Category: Monday

  • Anyaoku’s true federalism alert

    Anyaoku’s true federalism alert

    The urgent need to institutionalise true federalism in the country resonated last week in Enugu during the 14th Chief Emeka Anyaoku Lecture Series on Good Governance.

    Speaker after speaker took turns during the lecture titled, “The Imperative of Good Governance: Nigeria in a Global Comparative Perspective,” to draw attention to the link between the practice of true federalism in a plural society and political stability. Anyaoku took the lead by renewing his appeal for Nigeria to adopt true federalism with a warning that the country risks disintegration if it continues its current centralised structure.

    Drawing parallels with other multi-ethnic societies that collapsed under similar strains, the former Secretary General of the Commonwealth and elder statesman said only a new democratic constitution that reflects Nigeria’s diversity can save Nigeria from such fate.

    “Other multi-ethnic countries that failed to address their pluralism through federalism have since disintegrated. Nigeria must not continue along this part,” he warned.

    The line was also toed by former Foreign Affairs Minister Ike Nwachukwu who said Nigeria’s centralised system is fundamentally flawed. Nwachukwu said it was for this reason he has been “advocating the restructuring of Nigeria into a proper federation.”

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    For him, state autonomy is critical as it brings governance closer to the people, enabling them to harness their local resources for development.

    In his keynote address, Nigeria’s former Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, called for a radical rethinking of governance, starting with structural changes.

    “There is an urgent need to significantly devolve power to the people through restructuring,” he said even as he called for a rejig of the leadership recruitment process, retooling of the state to serve as a guarantor of security and unity to foster new elite consensus.

    There is a common thread around the issues raised by the three speakers. They revolve around a new constitution that reflects Nigeria’s diversity to save it from disintegration, diluting the centralised system of government and power devolution through restructuring. They speak of the same challenge from different angles. But the issues are not entirely new.

    Agitations for restructuring to guarantee true federalism both in its spirit and practice have been a recurring decimal in the country’s political journey over time. They were intense during the early years of Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999 and have further been accentuated by events of the recent past and the present. And they will continue to be so, assuming dangerous dimensions until they are realistically and genuinely addressed to the satisfaction of the constituents.

    The response of former president Obasanjo to agitations for restructuring and true federalism was the setting up of the National Political Reforms Conference (NPRC) in 2005. Its purpose was to strengthen democratic institutions, and address issues of national unity and stability.

    The conference made far-reaching recommendations in the area of political party reforms, decentralisation of election management and integrating technology for transparency in election management. Other recommendations included state creation to ensure parity between geo-political zones and ensure the stability of existing ones and power rotation for executive positions at the federal, state and local government levels.

    Equitable revenue sharing process, the establishment of constitutional courts to handle presidential election petitions and serve as an appellate court for gubernatorial, national and state assembly elections were also some of the highlights of the recommendations.

    These recommendations could not be implemented before that administration wound up. It is speculated that events surrounding the purported tenure elongation moves of the Obasanjo administration were largely responsible for the non-implementation of the high-minded recommendations of the NPRC.

    The tempo of agitations did not abate when the Yar’Adua/Jonathan administration came on board such that Jonathan, after the death of his boss, inaugurated the National Conference (NC) to address the contentious issues of our federal order and advance Nigeria’s unity, progress and development.

    The recommendations of the NC included the scrapping of the 774 local governments in the country with states granted autonomy to establish their own local government structure, a modified presidential system, power sharing and rotation (rotation between the north and the south and among the six geopolitical zones), a reduction of the federal government’s share of national revenue with a corresponding increase for states and reversion to the old National Anthem.

    Jonathan was unable to implement the recommendations before he left office. He rationalised his inability to implement the conference recommendations, blaming it on mass defections in the then national assembly. According to him, the mass defections led by the then speaker, Aminu Tambuwal, made it impossible for him to send the report to the national assembly. This may be correct.

    As could be seen, all administrations since the return to civil rule in 1999, except that of Muhammadu Buhari, empanelled national conferences to address nagging issues of our federal structure accentuated by the way the constitution heralding civil rule was put together by the military. These agitations were also very potent as Buhari held sway.

    But he had a different attitude to them even as some of his policies which were heavily skewed in favour of the north did a lot to reinforce the imperative for true federalism and restructuring.

    Today, the issues are still as potent as they were when Obasanjo and Jonathan organised conferences but failed to implement their recommendations. All the key issues – revenue allocation, devolution of powers, state creation, electoral reforms, power rotation between the north and the south and among the six geo-political zones – are still with us. As a matter of fact, some of them have assumed such dangerous proportions that they now pose serious threats to the nation’s corporate existence.

    These can be located in the cascading insecurity across the country with some of the non-state actors professing weird ideologies that do not make for national cohesion. It can be seen in mass defections to the ruling parties at both the federal and state levels. It is more pronounced at the federal level because of the huge resources at the command of that level of governance and the lure to share from it.

    It is evident in the increasing slide to prebendalism (the struggle to capture political power for members of one’s ethnic group and his family). Prebendalism is reinforced when allegations of nepotism and skewed appointments at the federal level are freely traded.

    Dearth of serious opposition and intolerance to dissent leading to increased fears of a slide to a one-party state and the fad of gravitating to the party in government so as to ‘belong’ are clear evidence of the inability of our leaders to manage diversity. It therefore serves no useful purpose to leave issues fundamental to our national existence to the whims and caprices of leaders without constitutional safeguards.

    Even then, allegations on the flouting of such constitutional issues as the reflection of the federal character principles in appointments have overtime been freely traded. All these point to the inevitability of a new democratic constitution that truly reflects and guarantees the diversities of the constituents.

    The recommendation that the presidency should rotate between the north and the south and among the six geo-political zones is reinforced by rising accusations of nepotism and favouritism in appointments. It is a key constitutional change that will stabilise this country. Let it go around! By the time all sections must have had a taste of it, maybe the right lessons on how to manage a plural society would have been learnt.

