Category: Korede Yishau

  • If conscience can talk

    The legendary Fulani leader, Uthman Dan Fodio, described conscience as an open wound which only the truth can heal.

    Conscience is so powerful that it can never leave and can never be exorcised. No amount of prayers or palliatives can kill one’s conscience.

    If anyone succeeds to silence conscience, it is only always for a while, and takes a lot of work. And it always comes back, perhaps stronger.

    The only thing that conscience is unable to do, which I would have loved to see, is to talk, to tell the story of its host.

    Last weekend, I passed through Osogbo, the Osun State capital, on my way to Ada, the only town in the state of the living spring with a standard golf course.

    As we got to Osogbo, we saw a guy running. Initially, he was running with a slow pace but on looking back and discovering that he was being pursued by a man in mufti, he increased his speed. It turned out that the man pursuing him was a policeman who suspected him to be a ‘yahooyahoo’ boy. His accomplice was arrested before he escaped.

    As we watched the drama, fellow passengers began to make comments. Even the driver made a call and he was alerting the person on the other end to the fact that policemen were after ‘yahooyahoo’ boys.

    The passenger sitting by the driver made a laughable justification of the ‘yahooyahoo’ craze.

    According to him, the police should leave the boys alone because all they were doing was to take back what the oyinbos took from our forebears.

    The oyinbos, he said, cheated cocoa farmers by using ‘wrong’ scales to pay them for cocoa pods. He added that in some cases they even exchanged cocoa pods for cutlasses.

    So, in his view, the yahoo boys are simply repatriating what should have accrued to their forebears. Almost everybody in the bus agreed with him.

    His comment reminded me of an encounter my brother once recounted to me.  A mother took his son to church for prayers. For days, according to the mother, the boy had been having nightmare.

    Someone was after his life. Like a true mother, she wanted him fortified with prayers. At a point, the pastor asked what his profession was; the boy kept mute.

    After some hesitation, the mother spoke: “The job our children do these days.” The pastor first assumed she was talking about music, but he later realised that the woman was talking about ‘yahooyahoo’.

    Who knows one of his victims might have died as a result of the money lost to him? I thought. And the ghost was after his life. Will you blame the ghost?

    The attitude of many of us to advanced fee fraud makes me feel our conscience is dead. Many of the victims are people who lose their life savings because they were scammed with promises of love and marriage and the prospects of buying non-existing goods.

    Our attitude to fraud, especially when the victims are foreigners, makes me wish our conscience will talk.

    What will the conscience of a woman who has two or three children for a man other than her husband say?  What will the conscience of a yahoo boy say? What will the conscience of a killer say? Does the conscience of someone derailing jump on a piece of information to tilt their thoughts towards confessing and turning a new leaf? Does conscience drill into one of those times that a yahoo boy attends church and unearth a statement: The truth shall set you free?

    Read Also: Buhari promises more support for EFCC, others

     

    It will also be interesting to find out the content of the conscience of publishers who owe backlog of salaries and still expect reporters to work miracle. What about policemen who should arrest criminals for the purpose of prosecuting them but do so only to collect bribe?

    It will be interesting to find out the contents of a killer’s conscience. Does it prick him? Some weeks ago, a female politician was killed in Kogi State.

    The late Mrs. Salome Acheju Abuh, a 60-year-old mother of three men and one woman, was killed in her home in Ochadamu, Ofu Local Government Area of Kogi State. Before her death, she was a resident of Abuja.

    At her polling unit on the governorship election day, a suspected political thug was said to have marched to where she was seated, dealt her a heavy slap and kicked the chair from under her.

    Her husband rushed her to the hospital. When she recovered, he asked that they returned to their base. She opted out.

    As the Woman Leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the area, she was said to have been optimistic that her party would upstage Governor Yahaya Bello. She did not like to miss the moment.

    The police announced the arrest of six persons in connection with the crime barely 24 hours after President Muhammadu Buhari directed security agencies to fish out the killers. A first cousin to the deceased, Mrs. Ruth Acheme, said the sponsors of her killers were spreading rumours to cover up.

    Speaking with The Nation in Lokoja, Mrs. Acheme said her cousin’s remains were burnt to near ashes, and that they were only able to retrieve a part of her burnt skull, which they packed in readiness for her internment today.

    She said: “They claim that some of the louts were from Ibaji. The husband (also a retiree from the Presidency) pressured her that they should go to Abuja together on Sunday, but she persisted, saying PDP would win the election and she wanted to be on the ground.

    Even her younger sister called from Ajaka and said: ‘What are you doing there?’ But, she said, ‘If you people are afraid,’ she was not afraid of anything’. She was killed that day and her body burnt.

    “They came inside and packed her belongings and loaded them into their Sienna bus and another smaller car. One of her younger brothers came from Ogwalawo, but he was advised to go to the police station. It was after that we went with the police.

    “The police passed by us to other houses that were burnt; five in all, belonging to PDP members. The member of the House of Representatives came to inspect the crime scene, he met us under the cashew tree where we stood, and together, we went to the house. There was little of the head and chest, they packed the whole thing in a cloth.”

    My final take: I will kill to hear the killers’ conscience talk. If only our conscience has the ability to talk without us having the power to stop it, killers will be afraid, fraudsters will be terrified and criminals generally will be apprehensive and, most likely, tow a different path.

  • A Marxist Reading of Yishau’s ‘In the Name of Our Father’

    A Marxist Reading of Yishau’s ‘In the Name of Our Father’

    By Jamiu Ilufoye

    One of the most popular ideologies in the world is the Marxism ideology. Marxism can be said as the legitimate successor of some of the great thinkers in the 19th century, represented by classical German philosophy, British political-economy and French socialism. Marxist ideology was first coined by Karl Marx, who totally opposed capitalist ideology. The theory of Marxism generally focuses on the conflict between the dominant and repressed classes in any given age. Thus, Marxism analyzes class relations and societal conflict using a materialistic interpretation of historical development and dialectical view of social transformation. In this regard, it could be summed up that Marxism is an antithesis of capitalism.

    The Marxist tradition has had in the past and continues to have, a profound influence on intellectual and social resistance in Nigeria, despite the pessimism of the global left in the ability of ‘grand narratives’ to influence mass social movements. Individual Marxists have made crucial contributions (often at great sacrifice) to the development of resistance. The appeal of Marxism to African literature in particular and world literature, in general, is contained in its origin from the political economy. For Marxists, man is viewed as a social, economic and political being. Since the African novel has essentially evolved out of the writer’s mandate to reflect socio-political and economic experiences, the postulation of Marxism may assist in its interpretation. It is in view of this that contemporary African writers have joined Marxist movements by writing to fight the status quo in society. Many African writers, through their creative piece, have written to criticize the government of the day and the faulty structure of governance in the society. It is against this backdrop that this study, therefore, seeks to examine the Marxist ideology embedded in Olukorede Yishaus’s In the Name of Our Father.

    In the Name of Our Father, Yishau’s debut text, mirrors Nigerian society by showcasing its ugly nakedness: it tells the tragic story of a critically sick nation. As Ibrahim (2019) critically observes, Yishau’s novel In the Name of Our Father, from the Marxist perspective, “describes religious and military rulers as the dominant class in the society…Yishau has used his novel to redeem the society from the money-oriented religious leaders and also to challenge the military rulers who hauntingly enforced their ideologies on the common man.” He argues further that “Yishau’s novel does not just critique the class and capitalist system in the religious warehouse but also revolutes against the superstructure in the Nigerian society.”

