got out of the water gracefully. Thanking God for his wealth that afforded him the luxury of leisure, he walked to his chauffeured car and was on his way to enjoy the rest of the evening.

The second swimmer didn’t have a top to remove. He was not wealthy. Indeed, he was dirt poor, having only a vest and a pair of underwear. He jumped into the river, swam joyfully and got out thanking God as he lay on the bank of the river so the sun can dry his vest and underwear. It could be worse, he intoned.

Lastly, the third swimmer approached the river as he appeared to the world on his day of birth, with nothing on his skin, joyfully singing: “Now Thank We All Our God.” He also jumped into the river, swam heartily and got out, expressing gratitude to God for being alive.

The naked swimmer was not blessed with the luxury of leisure. He probably left the river a-begging. He did not have clothing to cover his skin or to protect him from the elements. Yet he was thankful to his creator for the unquantifiable gift of life. As miserable as he must be in the thinking of the wealthy swimmer, the naked swimmer was the most thoughtful of all.

This is how Opalaba always ends the story. For him, everyone alive has something to be thankful for. This is understandable. Only the living is in a position to be thankful, not just to God, but also to fellow humans who benefit him or her in one way or another. As one Yoruba chorus has it: The living will give you praise. I am thankful that I am one of them. Only the living can praise you.

The idea that only the living can give thanks seems to exclude the dead. Yet, the living can also be thankful on behalf of the dead because death is not the worst thing that could happen to a human being. Otherwise, “ikuyajesin” (death is preferable to ridicule) would be a meaningless jargon. While the loss of a loved one is heartbreaking, there is always room for gratitude.

The practice of thankfulness elicits a positive response from benefactors, giving them good reasons to do more. On the other hand, an unthankful recipient of a benefit is compared to an armed robber. Therefore no matter our situation, we have good reasons to be thankful to those who benefit us, and to the creator for the unmerited grace of being human.

I am thankful for my loving wife, children and grandchildren, extended family, loyal friends, teachers, mentors, moral leaders, royal fathers and elders who still believe in me. And yes, I am thankful for those honest political leaders who selflessly and thoughtfully guide the destiny of the nation.

Happy Thanksgiving!

November 27, 2015
A virtuous woman goes home

The Book of Proverbs is especially important for the wealth of knowledge and universal principles of life that it contains. Many, if not all, of the proverbs present readers with core knowledge about life and what it takes to survive and succeed. With the majority of the proverbs written by the king whose only request from God was the wisdom to deal with the subjects he was tasked to govern, it is not a surprise that the proverbs are veritable sources of divine wisdom.

As I thought about the most appropriate tribute to the Yeyeoba of Ife, Chief (Mrs.) H. I. D. Awolowo, the sage’s “jewel of inestimable value”, it occurred to me to turn to the good old source of eternal wisdom. One cannot do better than revisit the sagacious reasoning of the author of the Book of Proverbs.

The writer of Proverbs 31: 10-31 starts the passage with an intriguing question that borders on skepticism: who can find a virtuous woman? There is a suggestion in the manner of the statement that it is going to be a difficult venture. He also provides a reason for the apparent doubt: her price is far above rubies. In other words, assume that one is able to find one; it would take a fortune to have her and keep her.

The reasoning has a connotation of the economic law of supply and demand. The writer has an understanding of human nature that makes virtue a very rare commodity among men and women. Human nature is generally based and depraved. Recall that God, the omniscient being, once regretted the making of human beings; hence His decision to clean the slate with the deluge. Philosopher Hobbes, from a secular perspective, understood human nature as egoistic, acquisitive and covetous.

Virtue is rare; but it is in great demand. Even the most depraved human being would like to have a virtuous associate, not for the best of intentions to be sure, but in a logical pursuit of his or her base motive to exploit the innocent. Many a woman or man has fallen into such hands.

The law of supply and demand makes sure that the virtuous woman, in short supply, must be very expensive to have and keep. This is the meaning of the passage in question. But how is it so? What makes a virtuous woman? What are her character make-up, qualities and credentials?

First, we are told that the heart of her husband does safely trust in her so that he shall have no need of spoil. The testimony here is to the moral rectitude, excellent understanding and ability to serve as a confidant and companion for her husband. In essence, she is the best counsellor to her husband. This is where we can make sense of Chief Awolowo’s description of H.I.D. as “my jewel of inestimable value.” The metaphor is as telling as the ruby analogy in the Proverbs.

This was the woman who chose to stay behind when her husband had to travel abroad to pursue higher education. She did so because she wanted to take care of her children. She took good care of the home front so that her husband had the peace of mind to pursue his goal. In the tumultuous days of political persecution, she was her husband’s lieutenant through thick and thin. Even a Mr. Lynn could not intimidate her!