    What the country requires now is not the piecemeal and largely uncoordinated amendments of the constitution which the national assembly is currently into but an entirely new constitution that properly reflects the diversities in the country through true federalism.

  • One party hysteria

    One party hysteria

    It was a month of realignment. A quake, or just the beginning of it.

    A month when a party and its bigwigs failed and fell.

    Poet T.S. Eliot would have a take on the month of April in Nigeria.

    He called it the cruelest month in a poem he called The Wasteland.

    For the APC, it was a plum hour, a harvest.

    But for those who disavowed the Delta State transplant of the PDP to APC, it was a quake.

    They damned the defectors as rakes in public.

    In private, they quail. To borrow from Eliot, they may even call it a murder in the cathedral, since they see the move as corrupting the holy of holies of our politics.

    The Sheriff of Delta calls it not just a move but a movement.

    The same people who, a few weeks earlier, boasted with rhapsodies about the virtue of coalition.

     The same people who held a meeting of fiasco in Ibadan about turning PDP into a formidable opposition.  They wanted to stretch the umbrella into a tent.

    They wanted to do a copycat of the APC and how it embraced others to dethrone the PDP.

    Suddenly, it is a sin to embrace, and have a bearhug with others.

    To make a big tent is a threat to democracy.

     It is the beginning of the end of the republic. It is the sign that Tinubu is an emperor, or the seeds of an imperial presidency.

    What aches this essayist is the convenient hypocrisy of it all.

     Also, the intentional blindness of commentators who have woken up with a loss of memory. They also have forgotten the mechanics of politics. They have made opposition into a sacred vestry that brooks no blood of fowl from the child of iniquity.

    When they bond, it is bound to be right. When others do, it is a taboo.

    Is politics not a game of influence? Is it not an enterprise of power? Is it not a platform for the aggregation of interests, and the flowering of dialogues and streamlining cacophonies into voices of conquests?

    If APC did it right with the Sheriff, why are they complaining? The hypocrisy is the claim that APC was doing what had never been done before, What history? Many need to read their history books. PDP is no Roman history. Were we not here when it controlled 28 states? Who spoke of a one-party state then. APC controls 23 states and so Tinubu is crushing the opposition!

    It is not the job of the ruling party to feel sorry for an opposition. It is not in the DNA of democracy to ask parties to share meals in equal measure. You take what you can so long as you do not break the law. It is Hobbesian licence of democracy.

    Some have asserted that it was a blackmail on the PDP in Delta State? Some have even asserted that it was because of Okowa? Okowa is not a hectoring former governor. It is not possible for one man to strong-arm the party in that manner.

     The governor had, before the Okowa love affair with the EFCC, given a hint with his sympathy for the president and Tinubu’s support for his administration in Delta State.

    When we have no answer, we create a question. That is the excuse. Let us not forget that coalitions did not begin with this republic. Did we not have it in the First Republic? Did we not have it in the Second Republic? Why shall we become sinners if we do it in this Republic?

    But it was not so bad until the wrong people do it.

    It is only good when we do it. It is like the West that believes no one should have nuclear options but themselves.

    In the First Republic, one of the big advocates of coalition was the icon of the progressives himself: Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

    He wanted a coalition to win, but he just did not possess the cunning and opportunity to pull it off.

     Was Awo not the soul behind the United Progressive Grand Alliance )UPGA) and it comprised Awo’s Action Group (AG), Zik’s National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), Aminu Kano’s Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and Joseph Tarka’s United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC).

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    The other was Nigeria National Alliance (NNA) that combined the renegade Akintola’s Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP) with Balewa’s Northern People’s Congress (NPC).

    Was it not in the First Republic that Awo at the electoral deadlock called Zik to blend with the AG with the offer to become prime minister and he would serve as finance minister? Awo, unlike how he is made to look, was not always a political stiff neck. He had instances of strategic flexibilities.

    In the Second Republic, Awo wanted to fight Shagari and his National Party of Nigeria (NPN), and he went into an alliance to form the Progressive Parties Alliance (PPA) that included the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) under Awo, the Nigeria People’s Party (NPP) under Zik, the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) under Aminu Kano and Great Nigerian People’s Party (GNPP) under Ibrahim Waziri of the “politics without bitterness” fame.

    The coalition ran upon the rock, but we cannot blame Awo for not trying, and we cannot say Awo was averse to pragmatism.

    So, those who twirl ideological purity about the Awo cast him as a naïve and doctrinaire straitjacket.

    Ideological purity is a myth. Not even the Marxist in the heydays could exercise it without consequence.

     Lenin easily backtracked and gave Russia its New Economic Policy, mixing Marx with Adam Smith. Mao tried with his cultural revolution until the system collapsed under the compulsion of the laissez-faire impulse of which China’s Xi is a new apostle facing down the Americans.

     Meanwhile, ideologues like Pol Pot, who saw Mao as model ruined their country in blood.

    Today, conservatism has put on a new look under Trump, while the  family Bush and even their favoured icon Reagan are now anachronisms.

    To be Republican was to be hawk in the world.

    Today, they recoil. Ditto the Brits. Conservatives of the past would have loved to trade with Europe.

    They doomed England to Brexit. Conservative philosophers like Hayek, Willam F. Buckley and Edmund Burke are being racked, rewritten and updated before our very eyes with tribal flavours.

    If any party beats another with great majority, it is called a landslide. Landslide is democracy’s language. So, it is no autocracy. If the other beats you, dust up your coat and get ready for a rematch.

    That is the character of democracy.

    The complainants are acting like sore losers even before the game begins. They are shouting foul because they sniff not just a defeat but a humiliation. They have seen a compass error in their flight.

    For the so-called detached pundits, they have to look back and look into their books on the philosophy of politics.

     I don’t want to recommend books.