    From the Marxist point of view, Olukorede Yishau’s In the Name of Our Father expounds basically the brutality that characterizes military governance and/or authorities in Nigerian society; side by side religious despotism which is arguably its key tool in subjugating the masses. Marxism suggests that colonialism is the mother of religion and it is what colonialist used to penetrate Africans.

    More so, post-colonial African society also borrows from this ideology and deploys religion as a superstructure to demoralize the masses. In the text, In the Name of our Father, Yishau attempts to project the post-colonial Nigerian society that is plummeted into a baronial excruciation by the insensitive rulers. Meanwhile, to properly delineate his motive, he deploys a journalistic approach in the text – carving the portrait of a dyed-in-the-wool journalist, Justus Omoeko who captures the brutality of the military governance.

    In the Name of Our Father is a meta-fiction as it has a supporting story within the principal story. Hence, there appear to be two narratives fused into a singular book: the first is the main story which hovers around the brutality of masses, which could be read through the treatment of Omoeko and other similar characters. The other story expounds religious indoctrination and its affinity with politics in Nigeria. The characterization of pastor Jeremiah (also known as Alani) is an obvious portrayal of this such.

    Having its setting in Nigeria, the novel In the Name of Our Father chastises the hypocrisy of religious leaders who parade themselves as the warden of Christianity. It similarly reveals the affinity between religious and political leaders and how religion is often used as a tool not only to exploit but also to tame the consciousness of the plebs from causing a revolution. Meanwhile, religion is not the only tool used here; military hegemony is also deployed to silence the people from opposing the misrule of the upper class. Hence the journalist, Omoeko’s encounters is not unconnected with the attempt to unfold an array of religious misconducts that plagued the religious temples in Nigeria. This is captured in Omoeko’s fictional story “Angels Live in Heaven.” Hence, Omoeko having realized his imprisonment is connected with his book “Angel Live in Heaven” seeks pity as he describes his predicaments this way:

    Until that day it never occurred to me that there was any link between my time in jail and my novella ‘Angels live in heaven’. It never crossed my mind that my stint in prison had anything to do with the fetish prophet who lied and committed atrocities in the name of the Father…. A young man…revealed to me that it was my refusal to co-operate with them by insisting on publishing that novel ANGELS LIVE IN HEAVEN, that made the Prophet use his contact with General Idoti to implicate me in the coup plot (Yishau 2018: 226-227).

    It is very important to mention that the controlling idea of the text through the exploitative tendency of religious leaders and the Marxist ideology of the relationship between rulers and followers is delineated through the two religious, fictional characters-leaders: Pastor David and Pastor Jeremiah. These characters paraded themselves as sacred beings who have a close relationship with the Supreme Being.

    Olukorede Yishau – in his profession as a media correspondent – pricks the consciousness of his readers on why religion should not be considered an absolute platform of truth. The characterization of these pastors as Yishau interweaves it is an obvious explication of the hypocritical religious realities in contemporary Nigerian society. They are presented in the narrative as ones who see Christianity as a platform to amass the economic value of the county to themselves. Pastor David exploits his followers by giving them a false revelation. Religion is seen as the opium of the people as Marx posits (Marx and Engel 1980: 39). Pastor David is thus seen tricking his followers, thus:

    Your mother-in-law is behind the low turnover you’re experiencing in your business. What you need to do to change the face of things is beyond you. There is the need to go into the forest to remove the padlock, with which she has tied your happiness. Don’t worry, I’ll do it for you. Just bring five thousand naira (Yishau 2018: 27).

    Olukorede Yishau
    Olukorede Yishau

    Furthermore, Prophet Jeremiah (the plotter of Justus Omoeko’s imprisonment) is painted as a religious exploit who takes advantage of the selfish leaders whose personal aggrandizement pushes them to such pastor as Jeremiah. An instance is his engagement with General Idoti whom he technically tricks of his wealth. And it is apparent that the capitalist ideology of religion is behind his mission (Ibrahim, 2019). Against the doctrine of Christianity, Jeremiah consults demonic gods for spiritual guidance to reap more exploits. Therefore with an omniscient point of view in the novella “Angels Live in Heaven,” Yishau reveals Pastor Jeremiah’s ulterior motive in the following words:”And the picture he got was that of a man scared of even his own shadow, and such people could easily be enslaved. And he was more than prepared to enslave General Idoti under the guise of providing spiritual counseling. He was going to make a super-slave out of him. And in turn he would make billions of Naira. He was not bothered about the morality of what he was about to do. After all, the money belonged to Nigerians, and he was a Nigerian! (Yishau 2018:113)

    Meanwhile, another Pastor Hezekiah is quite distasteful of the government officials and views them as enemies of the masses. He believes they are people motivated mainly by greed and ambition. Criticizing the relationship that exists between Pastor Jeremiah and top political officers, Hezekiah says thus: “You know, I’ve lost count of men of questionable characters, people in government who are enemies of the common folk who come here for one request or the other. They would bring plenty of blood money and gifts, and their request is granted” (Yishau 2018: 88). Thus, this shows the dubious deeds of both the religious and the political leaders in Nigerian society.

    Also, it is arguable to submit that Nigerian military regime is characterized with a total misrule and disorder that animalizes and brutalizes the serfs. It is in this respect that committed Nigerian writers such as Nnimo Bassey, Wole Soyinka, Ezenwa Ohaeto and Tanure Ojaide among others write in different languages such Pidgin, English and indigenous colorations to satirize the atrociousness of military rule and to unveil the highly-lopsided Nigerian society. By implication, Yishau follows the path of his predecessors by capturing the savageness of military authority in Nigerian society as well as satirizing the dictatorial rule as depicted in the narrative In the Name of our Father.

    Another basis of Marxist ideology is the examination of social strata in any given society. Ultimately, Marxism, being a literary and eco-political praxis, posits the clash between two classes: that is, the unfriendly relationship between the upper and the lower class. The upper are always attempting to subjugate the lower, depriving them of the economic values. Marxist ideology focuses more on economic values and means of production; the relevance of this work is however precipitated on the ground that religion is a strategy used by the ruling class to overpower the downtrodden. Therefore, religion prevents the masses from any revolutionary conducts. It is in this respect that Yishau writes In the of Our Father to interrogate the notion of religious exploitation and how it is used in the context of capitalism in Nigeria.

    READ ALSO: In the Name of our Father: Tragedy of a Soulless Society

    Also, there is a distinct treatment of the members from the lower and upper classes. Basically, those in the upper class or the rulers are given more privilege to certain things in the society, while the lower class citizens or commoners are unjustly ill-treated. This is seen in the novel through the characters: General Iya and Justus Omoeko. In the prison, Omoeko is tortured not only by the military personnel but also by mosquitoes in his ward. In an attempt by Yishau to evince the vast difference in the stratified formation of Nigerian society, we are made to know how decent the prison ward of General Iya is – compared to the journalist, Omoeko’s ward who is a commoner. Yishau clearly demonstrates this through the words of Justus Omoeko when they transfer him to General Iya’s ward. Omoeko comments thus: My room was a paradise compared to where I was coming from. It has a 4 by 4 bed, a table fan, an air-conditioning system which I later found out had been disconnected, and a one-seater chair… It was exactly a week since I was moved into this guest house, which hitherto was for General Iya alone. The change of environment had really done me a world of good. Although we were not free in the real sense of freedom since there were at least 20 soldiers keeping watch over us, yet I could not but feel free considering where I was coming from (Yishau 2018: 210).