Of course, she was able to stand her ground because she had no skeleton to hide. She was the ideal of decorum. As she remarked in her memoir, “a wife of the Chief Executive must be level-headed and must understand the feelings of people around and outside her. She can be of good help to her husband if she opens her eyes and ears to what people are saying or doing, especially when her husband is not there. She has to be a good detective and be brilliantly-imaginative. She must be able to warn her husband of impending dangers.” It wasn’t a surprise that her husband found her a dependable and indispensable ally.

Second, the writer of Proverbs tells us that the virtuous woman works willingly with her hands; and like the merchant’s ship, she brings her food from afar. Mama Awolowo recalls how her husband insisted that she must not work after they were married. The sage wanted his wife to enjoy her life and just take care of their children, a most noble and selfless interest in the welfare of the family. But after her husband left for the United Kingdom, she launched her business career.

The decision to engage herself in some business to support the family paid off tremendously as it also helped her husband. But more importantly, when he returned home and got into active politics, Mama demonstrated in action the kind of support a political spouse ought to give to her husband (or wife). Many have ruined the political ambition of their spouses by the kind of ostentatious life that they live while preying on the public wealth.

Even after her husband had returned from England and suggested that she didn’t have to work because he would make good money as a lawyer, she had her business at Gbagi, Ibadan, selling textile materials. Her husband was the Minister of Local Government and Leader of the Regional Government. That was a great lesson in self-discipline. As the author of our passage remarks, “with the fruit of her hands”, the virtuous woman “plants a vineyard.”

Thirdly, the virtuous woman stretches her hands to the poor and the needy. We are told that she rises early, a tribute to hard work and industry. But she also cares for others as she does for her children and husband. Beside the non-public philanthropic activities of the sage and his jewel, which must have been many in a society that is so blessed but so poor, they also initiated the idea of Dideolu Specialist Hospital, an idea which has finally come to fruition. It is a befitting tribute to the caring disposition of the virtuous woman.

Fourthly, with peace at home, the husband of the virtuous woman shines in the city “when he sits among the elders of the land.” This is literally true of the peace that H.I.D. created for Awo in the house. He was able to shine not just in the city but in the country, on the continent and in the world. Among his peers, he was unrivalled. Sure, he had the intellectual endowment and the discipline, but as the elders suggest, if the household was chaotic, the city would just appear like a jungle.

Fifthly, the virtuous woman is clothed with “strength and honour”, wisdom is “housed in her mouth”, and the law of kindness “resides in her tongue.” Receiving many honours and awards, including the traditional titles of Mojibade of Ikenne, Iyalode of Remoland, and Yeyeoba of Ife, as well as the academic award of Doctor of Civil Laws, Honoris Causa (Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife) is evidence of the wisdom and strength of character that a virtuous woman is endowed with. It is no less significant that she combined all with uncommon humility and fear of God.

Finally, her children call her blessed. The virtuous woman brings up her children in the fear of God; she guides them in the path of modesty and moderation; she provides for their needs and counsels them against ostentation. She teaches them the virtue of hard work and self-discipline. Therefore they grow up toeing the path of rectitude and they never depart from it because on that path, they succeed and excel. They know how they get there and the mother who led them there is recognised and acknowledged with grateful hearts. They call her blessed.

In celebrating the life of Mama H. I. D. we must rededicate ourselves to the lessons that her life taught us: trustworthiness, dependability, industry, kindness, honour and integrity, and above all, the fear of the Almighty God to whom we will all return. As she returns home on the centenary of her coming, her good work follows her.

November 20, 2015
A virtuous woman goes home

The Book of Proverbs is especially important for the wealth of knowledge and universal principles of life that it contains. Many, if not all, of the proverbs present readers with core knowledge about life and what it takes to survive and succeed. With the majority of the proverbs written by the king whose only request from God was the wisdom to deal with the subjects he was tasked to govern, it is not a surprise that the proverbs are veritable sources of divine wisdom.

As I thought about the most appropriate tribute to the Yeyeoba of Ife, Chief (Mrs.) H. I. D. Awolowo, the sage’s “jewel of inestimable value”, it occurred to me to turn to the good old source of eternal wisdom. One cannot do better than revisit the sagacious reasoning of the author of the Book of Proverbs.

The writer of Proverbs 31: 10-31 starts the passage with an intriguing question that borders on skepticism: who can find a virtuous woman? There is a suggestion in the manner of the statement that it is going to be a difficult venture. He also provides a reason for the apparent doubt: her price is far above rubies. In other words, assume that one is able to find one; it would take a fortune to have her and keep her.

The reasoning has a connotation of the economic law of supply and demand. The writer has an understanding of human nature that makes virtue a very rare commodity among men and women. Human nature is generally based and depraved. Recall that God, the omniscient being, once regretted the making of human beings; hence His decision to clean the slate with the deluge. Philosopher Hobbes, from a secular perspective, understood human nature as egoistic, acquisitive and covetous.