    That will be condescending. T.S. Eliot in The Wasteland also mused about “mixing memory with desire.”

    But theirs is a desire without memory. When there is no memory, there cannot be memorials.

    Without it, how can we go forward? It means a lack of what is call historical consciousness.

    Let not envy rid us of our power to remember.

     Let’s replace hysteria with history.

  • Bago’s security absurdities

    Bago’s security absurdities

    This account attributed to Wisdom Jonathan, a photographer who had travelled to Niger State for business purposes, demonstrates the negative effect of the state government’s ill-considered security measures.

    “When we were coming into Minna, we were stopped at the police checkpoint around Pogo and they told the other two men I was with to remove their caps; they did,” Jonathan narrated to journalists. “One had punk and the other one had dreadlocks. They said they will have to cut their hair as it is now the law. I went to them and told them that we were coming to work in Minna and not living in Minna.”

      He said the policemen insisted that they must cut their hair “as they were under the order to cut dreadlocks or unruly hair.” At some point, he said, “they brought out a fan belt and started hitting me with it, saying I was trying to stop them from doing their job. I was trying to be careful to ensure that the men I brought with me for the work returned safely.” 

    He continued: “They took my colleagues to the bush and told them that they had to pay a fine of N2,000. They gave them their Opay account and one of the men transferred N2,000 to the officer and the other man gave N2,000 cash.”

    This incident allegedly happened in the aftermath of security measures unveiled by Niger State Governor Mohammed Bago at a recent high-level security meeting with traditional rulers and security agencies at the Government House, Minna.   The governor had said “Angwa Daji and Barki Sale areas should be placed on serious security watch.”

    Reports said the governor had condemned the wearing of dreadlocks, saying, “We will have zero tolerance for rascality. Anybody that you find with dreadlocks, arrest, cut the hair, and fine him. Nobody should carry any kind of haircut inside Minna. I have given marching orders to security agencies.”

    Predictably, Bago’s reported remarks had triggered public outrage, with critics attacking the apparent criminalisation of dreadlocks.  For a governor to publicly condemn a hairstyle is an overreach of their authority and sends a negative message about tolerance, diversity, and individual rights within the state. How someone chooses to wear their hair is generally considered a matter of personal expression and identity.

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    Such an official condemnation reinforces negative stereotypes and prejudices associated with dreadlocks, and can encourage discrimination against individuals who wear them. Individuals who wear dreadlocks are not necessarily a danger to society.

    Following the negative public reaction, Bago claimed that “people misconstrued our words for people who have dreadlocks,” blaming it on “media propaganda.”  He said the target of the policy was “that cult that is becoming a menace in Niger State.” He explained: We don’t have a problem with dreadlocks, but we have a problem with the cult here with dreadlocks. So, if you have dreadlocks and you have business, please come to Niger State.”

    The governor missed the point. Targeting individuals with dreadlocks for forced haircuts and fines is unlawful. It does not matter if they are cultists. Jonathan and his partners, despite being in the state for business, were not exempt from this treatment, according to their reported experience.

    The police spokesperson in the state was reported saying they “will verify, investigate and ascertain the personnel involved for further necessary action.”

    Also, the Niger State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Binta Mamman, explained that the government’s policy “is not a blanket criminalisation of hairstyles, but a preventive measure informed by intelligence and ongoing trends. The aim is to dismantle the formation and spread of these emerging groups before they become deeply rooted in the state.”

    According to her, “The government has observed a disturbing trend among some youth groups with a distinct hairstyle that appears to be evolving into a form of group identity or cultism. The defaulters that will be arrested are those who wear certain dreadlocks in front while the back of their heads is shaved. The security agencies know them because they walk in droves.” 

    It is disturbing that the clarifications by the governor and the commissioner indicate that the state government’s policy on dreadlocks is still in effect. It is puzzling that they don’t seem to realise that such a policy is unlawful.

    It is commendable that Governor Bago wants to tackle insecurity in his state. However, some of his ideas, including the one on dreadlocks, are questionable. He also introduced other measures that failed the rationality test. 

    For instance, he said “Anyone found in possession of any weapon, including knives and sticks, should be treated as an armed robber and if killed, the parents must pay for the bullet before releasing the corpse.”  Possession of knives and sticks should not make someone an armed robbery suspect. And killing them without arrest and trial should not be the response.

    He also said “Anyone going to seek bail for thugs from a police station should also be arrested. Any Mai-Angwa, Hakimi or Village Heads harbouring thugs should be dethroned and arrested.”  Why should anyone trying to bail a thug be arrested? Does this mean that thugs cannot be bailed? Is that lawful?

    He declared that “Anyone’s house found within Minna selling any kind of illicit drugs should be demolished and occupants arrested.”  What if the house owner is innocent? If the occupants of a house are suspected drug dealers, how does demolishing the house which does not belong to them amount to justice?

    It is concerning that these measures are not clear on lawful processes. The governor failed to emphasise the role of law enforcement agents in punishing crime. He seemed to encourage non-state actors to punish crime. That is a dangerous approach to fighting crime.

    The lessons include the need for thoughtful and lawful security measures. It is counter-productive to fight crime with unlawful policies.  Bago should rethink his ideas on tackling insecurity in the state. He can do so without unproductive drama and sensational moves.

  • Insecurity and partisan politics

    Insecurity and partisan politics

    Is there a link between the escalating insecurity in the country and the quest by politicians for power? This question has been seeking for answers since the reign of terror was officially unleashed in the country about 15 years ago.

    It featured prominently when Boko Haram insurgency reared its ugly head and took monstrous dimensions as the 2015 general elections approached. It is also being talked about even in hushed tones with the rising security challenges across the country as the momentum of the 2027 elections gathers.