    Obviously, from the argument therein, there is a wide range of differences in the treatment of people in the society in relation to social class even when being punished. General Iya, despite being a suspect detained in prison, is treated with the utmost respect while the common journalist and writer, Justus Omoeko is tormented and put in an inhuman living condition.

    All in all, this paper has attempted to examine Olukorede Yishau’s In the of Our Father from the Marxist approach while exemplifying how the text condemns the exploitation and brutality of the masses by the religious leaders and military juntas respectively. While the book catalogues various societal ills in the land, Yishau’s obvious controversial choice of the military and Christian faith (he is a Christian) as vehicles to expose and query the myriad of social malaise bedeviling the society is a bold statement that underscores his fearlessness as a social critic that has essentially resolved to stand with the people, in pursuit of truth, fairness and justice’ (Dibiana, 2019) like most Marxists.

  • Accra and other matters

    Olukorede Yishau

    It was not my first trip to Accra, the Ghanaian capital. But it was my first flying in through the brand new Kotoka International Airport. The terminal I used to fly in through has now become the local wing of the airport.

    A passenger who flew in with me from Lagos expressed shock at the look of the airport shortly after we alighted from the aircraft. Her colleague, who had flown in through the new airport, started telling her about the goodness of it. Though I had not seen the airport, I had seen pictures of it posted by Bashorun Dele Momodu and star actress Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde.

    The new airport is not big like Heathrow Terminal 5. But it can rival many in the advanced world, including the Dubai International Airport. Please don’t compare it with Murtala Mohammed International Airport. I do not know what the new terminal of the Murtala Mohammed airport will look like but looking at its size, it looks small for a country everyone wants to come and grab as much as possible and run away to enjoy elsewhere!

    The arrival and departure lounges of the Kotoka International Airport are world class. You can eat in the toilet. Please do not talk about the toilet in Murtala Mohammed International Airport, where at times there is no tissue paper.

    There are machines to print boarding passes of international flights of Delta Air, Turkish Airlines and so on. Just like it is in the advanced world.

    I was in the Ghanaian capital for the launch of a pro-book project. There, we discussed politics, power. A half Togolese, half Ghanaian shared her experience at the Togolese border where she had to pay a ‘fine’ and in Accra, she is not fully accepted.

    The streets are well-planned, with streetlights, walkways made of interlocking stones and medians glittering with well-cut stones. The drainages in the cities and towns are mostly covered and many even serve as the walkways.

    Accra boasts of good roads but we ran into one bad one and the author of Of Frog and Women, Bisi Adjapon, regretted passing the road and I laughed at her, saying running what she was running away from are not potholes when compared with the ones on Fatai Atere Way and some other roads in Lagos.

    Like Ghana, Nigeria can work and should work. We first have to end the where-are-you-from challenge. Nigeria seems to be the only place where the area or state where you are born has absolutely nothing to do with where you are allowed to legally claim. A panelist at one of the sessions at LABAF recounted an experience while trying to obtain the National Identity card. He was born and bred in Lagos but his parents are from Edo. When he filled the registration form for the ID card, he wrote Edo as his parents’ state of origin but wrote Lagos as his state of origin. The officials of the agency responsible for the issuance of the card would have none of it. They insisted he was from where his parents were from. His attempt to educate them that the Constitution gave him the right to choose his place of birth as his origin fell on deaf ears.

    The severity of the where-are-you-from challenge has seen politicians returning to their states of origin to seek elective offices only to be reminded by home-based politicians that they are ‘imported’. They are not accepted where they reside and pay taxes and seen as lepers by people in their home towns. Double jeopardy!

    At a time in the United States, two Bush brothers were governors in two different states. If it were Nigeria, they would have been confined to Texas where their father was from. It matters not that they were born in different states and had contributed to its growth through tax payment and other means.

    Only in states such as Lagos, Kaduna and a few others do indigenes of other states have places in their civil service. Whether you were born and bred in those states mean nothing. You are from where your father comes from. Your mother’s state is irrelevant. Our problem is so compounded that some people will not even agree to sell landed properties to non-indigenes. The most ridiculous is when love affairs are put asunder because parents will not allow their son or daughter to marry from outside their state or tribe.

    Nigerians are also a special kind of beggars. For years, we have been begging our governments to give us good leadership. Our health institutions, things are in a shambles. Our education is in crutches. Our roads are death traps. There is almost no sector of our national life that we have been able to get right. We remain work in progress close to sixty years after Independence and over 100 years after amalgamation.

    Gatekeepers Report 2019 shows that one of three Nigerians live in poverty. That represents thirty-two per cent of the population. Thirty-seven per cent of children still suffers from malnutrition.

    Another interesting figure from the foundation borders on the situation where about half of Nigerians use unsafe or unimproved sanitation. Nigeria still ranks 43rd of 52 African countries on a recently compiled sustainable development goal index.

    Poverty, the report says, is concentrating in fast-growing countries like Nigeria and by 2050, more than 40 per cent of Nigeria will still be under poverty’s jackboot. No wonder we still have the second-highest number of deaths of children under the age of five.

    My final take: Our country is yet to start crawling, not to talk of walking, and far away from running. Our political class is just a little better than the military. In a lot of sense, many of the players on the political scene are yet to be cured of the military hang-over. A sizeable number of the key players even have a garrison mentality. Ours is a democracy without democrats. Selfish interests are masqueraded as national interests. The good of one is sold as the good of all.

  • Evaristo’s song for twelve

    It opens with the life performance of The Last Amazon of Dahomey at a theatre in London. It ends with the after-party of the play.

    Amma is the brain behind the production. Somewhere in the crowd watching the production are Yazz, Amma’s daughter, Dominique, her friend and others. And from the theatre we dissolve into these twelve characters, which also include Carole, Bummi, LaTisha, Shirley, Winsome, Penelope, Megan, Hattie and Grace. We also return to the theatre to see the characters meet and we see the relationships between them and what they think of one another. We see envy. We see love. We see jealousy. We see deceit. And we see pride and prejudice.

    The bulk of the characters are friends, relatives or lovers. Others meet at the theatre on the night The Last Amazon of Dahomey is on display. The characters are flawed and complex, and in search of love and joy.

    Girl, Woman, Other follows these characters who are black and British. Their ages range from 19 to 90+. Each of these characters has agency, which makes them lead different lives that will leave some mortals cringing. The Britain they unveil to us is not one that we can claim to know very well.

    The prose, in some breathe, feels like poetry, stripped of capitalisation and punctuation: “While dancing / for herself / out of it / out of her head / out of her body / feeling it / freeing it / nobody watching”.

    The characters have all kinds of secrets. One had a child at 14 and never told anyone about it until DNA test unexpectedly brought the child to her doorstep; another was sleeping with her son-in-law; and another was a flirt of no mean standing.

    In this Anglo-Nigerian author Bernardine Evaristo’s Booker winning novel, English grammar rules are suspended as we get to meet each of these women in different sections of the book. There are no capitalisations, unless it is a noun, no standard paragraphs. It will take an average reader some pages into the novel to get into the world Evaristo created for six years!