Virtue is rare; but it is in great demand. Even the most depraved human being would like to have a virtuous associate, not for the best of intentions to be sure, but in a logical pursuit of his or her base motive to exploit the innocent. Many a woman or man has fallen into such hands.

The law of supply and demand makes sure that the virtuous woman, in short supply, must be very expensive to have and keep. This is the meaning of the passage in question. But how is it so? What makes a virtuous woman? What are her character make-up, qualities and credentials?

First, we are told that the heart of her husband does safely trust in her so that he shall have no need of spoil. The testimony here is to the moral rectitude, excellent understanding and ability to serve as a confidant and companion for her husband. In essence, she is the best counsellor to her husband. This is where we can make sense of Chief Awolowo’s description of H.I.D. as “my jewel of inestimable value.” The metaphor is as telling as the ruby analogy in the Proverbs.

This was the woman who chose to stay behind when her husband had to travel abroad to pursue higher education. She did so because she wanted to take care of her children. She took good care of the home front so that her husband had the peace of mind to pursue his goal. In the tumultuous days of political persecution, she was her husband’s lieutenant through thick and thin. Even a Mr. Lynn could not intimidate her!

Of course, she was able to stand her ground because she had no skeleton to hide. She was the ideal of decorum. As she remarked in her memoir, “a wife of the Chief Executive must be level-headed and must understand the feelings of people around and outside her. She can be of good help to her husband if she opens her eyes and ears to what people are saying or doing, especially when her husband is not there. She has to be a good detective and be brilliantly-imaginative. She must be able to warn her husband of impending dangers.” It wasn’t a surprise that her husband found her a dependable and indispensable ally.

Second, the writer of Proverbs tells us that the virtuous woman works willingly with her hands; and like the merchant’s ship, she brings her food from afar. Mama Awolowo recalls how her husband insisted that she must not work after they were married. The sage wanted his wife to enjoy her life and just take care of their children, a most noble and selfless interest in the welfare of the family. But after her husband left for the United Kingdom, she launched her business career.

The decision to engage herself in some business to support the family paid off tremendously as it also helped her husband. But more importantly, when he returned home and got into active politics, Mama demonstrated in action the kind of support a political spouse ought to give to her husband (or wife). Many have ruined the political ambition of their spouses by the kind of ostentatious life that they live while preying on the public wealth.

Even after her husband had returned from England and suggested that she didn’t have to work because he would make good money as a lawyer, she had her business at Gbagi, Ibadan, selling textile materials. Her husband was the Minister of Local Government and Leader of the Regional Government. That was a great lesson in self-discipline. As the author of our passage remarks, “with the fruit of her hands”, the virtuous woman “plants a vineyard.”

Thirdly, the virtuous woman stretches her hands to the poor and the needy. We are told that she rises early, a tribute to hard work and industry. But she also cares for others as she does for her children and husband. Beside the non-public philanthropic activities of the sage and his jewel, which must have been many in a society that is so blessed but so poor, they also initiated the idea of Dideolu Specialist Hospital, an idea which has finally come to fruition. It is a befitting tribute to the caring disposition of the virtuous woman.

Fourthly, with peace at home, the husband of the virtuous woman shines in the city “when he sits among the elders of the land.” This is literally true of the peace that H.I.D. created for Awo in the house. He was able to shine not just in the city but in the country, on the continent and in the world. Among his peers, he was unrivalled. Sure, he had the intellectual endowment and the discipline, but as the elders suggest, if the household was chaotic, the city would just appear like a jungle.

Fifthly, the virtuous woman is clothed with “strength and honour”, wisdom is “housed in her mouth”, and the law of kindness “resides in her tongue.” Receiving many honours and awards, including the traditional titles of Mojibade of Ikenne, Iyalode of Remoland, and Yeyeoba of Ife, as well as the academic award of Doctor of Civil Laws, Honoris Causa (Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife) is evidence of the wisdom and strength of character that a virtuous woman is endowed with. It is no less significant that she combined all with uncommon humility and fear of God.

Finally, her children call her blessed. The virtuous woman brings up her children in the fear of God; she guides them in the path of modesty and moderation; she provides for their needs and counsels them against ostentation. She teaches them the virtue of hard work and self-discipline. Therefore they grow up toeing the path of rectitude and they never depart from it because on that path, they succeed and excel. They know how they get there and the mother who led them there is recognised and acknowledged with grateful hearts. They call her blessed.

In celebrating the life of Mama H. I. D. we must rededicate ourselves to the lessons that her life taught us: trustworthiness, dependability, industry, kindness, honour and integrity, and above all, the fear of the Almighty God to whom we will all return. As she returns home on the centenary of her coming, her good work follows her.