    The suicide bomb attacks at St Theresa’s Catholic Church, Madalla and the United Nations building in Abuja and other security infractions that peaked as the 2015 elections drew closer had raised suspicion as to whether a nexus existed between these events. But by far, the abduction of 276 Chibok Secondary School girls in Borno State, the circumstances surrounding it as well as the blame game it engendered were issues that accentuated this suspicion further.

    Attempts by the then government of Goodluck Jonathan to tame the monster curiously generated so much opposition and vile allegations from the north. The acerbic letter written by the then governor of Adamawa State, Muritala Nyako in which he bandied wild allegations including an attempt to depopulate the north as the reasons for inventing the Boko Haram ‘phantom’ cannot be forgotten in a hurry.

    That letter injected so much complications to the Jonathan administration’s resolve to wage a decisive war against the insurgents such that today, Boko Haram has not only remained active and strong, but metamorphosed into some splinter groups with vague ideological leanings.

    The Islamic State for West Africa Province (ISWAP), an offshoot of Boko Haram reported to have acted as an umbrella organisation for Islamic State (IS) factions in West Africa including the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (IS-GS) has been involved in terror attacks in the country. It largely operates in the northeast where it has been engaging the military is serious fight.

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    The federal government blamed ISWAP for the bloody Catholic Church suicide bombings in Owo, Ondo State. The military are reported to have thwarted their plans to establish bases in Plateau and Bauchi states.

    There is also the Ansaru terror group said to be active in the northwest and north-central where bandits and kidnappers add to the reign of terror. Ansaru is said to be a faction of Boko Haram that rejected the leadership of Abubakar Shekau after the death of Yusuf, the founder of Boko Haram.

    Towards the end of last year, a new terror group the Lukarawa emerged in the forests of Sokoto and Kebbi states. The group which is said to have affiliates in Mali and Niger was said to have been initially invited by locals in those states for protection against attacks by bandits from Zamfara State. But it turned into a Frankenstein monster when they began to haunt the very communities they were engaged to protect.

    The federal government has since declared the Lukarawa a terrorist organisation following its atrocious activities in some states of the northwest. In the list of terror organisations is yet, another called the Mahmuda. It is said to be a breakaway faction of Boko Haram with suspected links to extremist cells in Niger and Mali.

    The group last week, killed 15 vigilantes and villagers in an attack on Kemaanji, a community in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State. Mahmuda is reputed to have been carrying out attacks including killings and kidnapping in rural communities around the Kainji Lake National Park which spans parts of Kwara and Niger states. It also attacked some communities in Baruten LGA of Kwara including taking control over areas within the Babana and Wawa districts of Borgu LGA in Niger State. Mahmuda is the latest addition to terrorist organisations operating in the country.

    It is significant to note that perhaps, apart from the Lukarawa terrorist group, the rest have their roots in Boko Haram. From one terror group, the country is now contending with five. This does not include such other terrorist groups as militia herdsmen, bandits and sundry criminal kidnappers.

    In the last two weeks or so, militia herdsmen unleashed a reign of terror in Plateau and Benue states leaving in their trail humongous destruction in human lives and property. Plateau alone had 52 innocent people murdered in their homes with about 2000 others displaced in the Bokkos Local Government Area of the state. The well-coordinated attacks saw no less than 20 communities in the LGA attacked by the terrorist herdsmen.

     Benue State also lost 51 people when killer herdsmen attacked the Logo and Gbagir communities in Ukum Local Government Area of the state penultimate week. The attacks followed the pattern of previous killings that led to the displacement of people from their ancestral homes. Ironically, the two states in the northcentral were the epicentre of constant killings and despoliation of local communities before the 2015 general elections.

    So, the attacks by the militia herdsmen are not entirely new. But why they peak each time national elections draw closer must worry all those genuinely committed to the peace, progress and development of this country. Mass abductions of secondary school girls including that of Dapchi and their suspicious return did a lot to inject political angle to the insecurity in the northeast then.

    Insecurity was a major campaign programme of Muhammadu Buhari as the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC). It can be argued that it played a significant role in the swing of votes against Jonathan especially in the north. Buhari had promised to tame insecurity within a few months of assuming power.

    After about six months in office, he gleefully announced to the nation that his regime had significantly diminished Boko Haram. According to him, Boko Haram was so degraded that it can no longer muster the capacity to mount serious onslaught against military formations.

    But events were soon to put a lie to that claim. Though the military has been fighting hard to contain the spread of Boko Haram, the reality is that it is far from being defeated. Series of events since Buhari’s claim of its degradation in December 2015 bear eloquent testimony to this. Not only there have been complaints of their control of some local governments, they have continued to engage our armed forces in deadly combats. Their attacks have resonated in the last couple of weeks.

    Again, its splinter groups continue to terrorise parts of the country. Perhaps, Boko Haram was able to give birth to splinter groups and spread because of the dissonance between and among politicians regarding what interests it really represented when it emerged in the Nigerian scene. Then Jonathan, a southerner was in power and the north was hell-bent in capturing political power from him.

    It was a verity of war situation and all seemed fair in that encounter. Then also, his attempt to raise the price of petrol was massively resisted through mass protests and arguments that today betray the true intentions of their canvassers. Ironically, such disagreements threw spanners in the wheels of a collective fight against the threat of terror and economic progress.

    President Bola Tinubu is about to enter the second lap of his four-year tenure and election manoeuvres are about gaining considerable momentum. He is a southerner just like Jonathan. The question the upsurge in insecurity raises is whether history is about to repeat itself? In other words, is there any connection between the rise in insecurity in the country and the coming elections? Is insecurity going to play a role in the unfolding political campaigns as the jostle for the 2027 elections heats up?

    The Director General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s position on this could be helpful. She had at the 2024 Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association said the country’s insecurity is weaponized by politicians for political and selfish reasons.

    “We have politicians who believe that the best way to make their opponents look bad is to instigate insecurity, making it look like they can’t govern, regardless of whether this leads to loss of lives and property of innocent Nigerians” she had said.