    Their stories read like short stories, which are somewhat connected. We get to know them from their own introspection, their own thoughts and reflections. We also get to see them from another prism as their lives intersect. At this stage, we get to test the truth in the saying that there are two sides to a story.

    Insights into the messages in the book are clear in quotes, such as these: “A Muslim man carries out a mass shooting or blows people up and he’s called a terrorist, a white man does the exact same thing and he’s called a madman,” and “You never know people until you have been through their drawers and computer history.”

    The women have different concerns. Amma, a lesbian and playwright, lives in a patriarchal society and confronts headlong the question of what it means to be politically pure, or to be a “sell out”.

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    Carole is concerned about success in the banking world. For non-binary Morgan, who used to be Meghan, gender identity is his challenge. Shirley, a teacher and Amma’s friend, finds the company of lesbians uncomfortable. Bummi, the immigrant parent, rebels against her child bringing home a white partner; but later gives up.

    Racism of the rabid sort gets a major slice of the issues tackled by this book. Imagine a child being pinched to see if he or she will be bruised or scratched with compass to see if she would bleed and what colour is the blood; imagine a child being asked if her blackness could be scrubbed off and was held down and scratched with scrubbing brush. Just imagine.

    Imagine a woman being denied employment in a store just because she was coloured; so frustrated about this, Grace thought of burning down the store at night— with the manager inside screaming for help.

    A grocer even threw Grace’s change on the counter with so much force that made it scatter on the floor. Even a maid refused to take instruction from her – all because of her skin colour. Grace’s story is really heart-breaking: her struggle, her stillbirths, her struggle with ‘mental’ health and her refusal to believe Harriet would live.

    Though the women in this book try to defy patriarchy, it still rears its ugly head. We see a father who is only happy when there comes a grandson to take over his huge farm despite having a daughter!

    Of particular importance, to me, is the Nigeria that features in this novel. We see Niger Delta. We see Makoko. We see Lagos. Though set in old Lagos, old Makoko and old Niger Delta, nothing much has changed. Unlike the Britain in the book, which changed over the years, the Niger Delta, which Bummi fled to Lagos still, largely, remains the same, where injustice and environmental pollution are still the order of the day.

    Evaristo also touches the changing landscape for teachers in the UK. In those days, teachers were all in all and were both feared and respected by students. But the UK schools of nowadays are where students are lords unto themselves: They use drugs, bear arms and teachers and their colleagues are afraid of being attacked. Morals have been consigned to the dustbin.  Almost every other day, kids perpetuate violence that will make adults cringe.

    This is one novel that cuts across many nations. Nigeria has a generous mention. American features prominently. Benin Republic, The Gambia, Egypt, Ethiopia and others are given good treatments. It also cuts across generations in such a way that there is something for everyone. Brexit (and the confusion around it) also features prominently.

    The moment Penelope meets Hattie, her mother (whose existence she did not know for 70 years or so), is a fitting end to an amazing piece of literature. Hattie was 14 when she had Penelope but her parents took her away and dumped her somewhere where another family picked and raised her.

  • Elumelu’s sprinter speed

    Broad Street’s iconic buildings and its history make it a phenomenon. One of the iconic buildings on the financial hub of Lagos is the UBA House. The house commands global attention. When UBA is mentioned anywhere in the world, a name comes to mind: Tony Elumelu. He is the bank’s chairman.

    President Muhammadu Buhari yesterday presented Elumelu with the National Productivity Order of Merit (NPOM) “in recognition of your high productivity, hard work and excellence”. The president also honoured Africa’s richest man Aliko Dangote, Oba Otudeko, Col. Hameed Ali (rtd.) and my poetic-prose stylist boss Sam Omatseye.

    What Elumelu, Microsoft chief Bill Gates, Dangote, Geregu Power Plc chief Femi Otedola and TY Danjuma do with their wealth makes them exceptional and deserving of the accolades. They are all preserving the world for the future generation in their way.

    Year in, year out, Nigerian universities push out graduates in various fields with no one to employ them. The unemployment statistics are scary. The curricula run by these universities are so outdated and are not entrepreneurship-focused. This is where Elumelu comes in. Since 2010, he has chosen to lift young entrepreneurs who are the future of any nation that does not want to die.

    Elumelu is running the race to preserve the future for the next generation with sprinter speed. It is not that Elumelu has spike shoes like Usain Bolt, the Jamaican sprinter who holds the world record in the 100 metres, 200 metres and 4 × 100 metres relay; his speed is in his economic model, Africapilatism, designed to move beyond a charitable aid model for combating poverty by stimulating the creative prowess of young Africans to create sustainable economic enterprises that lead to self-sufficiency.

    The first time I took notice of Elumelu was when he was running Standard Trust Bank (STB). At that time I found myself on journalistic trips from Anambra to Kogi to Borno to Yobe and other states in the country. And everywhere I went, STB was there for my cash needs. I could deposit and withdraw money from any of its branches. This was at a time when banking in Nigeria was still at its knees technology-wise. To carry out transactions in other banks at the time, you had to rely on only the branch where you opened your account. Other branches of your bank in the same town could not help you, not to talk of those in other states. STB broke all that and many loved it for that and opened accounts with it.

    Read Also: For Elumelu, Dangote, Otedola, Danjuma, charity begins at home

    I had not quite gotten over the STB wonder when the then Keem Belo-Osagie-led United Bank for Africa (UBA) ran into troubled waters. It needed rescue and I had thought some foreign banks and, perhaps, the like of First Bank, would give the needed help by acquiring it. But the opposite happened; UBA was acquired by Elumelu’s STB. It was a rude shock to me and many others. It was like the dwarf backing the giant. But events over the years have shown the dwarf carry the giant successfully and effortlessly. Or what other way is there to describe the turning of a single-country bank into a truly Africa bank with more than seven million customers in about 20 African countries? Its operations are also in London, New York and Paris.

    The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) at a point came up with a policy, which saw Elumelu handing over the day-to-day running of the UBA. He was less than fifty at the time. He still had the energy to give more. Heirs Holdings and the Tony Elumelu Foundation (TEF) came in handy, but it is with the TEF that he is doing what I like the most: Helping those who are hungry to start their businesses in mineral-rich but struggling Africa, the home of the youngest population in the world. He sees these young entrepreneurs as “the lifeblood of Africa’s rise”.

    His charity and entrepreneurial drives have ensured that from Kenya to Uganda to the United States and the United Kingdom, Elumelu has listening ears. The other time when he espoused on his Africapitalism concept, Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta smothered him with applause. “By lifting budding entrepreneurs with cash and counselling, Elumelu is doing a good job for Africa’s growth,” Kenyatta said.

    Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni revered Elumelu for his forthrightness and commitment to Africa. “Thank you for the financial support extended to the Ugandan youths,” he said.

    Elumelu has pleaded the cause of the young people at relevant forums. He once urged policymakers at the spring meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in Washington DC not to see youths in Africa as lazy and laidback.

    With TEF’s 10-year $100 million Entrepreneurship Programme, Elumelu has made many young people with start-up ideas across Africa jump for joy. Seed capital, capacity building, mentorship and networking have helped no less than 7,500 African entrepreneurs change their fortunes.