November 20, 2015
Ministers and challenge of change

The change campaign slogan of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Muhammadu Buhari, its presidential candidate in the 2015 general election, resonated with a substantial majority of Nigerians culminating in the historical defeat of an incumbent for the first time in Nigerian history. Nigerians assumed, rightly to my mind, that they were voting not just for a change of personnel but, more importantly, for a change of direction.

The presupposition of the change mantra and its acceptance by the electorate was that the status quo was no longer tenable or acceptable. With youth unemployment up in the stratosphere and generalised poverty and its attendant miserable existence ravaging the nation while a few amass stupendous wealth, many Nigerians felt neglected and unappreciated by their government. Informed citizens voted for change and they succeeded; they got their favoured president.

Success soon led to a new reality. Normally a successful change means better realities for the nation and its downcast and demoralised citizens. The party of change is therefore expected to bring successful change. And because they had waited for so long to see a substantial and positive change in the conditions of their existence, the people cannot be expected to be patient. Their patience has worn thin and they cannot understand why their desired change wasn’t coming within a month of the inauguration of the new administration.

But the reality has been different. There have been real challenges in six months. An opposition party campaigning on the promise of change can be forgiven for not knowing what it was getting into, the extent of the damage done, and the substance of the needed repair. It was in the interest of the party in power to hide the depth of the trouble, especially in the economy. But who wants to hear excuses or complaints? All the electorate needed was change and the miracle man they elected must deliver.

In fairness to both the electorate and the new administration, each has a point. First, the economic reality that the new administration met on the ground was a mess. The slump in the oil market in our mono economy has made it impossible for the states to pay the salaries of their workers, a substantial number of who don’t really contribute productively to the economy but have been kept in the system for political reasons. States have to be bailed out by the Federal Government while the original challenge of states managing to live within their means remains unresolved.

At some point, however, and sooner than later if the country is not only to survive but to prosper, the important issue of managing the economy of states must have to be an issue for the government and party of change. Where a state receives close to 70 per cent of its resources from federal allocation and it spends close to 80 per cent of its resources on workers’ salary, it is clear that there can be no capital development in such a state. For how long can this continue?

Second, judging from the revelations from just a few cases that the EFCC has been battling, it is clear that corruption has eaten deep into the national flesh and it is about to crack the bones. This is an area where Nigerians have been unanimous in their rage against the system. They want the new administration to fight corruption. Indeed, they see the new president as Mr. Integrity and that was why they gave him their support. It appears that the president got that message loud and clear. Time, of course, will tell.

Third, there are cultural realities that are not the making of the new administration. Indeed, these have been with the nation since the dawn of its birth. There are cultural cleavages, including religious bigotry, ethnic chauvinism and blatant sexism. These fissures in the anatomy of the nation could be extremely painful and tragic with different groups talking past each other and making national consensus on important matters difficult to resolve.

Thus while many saw presidential candidate Buhari as a Nigerian nationalist who can bring sanity to a broken system, others saw him as a sectional irredentist. And as he emerged as the elected president, that division still endures. In the circumstance, it will take the Wisdom of Solomon to bridge these divisions and move the nation forward in one accord. Mr. President has his work cut out for him.

Beside the pre-existing realities, however, the new administration and the coalition that brought it to power have had to deal with a new reality which is no less challenging. APC was marketed as the party of change. But since its assumption of responsibility for the running of the nation, it has struggled with its own inner demons, to the delight of its main rival, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). It appears that the party of change has not been well prepared for the discipline that it takes to govern with a mission of change.

The indiscipline that has been exhibited at the National Assembly is unimaginable but understandable. APC is a coalition of forces that massed against the PDP. While the emergence of the party as a formidable opposition was hailed by many Nigerians as a redeeming grace, it now appears that some within the coalition only wanted a change of administration so they could have a shot at positions they had coveted for long. Surely, no one should be condemned for having an ambition; but it is unforgivable to allow ambition to scuttle the substantive change that the electorate had clamoured for.

The NASS dysfunction has gone on for too long already and it is time that the President used his bully pulpit to call the perpetrators out. For, while we have separation of powers, it is not a far-fetched supposition that if it is not arrested early, the charade going on with the National Assembly will consume the other arms of government including the executive, and scuttle the change agenda.

This of course naturally takes us to the newly appointed ministers as change agents. Believing the president that he has chosen his ministers solely on merit, they are the talented 36 out of 150million Nigerians. They must be proud of themselves. Even if they are the loyalists of Mr. President, and not necessarily the best, there is still good reason for self-jubilation and pride. The President was elected by a clear majority. That he has confidence in the 36 men and women is a big deal.

They are, in Mr. President’s testimonial, round pegs in round holes. I understand this to mean that each of the honourable ministers has the requisite knowledge, the skill-set, and the temperament for the specific task to which he or she has been assigned. Therefore, I expect that the real change that our people desired with their vote would not elude them after all. Each of our honourable ministers must therefore contribute as a team player to the commonwealth such that they put naysayers to shame.