     This may well be the reason insecurity peaks each time general elections drew nearer especially with a southerner in the saddle.  The solution to the festering insecurity in the country may in part, be located in this angle.

  • Not a defection

    Not a defection

    Rumours abounded, but they came across as ill-humour. Someone was playing mischief with the Sheriff. In the time of Abiola Ajimobi as Oyo State helmsman, his fellow citizens minted the term Koseleri for him. It meant it has never happened before. He was the first to serve two terms in the saddle.  That was the humour some saw as dark and in the clouds for the Sheriff of Delta State.

    How could Delta State ever veer from its course since 1999? They heard nothing from Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. No party wheel horse squealed. When a party mensch’s daughter named Ibori stepped across to the APC, the hint came as a wink. But few clinked glasses even in the APC. Then came Ned Nwoko, the sweet-heartened lawmaker. Yet, the earth did not quake. Even if they had a hint, and even a wink of what was to come, they believed these were lightweights in the ring.

    Delta was fortress  PDP. Especially in the local governments and state house of Assembly. Of course, it all started from the top throne of governor. So, no one saw it coming. Not many thought it possible. Even a soothsayer would be booed as a phony, a pastor a false prophet. The evidence was only too visible. Was it?

    If anybody followed the events of the past few years, we would have seen it. Governor Sheriff is not one to blab. He had said that his people should support the president because the president was a stalwart behind his work for the state. For sure, Sheriff is one of the consequential governors today, whether in the area of infrastructure, education or health care, he is making hearts throb with his imprimatur.

    Other governors had moved before him at various times. Tambuwal from APC. Umahi from PDP. Ayade to APC.  But no one in this republic shook the roofs. They were throbs. This was an earthquake. Enter Governor. Enter former governor. Enter deputy governor. National and state lawmaker all, local government chairmen all, state apparatchik all. It was not a defection. It was a transplant. a change of crown on the same head. Exit doubt.

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    It was like the formation of the Anglican Church. It was the same priests, the same church pews and altars, the same church bureaucracy, the same God, but different worship, different head of state, king Henry VIII. A video trended online with state members singing “on your mandate,” the signature rhythm of Tinubu loyalty.

    Usually, people defect when they feel their party is sick. Apart from the good working relations with President Tinubu, this was a defection to avoid an infection. Not long ago, two PDP men played agbero boys in Asaba, almost coming to blows. Things are coming apart, the centre not holding. Courts left them to their devious devices, governors at war with a disarticulated corps of leaders. Remaining could give Delta the bug. Delta PDP was whole, hale and hearty. The heart of the PDP at the centre was troubled, beating so hard and fast that all could hear it sink, skip and syncopate. Was its heart beating to death because its self-immolating leaders were beating up on themselves into oblivion?

    The Sheriff and his men do not want to be like the victim of a paedophile, like the searing novel My Heavenly favorite by Dutch writer Lucas Rijneveld or the International Booker Prize novel Kairos by German writer Jenny Erpenbeck. But the Sheriff acted like Richard Nixon’s definition of a leader in his The Memoirs of Richard Nixon. He said a leader is a man who can not only take tough decisions but can carry his associates with him along those tough decisions. This is a discomfort of a day for all its PDP leaders, from Damagum’s regret to Atiku’s lament.

    Defectors tend to come with baggage, with bowl in hand, cringing and solicitous. This transplant was an infusion of blood, a defection with a swagger.

    For the PDP, it is an end of hubris. Atiku, who is no stranger to the life of the tortured traveler from party to travel, should not be complaining. He moaned about sipping tea, a thing he has done as a chieftain in PDM, PDP, ACN,  APC and back to PDP. He is the oldest defector alive, and its chief dramatist.

    The argument is gaining momentum in some circles that such defections to the ruling party casts the APC as  entrenching a one-party state. That is egregious nonsense. One, the country has many parties, even more than most democracies. We are a democracy of a penny-a-party. Many form parties not for power but for pennies.  Party for pockets. Two, one party-states often invoke the idea of clampdowns. This is not the case. This is a case of choice over coercion. It is often a deference to dominance and superior power play rather than suffocation. Three, was it not in this country we heard about a party boasting to sway for 60 years? Four, democracies thrive under the rhythms of rise and fall of political parties. This is not a paean to might of presidential powers, but might of affection. The actions reflect the wizardry of a president, who has displayed a knack for the power game above his peers.

    What the Sheriff has done is to teach everyone how to defect and also how not to defect. We have seen quite a few in recent times. The signal one is the move from the APC of the former Kaduna governor, Nasir El Rufai. While the Sheriff left with an earthquake, El-Rufai left without a whimper. No éclat, no drumrolls, no party for the parting, no dance, no tears. But quiet jubilation. They got rid of him. But it was a parting without sorrow in APC but sorrow for the wayfarer. It was a sojourn without an arrival, a journey without a destination, a troubled destiny. Those he left did not dignify him with a goodbye. Where he went, they asked him to return. No sai sanmu and no maraba. No farewell, no welcome, like T.S. Eliot’s The Journey of the Magi with “voices singing in (his) ears, saying that this was all folly.”

    Some have asserted that it pits the ruling party against the people. This is a spurious position of those who think they own the people. This is presumptuous. It argues that party defection hierarchises politics. But politics has never been different. It is about organization. Without structure, how can you mobilise? Once they try to create structures, they become not the people but a party. It is simplistic thinking to undermine the value of parties. Such debates only admit they have lost the argument.

    Governor Oborevwori has now made history, not only for Delta, but also in political pedagogy, a lesson that demonstrates that to leave is also to win. The beauty of it is that it was a show but not showy, a conquest without confetti.