    Nigeria’s Ndubuisi Eze and Sierra Leone’s Edmond Nonie now manufacture drones to help farmers in rural areas map sites. All thanks to TEF, their start-ups have soared.

    Eze, a 2016 Tony Elumelu entrepreneur, became a manufacturer after realising that the drones he was importing from China were not meeting the needs of the African farmers his firm was serving.

    Zimbabwe young entrepreneur Robin Chaibva said of Elumelu: “He has given me hope for Africa despite the feeling that Zimbabwe is not in an economically viable state. Instead of asking my government to give jobs, I realised that I can build a network of enterprises to employ Zimbabweans while lifting communities. Thanks for investing your wisdom and experience with us.”

    Rwanda’s Yvette Ishimwe of Clean Water Delivery start-up said: “Tony Elumelu gave us unique skills that every early entrepreneur would need to build their business idea. This is what is exceptional from many other initiatives. Of course, the money is not small as it helps you expand the idea or the business.”

    Ex-United States Secretary of Commerce Penny Pritzker said Elumelu is one leader driving change throughout Africa. “Tony is an extraordinary partner. His kind of leadership is indispensable for our partnership,” she said. It was not surprising that when the Barrack Obama administration needed help with its Power Africa initiative Elumelu was one of those called on. His Transcorp Power supported Power Africa initiative with a $2.5 billion commitment.

    My final take: Unlike those who blow their cash on booze, hard drugs and women, Elumelu has Nigeria’s Ndubuisi Eze, Zimbabwe’s Robin Chaibva, Rwanda’s Yvette Ishimwe, Sierra Leone’s Edmond Nonie and thousands of others to point at as those he has taken care of and will be eternally grateful. In our little corners, we must work for a situation where someone somewhere can point at us as change-makers.

  • Where are we from?

    Olukorede Yishau

    Lola Akande, a lecturer in the English Language Department of the University of Lagos, pricks our conscience with Where are you from?, her novel from which she read excerpts at the just-concluded Lagos Book and Arts Festival (LABAF). At the heart of Dr. Akande’s book is an issue I consider one of the major problems with Nigeria: state of origin.

    Reading Dr. Akande’s book reminds me of an incident in the newsroom of Tell magazine over a decade ago. A Caucasian, who joined us as an intern, and I discussed where her parents hailed from. She told me her parents were Britons. I added quickly that she was a Briton too but she insisted she was Canadian. I told her that in Nigeria, you are from where your parents are from but she would have none of it.

    “I was born in Canada and I am Canadian,” she stressed.

    Nigeria seems to be the only place where the area or state where you are born has absolutely nothing to do with where you are allowed to legally claim. A panelist at one of the sessions at LABAF recounted an experience while trying to obtain the National Identity card. He was born and bred in Lagos but his parents are from Edo. When he filled the registration form for the ID card, he wrote Edo as his parents’ state of origin but wrote Lagos as his state of origin. The officials of the agency responsible for the issuance of the card would have none of it. They insisted he was from where his parents were from. His attempt to educate them that the Constitution gave him the right to choose his place of birth as his origin fell on deaf ears.

    The severity of the where-are-you-from challenge has seen politicians returning to their states of origin to seek elective offices only to be reminded by home-based politicians that they are ‘imported’. They are not accepted where they reside and pay taxes and seen as lepers by people in their home towns. Double jeopardy!

    Instructively, at a time in the United States, two Bush brothers were governors in two different states. If it were Nigeria, they would have been confined to Texas where their father was from. It matters not that they were born in different states and had contributed to its growth through tax payment and other means.

    Save states such as Lagos, Kaduna and a few others, indigenes of other states have no place in their civil service. Whether you were born and bred in those states mean nothing. You are from where your father comes from. Your mother’s state is irrelevant. Our problem is so compounded that some people will not even agree to sell landed properties to non-indigenes. The most ridiculous is when love affairs are put asunder because parents will not allow their son or daughter to marry from outside their state or tribe.

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    There is also a very sad one that Dr. Akande pointed out in her novel. Even within the same state, the part of the state where you come from also matters. It is not alone for you to be from Kwara or Lagos or Ogun. In some instances, what part of these states you come from also counts.

    Over the years I have also been troubled by another variant of this problem, and that is the one that involves even people within the same ethnic group, say the Yoruba, for instance. Among the Yoruba are Ijebu, Egba, Ekiti, Ondo, Oyo and so on. Some people, though Yoruba, will not allow their children to marry from the Ijebu stock. The myth is that the Ijebu are fetish and can do anything for money. So for this ridiculous reason, love has been sacrificed. There is also the myth that Egba women are quick to abandon their husbands when things are tough. As a result of these, an Egba woman is no go area for some Yoruba. I understand that in the Southeast, some parts believe that they are the ‘superior’ Igbo. Dr. Akande alluded to this in her novel. This is another angle to the where-are-you-from challenge.

    What do we make of discrimination within the same town? Some towns are divided culturally into two, a situation which leads to what I once referred to as “one town, two people”. Loyalists of the two traditional rulers in such towns clash regularly and blood is shed. Yet, these are supposed to be one people. They have been made two by tradition, which someone describes as “peer pressure from dead people”. The hatred dates back to ancestors who are long dead but their evil is living after them.

    Nigeria is one country which needs all. We are in trouble and everybody is needed to run and help the area they are born or where they reside. If I have lived in an area from over ten years I should be free to aspire to anything there, including the governorship of the state.

    Go to our health institutions, things are in a shambles. Our education is in crutches. Our roads are death traps. There is almost no sector of our national life that we have been able to get right. We remain work in progress close to sixty years after Independence and over 100 years after amalgamation.

    The tight corner that the challenge of state of origin has pushed us into has seen people committing perjury to claim a state that will help them get the best of every situation. Not a few have been known to claim Lagos today and shift to Ogun the next day. A sizeable number of students in our universities have had to pay a bribe to get documents showing that they are from a catchment area. This would not have been the case if you are allowed to claim where you reside or were born, instead of where your ancestors hailed from. In states where governments pay bursaries to indigenes, forged documents are used by students to be eligible.

    Where are we all from? We are from God. And that should be what matters most. Every state or town or village begins with people coming from some other places to occupy it.

    My final take: A country like Nigeria cannot continue to allow the where-are-you-from challenge to deny it of the goodness in all its citizens. We have been sold selfish interests as national interests. The good of one is hawked as the good of all and we have all gladly patronised this retrogressive market. The time to stop is now but we are certainly not ready, and years to come, we will still not be ready!

  • Once upon a time

    Five days ago made it exactly seven years that I was introduced to something I found strange. Everyone across cities in the United States experienced this again on November 3. They had to set their clocks back by one hour. It is called daylight saving time. A state like Texas, which had six hours’ time difference with Nigeria, now has seven hours. Baltimore, which had five hours times’ difference with Nigeria, now has six hours.  Amazing!

    I was new to America then. Although it was not my first trip, it was the first time I went to more than one city. I went to five in 10 days. I had been to New York before then.

    Once upon a time, Janesville was a stranger to me. So was Milwaukee. And Madison I could barely say I knew much about, save for Wisconsin University, which occupies a sizeable portion of its architecturally beautiful landscape. I first heard of the university reading through the resume of the late MEE Mofe-Damijo.