Investing in human talents through the transformation of the educational system will produce educated citizens with consciousness for their health, and great potentials for wealth creation in a diversified economy, thus increasing national productivity, boosting infrastructural development including roads, rails and waterways, and ultimately benefitting the nation and its proud citizens. This is the tie that binds all the government ministries and departments. None is missing here. Therefore if all the ministers work together, the benefits are substantial for the nation. The world is watching. We wish them Godspeed.

November 13, 2015
Zones of disaffection (2)

Last week I made a general philosophical point regarding the resolution of culture conflicts in a federal democracy. I concluded that any such conflicts must be resolved in favour of the host community. Today I focus on two specific cases of culture conflicts in recent times. Fortunately for me, between the time that I submitted my piece last week and now, in one of the cases that I had in mind, there has been an intervention that supports my position. In the second case, the victim has made a suggestion that reflects maturity and experience.

I start with the first case. Igbo traders have found peaceful abode in Yorubaland for decades. They are found in the remotest parts of the region. In my own family house, an Igbo family found a warm welcome, settled down and gave its children Yoruba names. The husband chose Bamidele for himself and learned to speak fluent Yoruba. Unfortunately, the man passed on; but the wife remained there for a long time with the support of the entire community. That is the way of Omoluabi, comparable to the Yoruba traditional practice of adopting their new abode and showing respect for their host culture.

Times appear to have changed and to the dismay of many Yoruba, including the Afenifere Renewal Group, there is a new phenomenon but avoidable cultural crisis brewing with Igbo traders in the Southwest installing themselves as Eze Ndigbo in various Yoruba towns and states.

Since the first reporting of the Akure incident and the Deji’s pronouncement of the matter of Eze Ndigbo in that ancient city, I have learnt something new about the particular matter and about human nature generally.

First, I had thought that the incident was an unnecessary provocation by the Igbo traders of that ancient Yoruba city. I later discovered that it is a zonal crisis across Yorubaland.

Second, I had sworn that the Yoruba in other cities and states would not engage in such blatant disregard for host cultures. To my utter dismay, I have since learnt that it is a national malaise. I have been told that Yoruba traders and residents of Kano have an Oba Yoruba. So do the Yoruba residents of Abuja. I remember also that in the dark days of Abacha, there was a powerful Seriki Shasha, a Hausa-Fulani monarch in the heart of Ibadan city.

The new craze only confirms our knowledge of human nature, including the search for glory and the lust for greed. It is unclear who crowns the Oba Yoruba of Abuja or Kano, just as it is unclear who is responsible for the installation of Eze Ndigbo of Akure or Oyo State.

Numerous Igbo achievers have received traditional titles in Yorubaland for many years. Such titles are in recognition of their contributions to the nation. Many Yoruba have also received titles in Igboland and in the land of Arewa. This is not the issue.

Why the recent craze for Eze Ndigbo in Yoruba towns and states or for Oba Yoruba in Kano? If it is to protect the interests of Igbo or Yoruba traders respectively, that can be done simply by having an Igbo or Yoruba or Hausa traders association with an elected or appointed leader in the various states or cities. If it is to have a seat at the political table in their various states of residence, it is a legitimate aspiration that can be achieved simply by becoming a caucus within a political party. They do not need a traditional title to achieve such a goal.

The Eze Ndigbo title in Yorubaland is an unnecessary irritant in a tradition-conscious culture like Yorubaland and a distraction from what could be a very fruitful relationship between Igbo and Yoruba cultures. The Akure incident is an example of what could be an ugly pattern.

Yoruba traditional rulers are rulers of their domains, not of an entire state. Therefore there can be no Eze Ndigbo over a whole state. Is the Eze Ndigbo of Oyo State a recognised traditional ruler in the state alongside Iku Baba Yeye? Will the Eze Ndigbo then be a member of the Oyo State House of Chiefs?

If the Eze Ndigbo title is conferred on a person by an individual or group other than the traditional ruler of a Yoruba town and it is meant for a particular Yoruba town or state, it is a challenge to the authority of the traditional ruler(s) of that town or state. Anyone that bears a traditional title in a Yoruba town is subject to the authority of the traditional ruler that confers it.

By the same token, if an indigene of a Yoruba town is conferred with a traditional title by a traditional ruler of another town, he or she still bears allegiance to his or her traditional ruler. Bringing to town a title from another domain does not confer any superior or even ranking authority over an indigene of a Yoruba town. It must be ditto with an Igbo title.

Fortunately, the controversy generated by the Akure incident has been doused by the intervention of Ohanaeze Ndigbo with its support for the Deji of Akure’s banning of the Eze Ndigbo title. This demonstrates the depth of the organisation’s cultural understanding and its commendable willingness to build bridges across cultural divide.