  • An angel of disobedience

    An angel of disobedience

    Pope Francis reflected the power of God in man and limitations of man in God. He took over like a revolutionary of consent in a conservative stronghold. Many feared he was a bull in a holy of holies, a man who wanted to upturn centuries of faith with murder. He smiled at the gay, nodded to the divorce, washed a black man’s feet in southern Sudan, and stood as a counterpoise of empathy in an age of rightwing populism. Some thought he wanted to shed another blood that Jesus did not. He wanted to shed the church.

    But he was just a tease and a shaker. He teased the liberal, who thought he might reverse abortion, remove dogma on gays, resurrect Henry VIII by endorsing divorce, plant a woman on the pulpit. He teased all that, but achieved none. While at it, though, he nudged the conservative in the words of the Caribbean novelist who wrote, “something startles where I thought I was safest.” He did not murder the cathedral.

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    In the end, he was an angel of disobedience. The Bible says to obey is better than sacrifice. He preferred not to sacrifice the law, but he sacrificed hope. That is what we have in the end. He was not capable of that sort of earthquake. Faith is nothing without its mystery, and when modernity enters the sanctuary, the response is the whip like Jesus in his rage. Modernity threatens mystery, and without mystery the church loses its power. Dostoyevsky in his The Brother Karamazov identified authority, miracle and mystery as the fulcrums of faith. To yield to such secular agitations is to subordinate the raison d’etre of the Bible. Any pope who yields, compromises history. What is church without memory. But he confronted power and made the world leaders uncomfortable, especially on immigration. Trump, who is faithless struggled to affirm his Christian loyalty.

    If Pope Francis’ legacy is intangible, Pope John Paul II broke royal backbones. The pontiff who survived an assassination, has been credited with the soft power that fell communism. Each time he visited a country, the leader fell. He did it to Poland, Chile, Haiti, Paraguay and he did not blush to condemn the leaders. He was like Sunny Ade’s song, Ologini tide o/ ekute paramo -the cat has arrived, the rat should take cover. The rats of tyranny fell before the cat under the spell of the big cat, the lion of the tribe of Judah. The dictators, especially a man like Chile’s Pinochet, might have invoked the words of Henry II over a pesky Priest Thomas Becket, “Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?” Not long after, Becket breathed his last. That was the age of savagery. We may just be more refined in our savagery these days of hounding immigrants in the fashion of Hitler’s squad. We have had good and bad popes. My teacher at Ife, Professor Femi Omosini, crooned in class about some medieval popes: “the pope became extremely worldly. He wined and dined with secular authorities and bargained openly for the expansion of the papal territory.” Popes are products of their times, sometimes in deference or defiance of the holy spirit.

  • One Ponzi scheme, too many

    One Ponzi scheme, too many

    When some Nigerian investors took to the social media to lament how they were locked out of their accounts in the CBEX digital financial platform, it was apparent they had fallen victim to another Ponzi scheme. Trending videos from some of those affected showed frustrations with their inability to withdraw their investments highlighting fears that their money may have been lost.

    Some of the investors who complained on the private messaging service telegram of the CBEX were told by the digital financial platform that the problem was as a result of hacking and that things would soon be restored.

    Concerns on the fate of CBEX mounted when a popular X user wrote about an individual who reportedly invested $1, 000 and withdrew $5, 000. He further wrote, “Having done all the checks, the platform flies all the flags of a Ponzi scheme”.

    But instead of normalcy being restored as promised, the platform was quick to crash. CBEX locked its telegram channels and restricted WhatsApp groups. It also curiously introduced a verification fee where users were asked to pay $100 or $200 to supposedly unlock $1, 000 and $2, 000 respectively.

    These measures left investors without further doubt that they have been scammed of their hard-earned money by the phoney financial platform. Frustrated by the turn of events, some of them attacked the offices of the financial platform in Ibadan and Lagos, carting away chairs, air conditioners and solar panels in utter despair.

    The crash of the CBEX platform yet adds to the list of fake digital financial investment platforms that swindled Nigerians of their hard-earned money and left sorrow and misery in their trail. CBEX launched in Nigeria in July 2024 promising investors 100 per cent returns on their investments within 30 days

     It came with the usual strategy of encouraging users to refer others with promises of bonuses and rewards based on the size of their referral network. Early participants are paid from the contributions of new investors and those who benefitted become the mouthpiece of the scheme. The objective of this strategy is to spur spurs more investments and before you know it, the platform crashes with the funds of investors trapped. That was the ploy deployed by previous Ponzi scheme before the CBEX. And that was the pattern it adopted, followed and crashed out.

    It is estimated that the CBEX may have carted away over N1.3 trillion from their wallet after crashing penultimate Monday.

    Sadly, Nigerians are not new to this manner of investment scam.  The Mavrodial  Mondial Movement (MMM) had similarly debuted in 2015 promising mouth-watering returns of 30 per cent within 30 days. But in 2016, it abruptly froze its transactions leaving its investors estimated at over three million people stranded.

    Of the N911.45 billion which the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) estimated in 2022 to have been lost to Ponzi and other related fraudulent activities in the last 23 years, MMM alone accounted for N18 billion. Before the CBEX scam, Nigerians had severally fallen victims to other Ponzi schemes such as Twinkas, Ultimate Cyber, Givers Forum and Get Help Worldwide etc.

    As I write, the running of similar fraudulent schemes cannot be ruled out. And the possibility of future victims looms large. Why this is so despite the bitter experiences of our people and in spite of warnings from relevant government agencies to investors to be wary of offers that look too good to be true will continue to divide opinion.

    But much of the answer can be found in the bogus, unrealistic and quick returns to investments which the schemes offer prospective investors. That is the prime motivation. That is why those who opt for such schemes shun the conventional banks with their low returns on investments. The Ponzi schemes came with 100 or 30 per cent return on investment within 30 days.

    So, it made better investment sense albeit foolishly, if they can reap such huge returns especially so when they can point at someone who had so benefitted. But the question such prospective investors failed to ask is the type of investment that will double returns in just 30 days. They should have interrogated the type of business that would enable the digital financial platform to double returns on investments within 30 days and still make its own profits to remain in business. That is where greed met ignorance.