    In November 2012, these United States cities joined the list of cities I have ‘conquered’.  So were Washington DC and Chicago, which I had read about in books, seen in movies, felt in poetry and experienced in news reports.

    I traversed these five American cities in the course of tracking and reporting the election which gave President Barack Hussein Obama a second term in office.

    Hurricane Sandy almost aborted the trip. It ate into the days I was supposed to stay in Washington DC and made me miss a tour of the Capitol Hill.

    I was in DC on time to see the great Newseum, a museum for news matters, where we saw the history of the media on display. Great Pulitzer Prize pictures, some pieces of the Berlin Wall, the first Outside Broadcasting Van ever, images of fantastic moments in Obama’s life, a mangled piece of antenna mast which stood atop the North Tower of the World Trade Centre and lots more have found space in this large edifice.

    Washington cut and still cuts the image of a befitting capital for a great nation of diverse people. Skyscrapers, well-laid out road network and all stare you in the face. I thought Washington was cold until we got to Madison, where I rushed into a souvenir store and bought hand gloves that barely helped me for $14. I later bought a bigger one for $5 in Milwaukee.

    Here it was that I started wearing five clothes: a sweater as underwear, a shirt, another sweater, a jacket and then a suit.

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    Madison, which has a beautiful lake, is nothing like DC. This capital of Wisconsin is a simple city. It has some storey buildings which I honestly cannot call skyscrapers. Its road networks are superb. Its university is a definition of a conducive environment to learn. Its hotels tower into the sky moderately. Its beauty is not in doubt and its place in American politics was evident in Obama not ignoring it during his campaigns. Milwaukee is no so different from Madison. The two cities in Wisconsin State share the same weather and architectural look. Milwaukee is home to a lot of industries and large scale farms. Obama was there to campaign.

    If Madison is simple, Janesville is simpler. This city of less than 70,000 people cuts the image of a closely-knit neighbourhood, where neighbours know one another. It is home to The Janesville Gazette, which has published for decades. A colleague, who works there, Frank Schultz, met with a team of visiting reporters from Africa at a Chinese restaurant, which has occupied that same space for 90 years. The waiter who attended to us had worked there for 20 years.

    Janesville’s most popular resident is Paul Ryan, Mitt Romney’s running mate in his failed bid to unseat Obama. At the time we visited, Ryan’s blue mansion was in the firm grip of Secret Service agents, who had cordoned off streets leading to the place. This is done for every potential president and vice-president. A neighbour, who we met at an Obama for America’s vote canvassing event, said she was looking forward to the agents loosening grip on the area once Romney’s dream crashed.

    The agents said we could take picture of the house, but from a distance. One of our hosts, Andy Strike, found it amazing that journalists had to see the house from a distance, while others could move closer.

    The craziest of them all is Chicago. There is nothing simple at all about this city, which is home to several universities, including the University of Chicago and Illinois University at Chicago.

    The hotels here are almost uncountable. It reminds me so much of New York, with its skyscrapers, rail system and road networks that can sometimes get locked down.

    This city has a reputation for crime and corruption. A Professor at the Illinois University at Chicago, Dick Simpson, told us the reputation is not exaggerated. He gave facts and figures to back his claim. The then Executive Director of Chicago Board of Ethics, Steven Berlin, also urged us to watch our pockets closely so as not to lose valuables to thieves.

    Then we met Dr. Wayne Gordon and Kimberlie Jackson of the 25-year-old Lawndale Christian Development Corporation who told us crime was a major headache in their community, filled with architectures dating back to centuries. The corporation, founded by a white man of God, was working with the Chicago Police to curb crime in this largely black neigbourhood.

    The community also hosts the home where the late Martin Luther King Jr. lived with his family when he came to Chicago from Atlanta. The house, which was destroyed during a riot, has now been turned into apartments named after King and will be up for rent soon.

    The Illinois University at Chicago, built in the 1960s, hosts a chunk of Sierra Leonian history, especially on slave trade. They are on display at the Richard Daley Library, named after a late mayor of the city. These documents, including letters written by pro and anti-slavery individuals, said Simpson, who heads the university’s Political Science Department, existed nowhere else.

    Chicago, which is Obama’s home, is in a state rated the third most corrupt in U.S. According to Simpson, most government officials convicted by the Federal Government have been from the city. A former governor of Illinois, who is from the city, is in jail for trying to sell the Senate seat Obama vacated to become president.

    Chicago brought New York to my mind. Yes, with its street musicians and men in need of help. How can I forget those men bearing placards saying they were homeless, jobless and in need of help? How can I not remember that man in the traffic gridlock holding a placard begging for assistance? How can I forget how so much it reminded me of those scenes back home?

    But, if you look beyond Chicago’s crazy sides, it is a place to be. It has succeeded in moving beyond the Al Capone era. The other four cities are also good. For people who hate boredom, Janesville, Milwaukee and Madison, all in Wisconsin State, may prove frustrating to live in. These cities’ airports, Dulles in Washington, DC Reagan Washington National Airport, O’Hare in Chicago and Dane County Regional Airport in Madison, are good examples of functionality.

    Over the years, I have had the privilege of also being to Houston, Baltimore and Atlanta and in all of them I see a nation, which has sold itself as paradise on earth.

    But, wait for this before you pack your bags: if you cannot stand cold, stay away from these cities. Temperature can drop to zero or below at some points. Even when you see sun, it does not mean cold will run.

    My final take: Nigeria does not have America’s history but we have the potential to be more than we are. We should be running and not crawling like a baby who is just learning to move. Let us run and whoever falls by the wayside should be left to find his or her way.

     

    Nigeria does not have America’s history but we have the potential to be more than we are. We should be running and not crawling like a baby who is just learning to move. Let us run and whoever falls by the wayside should be left to find his or her way

  • I remember Botswana

    I remember. I will always remember Botswana. I do again today because our nation can learn from this land-locked nation.

    It was six years ago. But I can still remember almost everything: The aircraft taxied down to the terminal. As it did, it became clear that this is not a land where greenery has found favour. On alighting from the aircraft and walking close to the terminal building, the first impression was ‘A small but beautiful airport’.

    Welcome to Sir Seretse Khama International Airport in Gaborone, the capital of Botswana!

    That Sunday, there was no other plane on the runway, giving the impression that this was not a busy airport. The glass fibre with which the walls of the terminal building were built shone like a million diamonds. Setting foot into the airport did not change the first impression. The floor shone as though they were made only the day before. The toilet was small but sparkling.

    There were very few Immigration officials around, further confirming that this was not a busy airport. The points at which visitors were stamped in were only four. Two of the airport officials were even sleeping on their desk when there was no work to do. The sun was hot and scorching. It bit our skins and we were almost sweating like goats about to be slaughtered.

    Our final destination was Palapye, the home of the Botswana International University of Science and Technology. It took all of three hours. The good thing, however, was that none of the three hours was spent in traffic gridlock; no time was wasted avoiding potholes. There was no single pothole or manhole to avoid on the 270km road. It was smooth sailing all the way. The journey opened my mind to the fact that agriculture is not friendly with Botswana’s soil. The country experiences little rain. No wonder almost every prayer is ended with a call on God to send down the rain.

    Unlike other places where farms dot the way, there are just reluctant greenery and trees— sparse enough to see in between them. There are no thick forests. A lot of the people are into livestock farming. The country, we were told, has more cattle than human beings. Someone said if the country were truly democratic, cattle should become president.