Yoruba organisations and traditional rulers must also stand against the bastardisation of the institution of Yoruba Obaship by Yoruba residents of other states and cities who self-install as Oba Yoruba whether in Kano, Kaduna, or Onitsha. Emirs must condemn the corruption of their culture by self-proclaimed Seriki Shasha and his ilk in Yorubaland. Let there be adequate respect for our sacred traditions.

My second case is the abduction of Chief Olu Falae, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation and a former presidential candidate of AD/APP in the 1999 presidential election. He is a respected Yoruba leader. His abduction from his farm and his being forced to walk miles was not only demeaning to him; it was capable of creating avoidable inter-zonal crisis.

We have just gone through a presidential election that many in high places tried desperately to portray as a zonal competition in which the North was supposed to be pitched against the South. As a prominent member of a political tendency, if something tragic had happened, a serious crisis would be difficult to avert.

The issue of cattle rearing has come up in the ensuing discussion because Chief Falae’s alleged abductors are Fulani herdsmen and he had had problems with them or their likes shortly before his abduction. Could it be that they came back to avenge the court judgment against them? Kidnapping is a crime, and kidnapping for ransom is criminal exploitation, which deserves heavy punishment. The issue is, however, more than kidnapping.

The kidnappers are herders and there have been serious clashes between herdsmen and local farmers especially in all states of the Southwest. When herdsmen deliberately steer their cattle through farmlands and those cattle destroy crops, do they expect the farmers who invested in and laboured restlessly on the farms to be quiet? But when farmers like Chief Falae go to court for compensation, they become targets for kidnapping. We cannot go on as if the rule of law is a sham.

Fortunately, the victim, Chief Falae, has come up with a suggestion that conforms to what happens in civilised communities. Rearing cattle through towns, villages and city streets is barbaric and unbecoming of a modern republic. The government of change must find it appalling and unworthy of protection.

Herdsmen need grazing land for their cattle. The business of cattle rearing is their livelihood. They also benefit the nation with a regular supply of protein needed for a balanced diet. The federal and state governments provide the infrastructure needed by all professions without which they cannot make contributions, including tax payments, to the society.

It is time to make provision for herdsmen in the form of well-maintained grazing ranches, on payment per use basis, in various states of the federation. As the need is inter-state, the Federal Government must take the lead.

November 6, 2015
Zones of disaffection (1)

The new progressive government at the centre has reason to worry about souring ethnic relations. Indeed, since the beginning of the British experiment that assembled disparate entities and tossed them into what was meant to be a melting pot of cultures, embers of sectional fires have never been completely extinguished. While the founding fathers tried to manage the crises with varying degrees of success, managing was all they were able to do.

The politics of the centre has been the most potent force in the crisis of ethnic nationalities since before independence. It was the fear of domination by the southern nationalities that informed the northern resistance against early national independence. And our embarrassing inability to have an accurate national census since 1960 is traceable to the fear on the part of every nationality of being disadvantaged in the distribution of amenities and positions.

The politics of ethnic nationality is the reason for the dearth of national leaders. For no matter how charismatic and effective a leader is, once sectional lens are focused on him or her, the charm disappears. Charisma to one section is repulsion to others. In the twinkling of an eye, leaders follow their followers back to sectional shells. Water finds its level and a nation in the making falls back to the worship of old idols.

In the name of unity, we have indulged in national self-deception for far too long. When will we realise that we are not moving forward in the journey of nationhood?

That journey began more than 55 years ago if we include the common national struggle for independence. Ironically, it was that struggle that exposed the fault lines in the structure of the future nation. The original and erroneous conception of the emerging nation as a tripod elided its multiple component parts with little or no provision for the minority nations. On their part, Hausa-Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba nationalities saw themselves as rivals for the central throne.

Among the majority nationalities, the Yoruba stood out for the principles they espoused. From the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) to the Constitutional Conferences, the position of the Yoruba leadership was unambiguous. The 1953 Action Group motion for independence, just two years after its inauguration as a political party, was the hallmark of its advocacy of freedom for all, life more abundant. But it was also the major source of its troubles.

Losing the federal elections in 1959 did not appear to slow down the Action Group. Carrying its convictions to the centre, it pressed for progressive policies and challenged policies at variance with its avowed ideals of good governance. The Yoruba loved their leaders and their place in the country even when they did not control the centre. Then there was crisis of leadership and things fell apart. The centre finally succeeded in slowing down the west and decimating its leadership. But it was the entire country that collapsed under the weight of the conspiracy.

Still mindful of its place in history, Yoruba leadership tried its best to avert the war. Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi demonstrated the Yoruba ethics of Omoluabi when he chose to be killed along with his host so nobody could insinuate that the Yoruba had a hand in the conspiracy. During the war, the Yoruba preserved old friendships as best as they could under the circumstance, faithfully discharging the moral obligation to protect Igbo property. None of these gestures mattered to hate mongers and empire builders. It was as if the Yoruba were the chief culprits.