     Given the experiences of our citizens with such Ponzi schemes in the past, one had expected that some lessons would have been learnt and precautionary measures taken. But the experience of the CBEX crash does not bear this optimism out.

    Curiously, most of those who patronised the CBEX scheme are urban dwellers as indicated by the pattern of attacks at the Ibadan and Lagos offices of the phoney company. The MMM scandal occurred barely nine years ago. There has been little change in demographics to suggest that most of the victims were not of age when it froze its transaction and shattered the future of its investors. Neither can it be claimed they had no information about the past.

     Greed pushes Nigerians into investing in such supposedly high interest-yielding ventures without figuring out the impracticability of any business yielding such profit within that short time frame. It is possible a few of the victims may not have been privy to the previous experiences of Nigerians with such scheme. But then, the lure remains the quick return to investments in manners that defy economic and rational calculations.

     This disposition is not entirely new. It tallies with the pervasive culture of corner cutting and quick fixes. You may even be surprised at the manner experts who are more versed in such investment matters may be dismissed if they try to discourage those eager to invest in such schemes. That shows the value we place on knowledge and expertise.

    That is not to diminish the importance of sensitisation programmes from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and other relevant agencies of the government.

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    In March, the EFCC warned on the activities of about 58 illegal Ponzi scheme operators in the country. It said these companies were operating without registration with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) or the SEC and have been identified as potential threats to the financial wellbeing of unsuspecting Nigerians. But CBEX was not listed among the 58.

    A breakdown of the list showed their activities spanned various sectors such as agriculture, finance, oil and gas, books etc.

    From the diverse fields they operate and the activities they purport to engage in, it will be very hard for investors to draw a line between the genuine and fake ones. In this list is a preponderance of agricultural companies that do not promise quick returns on investments but are still out there to scam the people. That is the real danger facing genuine investors. And that is why serious sensitisation programmes have to be called into quick action.

    SEC said its long-term goal is to launch a capital market radio to educate investors and ensure that Ponzi schemes are completely taken down. This is heart-warning. But the time for the capital market radio is now. We cannot continue to harbour the huge losses Nigerian investors incur each time their money gets trapped in the vaults of Ponzi schemes due to their inability to differentiate between the fakes and genuine investments.

    The N10 billion that the Senate approved for the commission to embark on market education programmes should be quickly deployed to the desired end. The relative ease with which Ponzi schemes operate within our shores, scam investors and disappear, point to something untoward about the monitoring roles of the relevant agencies of government. The SEC, EFCC and the CBN should publish dedicated telephone lines through which Nigerians can ask questions on future investments.

    CEBX had offices in Ibadan and Lagos. People manned those offices for the period of their ill-fated operations without detection by any of the government agencies. That says a lot. It is good a thing that SEC is considering the establishment of more offices across the country to get closer to the people. With such offices and effective monitoring, it will be easier to detect the existence of fake financial investment companies before they scam unsuspecting investors.

    But these fraudulent activities thrive because of the ease with which they evade justice. Nigerians lost huge sums of money to MMM and till date nothing came out of it. CBEX is following the same line. The EFCC said it is working with Interpol and other development agencies to bring to book those behind the scam. We wait for the outcome.

    But the psyche of our people needs serious rejig. The pervading culture that wealth can be procured through quick fixes-money doubling, ritual killings, Yahoo, organ harvesting, kidnapping and sundry criminalities is behind it all. Public celebration of huge quantities of cash is part of it. That is the war Governor Chukwuma Soludo is currently waging in Anambra State. That war against moral atrophy requires national dimension.

  • Who owns the land?

    Who owns the land?

    When the harvest of blood and innocence pried parts of Plateau State apart, this essayist looked back to history, and at a time when the locals ached for the Fulani. When they did not arrive early enough, they pined for them. They just did not want them, they needed them.

    No one would have thought, only two generations ago, we would see this today. They lob curse words at each other, guns reply guns, machetes glisten into crying flesh, sneers over screams and tears, corpse pile on corpse. At nightfall, many fall, including the grandma next door in her wizened glory.

    The halcyon times now belong to the ages. When this essayist learned of the slaughter at Bokkos and others, we also saw the message of the governor, Caleb Mutfwang, when he announced that over 60 communities have been colonised by foreigners in the state.

    In the good times, these foreigners were invited. Was their goodwill the reason for today’s ill-will? They are not even Nigerian Fulani. They are interlopers. But when they came in those days, it was because they gave them value. Everyone was a farmer, and everyone wanted a herder in their clan, in their villages. This was not restricted to the plateau area alone; it was all over the north.

    They were the brides of the farms. The locals craved fertilizer. The Fulani came with wife and sometimes kids. But their jewel of the bride was the cow. The herdsmen lived for their cattle then. No one knew they would die and kill for them. Their love for their jewel was hidden in their genes, and only revealed generations later in spasms of slaughter. The cows toiled then as they do today, going through what J. P Clark described: “From desert through grass and forest/To the hungry towns by sea/Does call at least for rest.”

    Indeed, the locals loved the cattle first, and later their human bearers. They wanted them less for food than their stools. Food for the farms. The cattle were jewels of wastes, and the  wastes were worth the wait.  When they arrived, they gave without measure and it made Clark wonder in poesy, “Your face of stool for mystery:/What secret hope or knowledge,/Locked in your hump away from man.”

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    Indeed, the locals scrambled for the arrival of the nomads. And when they came, they settled on the farms. Not as hostile takeovers but as welcome guests. The cows crouched and mooed and mated, and filled the soil with manure. Their filth was gold. The Fulani built temporary shelters.