    On the right side of the road to Palapye are rail lines which had nobody selling on or close to them as we see in Lagos. Aside Gaborone, the country’s other big city is Francistown, which is five hours by road from the federal capital. Perhaps its most important town is Jwaneng, the home to the richest diamond mine in the world. It is approximately 160km from the capital. The mine was opened in 1982 and the mine is the richest piece of real estate in the world. It produces 12 million carats of diamonds per year, where the country gets more than half of its revenue— although the industry is the second largest employer of labour.

    Though not up to Lagos in population, with just two million people, Botswana has some landmass – far above Lagos, so its people do not live in a compacted environment. They have free, fresh air to breathe, no wonder their life expectancy is far better than our own. Their road network is good to the extent that they can drive to Zimbabwe and South Africa.

    Homes, offices and other structures in Gaborone, Palapye and other parts of this country do not have high walls. Many do not even have fences. Those who have fences make sure they are short enough for outsiders to see what is going on inside. Many use wire mesh to make their fences. Some use irons, which are short enough for a toddler to jump over.

    In Botswana, there is hardly a failure of electricity. Thanks to its coal-fired power plant. Water sometimes goes off, which made our host advise that we store water. Though there was table water on sale, practically all the water supplied to Botswana home are good enough for drinking, with no fear of contracting pipe-borne diseases.

    The streets are well-planned, with streetlights, walkways made of interlocking stones and medians glittering with well-cut stones. The drainages in the cities and towns are mostly covered and many even serve as the walkways. The bumps are made with interlocking stones in a creative manner that forces a driver to have no choice but to wait.

    Drivers and motorists, I observed, obeyed traffic lights in the same manner they obey the words of the Anglican, Catholic and other priests who call the shots in the many churches that dot the Botswana landscape.

    Yet, it was one of the poorest countries in Africa when it gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1966, with a GDP per capita of about $70. The country has since transformed itself, becoming one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with a GDP per capita of about $14,000 and a high gross national income, possibly the fourth-largest in Africa. This gives the country a modest standard of living. The country has the second-highest Human Development Index in Sub-Saharan African. Its currency, Pula, is stronger than South African rand. Twelve dollars give 100 Pula. Of course, the naira trails far behind.

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    Botswana, officially the Republic of Botswana, is a landlocked country. It is flat. Up to 70 per cent of its landmass is covered by the Kalahari Desert. It is bordered by South Africa to the south and southeast, Namibia to the west and north, and Zimbabwe to the northeast. It also shares a not clearly defined border with Zambia to the north near a place called Kazungula. It is one of the most sparsely populated countries in the world.

    Its citizens refer to themselves as Batswana. The singular is Motswana. So, don’t call them Botswanians. They won’t answer you.

    It used to be known as the British protectorate of Bechuanaland. It adopted its current name after becoming independent within the Commonwealth on September 30, 1966. It has held uninterrupted democratic elections since independence. Its 1965 constitution led to the first general elections and independence. Seretse Khama, a nationalist, was elected the first President, going on to be re-elected twice. His Vice-President, Quett Masire, was elected in 1984 and re-elected in 1989 and 1994. Masire retired from office in 1998 and was succeeded by Festus Mogae, who was elected in 1999 and re-elected in 2004. The presidency passed in 2008 to Ian Khama, the son of the first President, who was Mogae’s Vice-President. He was Commander of the Botswana Defence Force. Its current president is Mokgweetsi Masisi.

    All its leaders have been produced by the Botswana Democratic Party. According to Transparency International, Botswana is the least corrupt country in Africa. Its people are honest. I lost 240 Pula and it was brought back to me by the woman who saw it the following day. A Nigerian from the U.S. was short-paid by a bank and was called to come and pick the shortfall.

    So, will it be safe to say everything works in Botswana? Certainly not. Or how does one explain the fact that Immigration men could not print receipts for money already paid?

    How does one explain the fact that Botswana had the highest life expectancy until HIV/AIDS began to reduce it in the late 1980s? One in six Batswana six years ago had HIV, giving the country the second-highest infection rate in the world after Swaziland. That perhaps explains why hotels placed Bible and condoms side by side in the rooms.

    My final take: Unlike Nigeria, Botswana has used its diamond wealth to better a lot of its people. It has not shied away from attracting the best brains, including Nigerians, to help out. For the country, what matters is the bottom-line. Our oil has worked largely in the interest of a few.

  • Dear NLNG

     Korede Yishau

    Let me confess: I love you and always will. I doubt if I can ever have enough of you. With your credit rating among international financiers better than Nigeria’s, what other choice do I have?

    It all started the first time I came into your embrace. It is going to a decade now. Your Residential Area and the industrial estate made me believe all hope was not lost for Nigeria, that we can get things right with the right people in charge.

    Even the policemen who were on the Island when I visited were like the ones I see in New York, Singapore and London. They looked good in their uniforms, which did not look like the ones on their colleagues elsewhere, though they were the same. I believe things have not changed.

    On the roads on the Island were machines which control over-speeding; it was like being abroad at home!

    I remember that Shell was the first to see the light on Bonny Island. Mobil saw it later. Shell and Mobil liked the place and the promise there. The Federal Government, which has an interest in all of these ventures, too knows what the country stands to gain from Bonny Island, which hosts the country’s only port of origin. So you were born and christened the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) Limited.

    Your import was captured two years ago by former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) Group Managing Director (GMD) Dr. Maikanti Baru on an NTA programme. Baru described you as one of the biggest success stories of the oil and gas industry. He added that you generated $90 billion revenue, $30 billion dividends and contributed four per cent to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

    At the time Baru spoke, the National Assembly was trying to tamper with the model which made you a success. The lawmakers wanted to amend your enabling law for the sake of nothing tangible.

    Baru said: “The review of the NLNG Act by the National Assembly is causing a challenge for the Federal Government and the IOCs, and it is sending wrong signals to the international community about how business is done in the country.”

    The National Assembly wanted to end your status as dollar-denominated, which was agreed on to protect the company against Naira’s flip-flop. The National Assembly also sought to make your subsidiary, Bonny Gas Transport Company, pay tax in Nigeria. I was disturbed by what the National Assembly was trying to do because I was convinced it was not for the good of the country.

    To me, you are the dearest of companies operating in Bonny. You are the indigenes’ pride. Through you, the Island enjoys uninterrupted power supply, among other dividends. For Nigeria, you are both our pride and cash-cow. I believe we make the kind of money we make from you from only a few other sources.

    Let me cite this particular example: When President Muhammadu Buhari came in, the Federal Government initiated a bailout package for states owing their workers. The bulk of the money which made up the N400 billion package came from you. You saved so many states and workers.

    At that time you were knocking on the door of 30 years and 20 years of your first Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) cargo export. You rose so fast that you became the fourth largest supplier of LNG. Your six-train plant produces about 22 Metric Tonnes Per Annum (mtpa) of LNG for export and five mtpa of Natural Gas Liquids (NGLS). As at that time, you had made over $25 billion from a $2.6 billion investment. You had also paid over $5.5billion as Companies Income Tax, Tertiary Education Tax, WHT, VAT and PAYE. Regulators’ levies and other fees have led to you coughing out over N51 billion.