Between 1978 and 1983, the campaign strategy of the National Party of Nigeria was to impugn the integrity of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. They demonised him, branding him as Igbo and Fulani hater. Of course, his Yoruba adversaries, in the minority in Yorubaland, supplied the gasoline that fueled the fire of hatred.

The annulment of the 1993 presidential election was the final straw in ethnic nationality relations. While the Yoruba saw it as a deliberate effort to frustrate them from leadership of the Federal Government, other groups cheered on the military government. Relationship grew worse during the terror years of General Abacha such that even those Yoruba who were opposed to the progressive ideology of Chief Awolowo came round to condemn the high-handedness of the military hierarchy and their sponsors.

The government of General Obasanjo was an equal opportunity dictatorship in democratic garb and credible Yoruba leadership did not see it as their own. Indeed, many mainstream Yoruba organisations distanced themselves from the government. Recall Obasanjo’s mockery of the rule of law in his treatment of Lagos State’s local government funds.

I have travelled this historical route to make an observation regarding where we are now. In the last few weeks, two tendencies in Yorubaland have raised issues bordering on relationship with other nationalities in Yorubaland. Typically, the Yoruba do not have problems wherever they live in other parts of the country. As strong believers in the relativity of cultures, they would rather be Romans when they dwell in Rome. They do not go anywhere to upset the proverbial applecart. Unfortunately, others are not as respectful of host communities and their traditions.

Before I discuss the specific cases, however, it is important to make a general philosophical observation with a question. In the unavoidable case of culture conflict in a federally-structured democracy, how is it to be resolved?

I assume that in such a structured democracy, there are clearly defined constitutional mandates that provide for certain conduct. Thus, killing an innocent citizen is a crime and there is punishment upon conviction. No matter where one resides, this is upheld as the law of the land.

By the same token, however, there are customs and traditions and each constituent group or culture has its peculiar idiosyncrasies which it guards jealously. In a well-constituted federal republic, there would be provision for according due respect to such customs and traditions, provided that they do not contravene the provisions of the laws of the greater republic. A traditional customary law cannot conflict with the law against killing an innocent person.

A true federal system makes adequate provision for cultural autonomy in a democracy simply because, as the sum total of the beliefs and values of a people that make them who they are, they would certainly want to protect and promote their culture even when they become a part of a political state. As elements of a culture, language, religion, beliefs, arts and values are, therefore, expected to be under the auspices of the people. To the extent that this is not the case, the struggle of cultural autonomy is warranted and legitimate.

In our corner of the world, the struggle was intense in the years leading to national flag independence. It was the struggle between unitarism and federalism. Since federalism won in the end, customs and traditions came under the auspices of regional and later, state governments. That was why each region had a House of Chiefs and on the executive side, a Minister of Culture and Tourism. The House of Chiefs was the custodian of tradition and culture, including the preservation and promotion of the institution of monarchy. The traditional ruler in Yorubaland is “alase ekeji orisa” (authority second only to the gods).

For the foregoing reason, and due to the fact that there are traditional rules and guidelines for the various cultural mandates in Yorubaland, only those with the authority of tradition are allowed to carry them out. In common Yoruba parlance, we must perform the task as specified so that the outcome is as desired. Where there is a conflict between the specification and the performance, there is bound to be avoidable chaos. When it affects tradition, the chaos could be spiritual and catastrophic.

Indigenes with a good understanding of tradition are, therefore, eager to protect their communities from any untoward outcomes of missteps. It is also their moral obligation to warn sojourners and visitors in their midst against flouting tradition and customs. More importantly, no matter how it appears to visitors, a people’s culture is their essence. Therefore, any conflict of culture must be resolved in favour of the host community.

(To be continued)

October 30, 2015
Party supremacy and personal integrity

Liberal democracy, our system of politics, combines two of the ideals of the modern world. The first is the freedom of the individual to determine the kind of life that he or she wants to live without societal, religious, or traditional encumbrance. The second is democracy.

The foremost apostle of individual freedom was John Stuart Mill. Its primary creed is encased between the covers of On Liberty:

“The sole end for which mankind are warranted individually or collectively in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection…. the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his (or her) will, is to prevent harm to others. His (her) own good, either physical or mental, is not a sufficient warrant.”

Our national fight against Boko Haram is predicated on this powerful doctrine, whether we acknowledge it or not. That evil sect is bent on causing harm to others. And it is doing so on account of its warped logic of saving people from themselves, based on its understanding of religious obligation. For Mill, that is an unjustifiable infraction of individual freedom. Therefore, society has a good reason to intervene on behalf of innocent victims.