    You own some 30 ships. Through your second subsidiary, the NLNG Ship Manning Limited (NSML), you are the biggest employer of Nigerian seafarers. Also, your wholly-owned subsidiary set up in 1989, Bonny Gas Transport (BGT) Limited, handles your shipping services. Another of your wholly-owned subsidiary is the NSML, which was set up in 2008 to provide, develop and manage high-calibre personnel for your maritime business.

    I remember when former Coordinating Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala visited your plant on Bonny Island, Rivers State, on November 15, 2013. She described you as an asset to Nigeria, a shining example of a successful company and a beacon of hope for a better Nigeria. The minister alluded to the fact that your financial book was an enviable balance sheet.

    Dr. Okonjo-Iweala described you as the most successful Nigerian company with 49 per cent government ownership, which she described as a distinguishing feature among companies in the public and the private sector.

    The Federal Government, represented by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), owns 49 per cent. Shell Gas BV (SGBV) controls 25.6 per cent. Total LNG Nigeria Limited owns 15 per cent and Eni International 10.4 per cent.

    Your story could be better if your expansion plans sail through. I am happy the final investment decision on your Train Seven has been made. This will make you regain your lost pre-eminence in the global LNG market.

    As a result of the delay in taking the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), you lost grounds to Qatar and Australia. Qatar moved its output from 20 million metric tonnes to 80 million metric tonnes. Australia, from its previous 20 metric tonnes, now churns out 81 metric tonnes annually. You are stuck at 22 million metric tonnes. Australia has 10 LNG projects, with 20 trains. Yet, Australia has only 60 per cent of Nigeria’s gas reserves. Nigeria has gas reserves estimated at over 160 trillion cubic feet. The United States (U.S.), formerly a major LNG export destination, is now a net LNG exporter.

    With the expected FDI estimated at over $8 billion, about 10,000 jobs are expected to be created. Over 2,000 jobs are expected each construction year and 18,000 jobs at the peak of construction. The government, analysts said, will also reap an additional $2.2 billion dividend annually.

    It is instructive for me that the train seven is taking shape as you mark your 30th anniversary and 20 years of LNG export.

    My final take: We have all the gas it takes for us to get Australia, Qatar, United States and others to queue at our back. We have done it before and we must do it again. Nigeria must be number one in the global LNG business.

    Happy anniversary and here is wishing you well as you do all possible to return to the pre-eminence position in global LNG supply.

  • For Dele Agekameh

    Olukorede Yishau

     

    Dele Agekameh, for some of us Bob Dee, died exactly a week ago. My path and his crossed in 2004, the year I moved from The Source to Tell. By the time I joined Tell, the late Agekameh just left the magazine but somehow I met him and was a regular face in his Gemade Estate home. He touched my life professionally and personally. I will never forget him.

    Years after leaving the newsroom, his interest in those of us still there never waned. I last spoke with him in August when he called me over some issues central to my career growth. His last word that day was “Just continue to do your work”. It is an advice I have taken to heart and will never depart from.

    Agekameh’s death is a loss to journalism, a profession, which has come a long way from Henry Townsend’s Iwe Iroyin. But we should be doing far better than we are doing. We need to emulate the best practices in the advanced world and treat journalists like kings and not dregs.

    Journalism is the only profession I have known in the last twenty years of my life. It looks like I am not escaping from it for some years to come. But even if I leave for one reason or the other, I think it is now in my blood and will not leave me till the end of time.

    My love for this profession gets me worried almost all of the time. It is a beautiful profession, but it has image issues. From time to time, one encounters corporate affairs executives who paint an average Nigerian journalist in the garb of a bed bug. You are likely to hear them whine that the journalist is always troubling them for one financial aid or the other. They are also likely to weep that the journalist expects gratification for every story or picture they send for publication. Chances are that they will write off the journalist as one sold to ‘brown envelope’— the euphemism for gratification or outright bribe.

    Another major challenge that journalism faces is the overlapping of the profession and politics. This is often to the detriment of objectivity. He who pays the piper calls the tune, and saving objectivity from occasional accidents become a challenge that even geniuses find extremely difficult to resolve.

    Many Nigerian journalists work with media organisations owned by individuals who care less about the welfare of their workers. Very few media houses pay good salaries and emoluments. I can count them on my fingertip. They are that small. The majority do not pay well and sadly, they struggle to pay these peanuts. There are times journalists go for months without being paid.

    The effect of this no-pay is that many journalists are unmotivated and do their job without the required zeal. Journalism, like other forms of writing, is jealous and deserves some type of fanatical attention, but when a man is hungry, it is hard to get him to give his best. That has also turned some journalists into blackmailers. When they get a story, they contact the subject and demand bribe to kill the report.

    The way out of this quagmire, for me, is that non-payment of salaries by publishers should be criminalised.

    Aside from the non-payment of salaries, there is also the challenge of poor payment. Elsewhere in the developed world, journalists are some of the highest-paid. Our colleagues in South Africa and some countries in East Africa are treated like bankers.

    Another problem, which has given a bad name to journalism and has made it lose face, is the credibility of the news being pushed out. As a result of the poor pay in the industry, many newsrooms are peopled with reporters who should have no business with journalism because of their crippled knowledge of the profession.

    These days it is not uncommon for the media—both online and the traditional media— to publish outright hate speech and fake news, thus helping spread anger in the land. What this has done to the profession is to give it a bad name and turn the media into a child who deserves a serious spanking.

    The trouble with the Nigerian media is not limited to print and online media. Television and radio stations also have similar challenges. Journalists are not well-paid and are owed for months by many television and radio stations, yet their owners live large and are seen as untouchable.

    I often shudder when the media reports bad government policies and poor or non-payment of salaries. These are problems publishers and broadcast stations owners are also guilty of. News hawks report the problems of others but there is no one to report ours.

    The media, in the last 20 years of democracy, has pointed out that many things have largely remained the same or even become worse. For example, the media daily point out that the police are still the way they used to be: innocent people are paraded for crimes they know nothing about; many murder cases are unresolved; senior police officers dance to politicians’ and the rich’s tunes; and justice remains a victim.

    We also regularly observe that politicians are still the same: the people are the least important; no permanent friends but interests; patronage still has edge over service, and if the devil can guarantee electoral success, politicians are ready to have a deal.

    We have continuously reported that the country is yet to start crawling, not to talk of walking, and far away from running. Our politicians, the media has observed, are just a little better than the military. In a lot of sense, many of the players on the political scene are yet to be cured of the military hang-over. A sizeable number of the key players even have a garrison mentality. Ours is a democracy without democrats. Selfish interests are masqueraded as national interests. The good of one is sold as the good of all. Politicians abandon one party to join another and defend it as if it were based on sound principles.  The defections and the reasons behind them are interesting, but if you scratch beyond the surface, you will see deceit and the love of self. The media has not shied away from pointing all these out.

    But the question remains: Who looks out for the interest of the media, especially the welfare of reporters? We are busy highlighting the challenges in other sectors when we are going through difficult times. Aside from the individual woes of reporters, publishers are also not having it good. Importing newsprint, ink and other printing materials is money-guzzling and with the economy doing ‘better’, it is like attempting to fly without wings.

    My final take: The Nigerian media needs help and where it will come from is a decision the industry has to collectively take. We must revive the dead newsprint factories, among other things.

    Sleep well, Bob Dee, till we meet to part no more.