Democracy is the second ideal in the liberal-democracy juxtaposition. Democracy is essential to the extent that a thoroughgoing pursuit of the ideal of freedom might lead to the unintended consequence of anarchism. Indeed, as Robert Paul Wolf has argued, anarchism would be the only justifiable social state compatible with absolute freedom. However, anarchism is counter-productive in view of our knowledge of human nature. Therefore, there is need for a second best, a political state in which individual freedom is reconciled with political obligation to a political community based on the voluntary renunciation of absolute freedom by the individual.

The prudential and moral justification of the renunciation of unenforceable absolute freedom in favour of guaranteed limited freedom is a no-brainer. It is better to accept such a limitation as long as others are also committed to it. Where absolute freedom is the deal and it cannot be guaranteed for anyone, no one is really free.

Assume then that limited freedom is acceptable to all; the next question is how do we organise society to effectively realise the beneficial outcome? We could go with monarchy, or military dictatorship, or feudal authority. None of these structures has the potential to maximise individual freedom because each is an instrument in the hands of one or a few.

Democracy is the only political structure that is inclusive of all. It guarantees that every individual of mature age has a say in how he or she is governed and in the amount of limitation that is placed on individual freedom. While liberalism is a social ideal that favours individual freedom, democracy is the structure that ensures the effective protection of this ideal to the extent that it is possible in a political setting. In the enduring sentiment of one of its foremost modern architects, democracy is the government of the people, by the people and for the people.

That Lincolnian definition is, however, only half true. For we know that in a modern democracy, not everyone participates in government. What was possible in ancient Athens is not possible in 21st century Nigeria. Therefore we have to improvise with Representative Democracy, so that we approximate the ideal of government of the people by the people and for the people.

An essential institution in this improvisation is the political party. Whereas in a city state there is no need for a bridge between the people and the state, in a modern behemoth that approaches the stature of a Leviathan, a go-between is essential. This is the role that a political party assumes in a modern liberal democracy such as we practise.

It is not a coincidence that our constitution recognises this important, indeed, indispensable role of the political party in our political system and prescribes that the party constitution and ideals must be in conformity with the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of the State. In other words, the political party is the institution that the constitution recognises as the agency to monitor and ensure the effective implementation of those principles and policies through its control over the executive and the legislature.

What the foregoing means is that if the political party performs its oversight functions effectively, the legislature and the executive would move the nation forward in the matter of implementing the constitutionally mandated fundamental objectives and directive principles of state. The corollary is simply that if it fails in these oversight functions, the nation may fail to move forward on those principles and objectives, especially where the executive and the legislature pursue disparate agenda.

It is for the foregoing reason that one of the most constitution-conscious and politically savvy national leaders of all time insisted on the doctrine of party supremacy. In an address to the Oyo State Conference of the Unity Party of Nigeria in 1980, Chief Obafemi Awolowo made the following remarks:

“…our Constitution clearly makes a Registered Political Party the cornerstone of the activities of all the members of that Party, including those of them in the Legislature and the Executive, as well as those of them operating outside these two organs of Government….Any elected member or group of elected members of a Political Party who refuse to toe the Party line—that is, choose to break their link with the Party source—must, of necessity, either quickly affiliate with another Political Party for a link with another Party source, or be doomed to political dehydration or anaemia. In other words, by express provisions as well as necessary implications in the Constitution, the Registered Political Party is supreme and absolutely decisive in the conduct of our public affairs.”

As an outstanding achiever in the realm of constitutionalism, Chief Awolowo approached the matter from that perspective. As a moral leader of no mean repute, he could also have approached it from the perspective of ethics and morality.

There is a moral tie that binds a member of the executive or legislature to the source of his or her election into the legislature or the executive branch. That tie demands an obligation of fidelity to the ideals, programmes and policies of the sponsoring party. In particular, because the party is the link between the electorate and the government, it is morally imperative for the individuals so elected to avoid anything that might break that link or sour the relationship between the party and the electorate. In the recent past, we have seen how the break in such a link adversely impacted the fortunes of the party in subsequent elections.

Where does the foregoing observation on the supremacy of the party leave the integrity of the individual? Can personal integrity be reconciled with party supremacy?

The answer to this fundamental question is fairly simple. Since no one is forced to join a particular party, the choice to associate with a political party is voluntary. Being a voluntary decision, one expects that it is taken with due consideration for the ideals that the particular political party endorses and the programmes it plans to implement. To the extent that this is the case, then it is reasonable to assume that an individual makes the decision to join such a party because there is correspondence between his or her ideals and those of the party in question.

If personal and party ideals coincide, then the individual’s integrity is intact. On the other hand, if the implementation of the ideals subscribed to by the individual and the party poses a threat to the perceived interest of an individual, it is the personal interest of the individual that is at stake, not the individual’s integrity. Since this conflict of interest is always a possibility, personal integrity recommends personal sacrifice in the larger interest of the party ideal. This is where our democratic journey must lead us. Obviously, we are still far away from that desirable destination.

October 23, 2015