    Only good locals were allowed to host them. In my biography of the former governor, Senator Simon Lalong, titled: Forty Days and Forty Nights, he relates to me his experience as a child growing up in that part. In a chapter titled: Everyone Wants a Fulani Herdsman, Lalong said: “In those days, you dared not say Fulani would not settle on your farm. If they came and they didn’t settle on your farm, it meant you are a wicked man because people were looking for them in advance. If it was a dry season, some went to ask a chief to allow them stay on their farms when they came around.”

    When they arrived, they would meet the village chief, and the chief would instruct him on whose farm to settle. It was not the Fulani that lobbied for a place.

    “The prize was breathtaking. Once the Fulani settle on the farm, the cows deposited dung. Dung was boon.” There was no fear that the Fulani would steal their crops. They were wayfarers of integrity. They lived in mutual trust of their locals. When their tour ended, they did not leave without gratitude. Sometimes they would  present valuables as gifts to their hosts.

    They slaughtered  cows for the host, and even butcher them. Sometimes, they would hand them live goats. Lalong relates a story when he and his friends thought the visitors had left, and shared their precious possesions like wrappers among themselves. Suddenly, the owners materialized, and the woman turned out a friend of Lalong’s mother who sold her favorite fura. All the boys were chided and compelled to return all they acquired.

    How did that paradise of harmony transform into slaughter? When did the person whose cow farted for plenty become a nightmare? The first sign was Gamalin, a chemical that poisoned the fertilizer.

    The fetish of modernity turned the love of the poop. They were done with dung. Welcome the fertilizer. Alas, the Fulani was no longer wanted on the farm. When the rains came, they flooded the farms, and the Fulani were gone. But the Gamalin did not only poison the farms, the flood carried the poison to the rivers where they fished.

    The apotheosis of peace was behind them. They had no fish, and no rice. Poverty beckoned. The first villain was not the Fulani. It was modernity. Then the Fulani wanted to graze, and gradually cooperation became suspicion, and suspicion turned to tension of hostility.

    If they did not welcome the Fulani who came from outside the country, why did they remain? That is the question. The land belonged to the locals. Gradually the Fulani lost cattle, and they blamed those who did not give them room to graze. They lost cattle because the locals resented them as colonisers. They also said the locals stole their cattle. The tension worsened.

    They told each other the words of Arab poet, Mahmud Darwish, “don’t ask of me, my love, the love I once had for thee.”

    Their numbers swelled, and now they have over 60 communities. They now own them with impunity. It is what Germans called Lebensraum in the days of Hitler’s Nazis. It is called living room. The Germans said they wanted areas of Czechoslovakia where the Sudeten Germans lived, and they did not care for the locals. It was an expansionist ideology with racism in its core. But some have said Babangida’s creation of a local government now known as Jos North empowered this impunity. But it is Hausa who live there, not Fulani. Yet, we cannot deny that official somnolence  allowed community after community to fall to people who are not even Nigerians. A little sleep, a little slumber, a little folding of the hands.

    A lot of this happened under Buhari. To reverse this will mean extreme slaughter. The colonisers are ready for the kill. They recall Sophocles’ play Ajax about a man who slaughtered cows after cows under the delusion that he was slaughtering his human enemies. In this case, they slaughter humans after humans as though they are slaughtering animals. It is a play American soldiers are instructed to watch because of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. When the locals kill one or filch a cow, they can eliminate a thousand in revenge. Medics need to investigate that pathology.

    A group visited one of the communities, and the colonisers said even the mechanized army division in the state would be slaughtered if it tried to evacuate them. Who owns the land? An echo from Sunny Okosun’s grave.

  • Obi and Atiku’s failed romance

    Obi and Atiku’s failed romance

    A sort of romance is steaming between Obi and Atiku, but a wedlock is forbidden by the gods. Not even the courts can help. The crises eating away at both the Labour Party and the People’s Democratic Party sought succour at the judiciary, culminating at the Supreme Court. Each had fighting factions, and peace was sought not within them but by an arbiter. The arbiter, however, said it was not their business. They did not want to be interlopers. They were not elders in a village and would not bring peace by fiat. The beds remain cold for Pitobi and Atiku.

    They wanted dictatorship by court order. Obi and his faction thought they would win. So did the hard-fighting Abure and his group. Neither won. Atiku and his men wanted to hector their way to control. They could visit Buhari till eternity with his friend El Rufai, but the court would not help. In PDP, we cannot say neither won. The winner is Wike and his men.

    That brings us to the core of the matter. If neither Obi nor Atiku could bring the fighting soldiers of their parties to a truce, how could we trust them to resolve a nation as fractious as Nigeria. They exposed their failures as leaders.

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    Obi has not been able to rein in the protests in his party. As we have it today, the Labour Party started to fight over power, but at the bottom is that the no shishi party now realises there is a lot of chin chin in the bag. All the fanatics who are “agba dollars” have stuffed the Labour Party purse with a lot trouble. And all of them, including Apapa, are fishing. We can say they are fishing for trouble.

    As for PDP, Atiku should have continued lounging in Dubai rather than visiting the dusty city of Ibadan only to be dusted out by the governors who would not give him a nod to merge with other parties. Already, the Social Democratic Party has said no to the squat man of Kaduna, and have asked him to go to his ward. The man may not even know anybody of grassroots value in his ward. We have not seen him there after they asked him to abide by the party protocol. Atiku wanted to put Band-Aid on a wound by saying the party should merge. Merge with who? LP? Both of them are wounded, and limping.

    The governors said if we cannot fight with a sore head, let us die like men. Atiku says, let us pretend we are men. He wants to imitate APC. He was not in the kitchen when the soup was  made. Now he is acting like the chef. No menu for wedlock with Pitobi.

  • What is federal character?

    What is federal character?

    A storm of numbers rent the past week over appointments. It is the sort of debate that focuses on the elite rather than the people. No one posed questions about the quality of the appointees, what have they accomplished, and where have they erred.

    Rather, tongues wagged about tribes. This sort of furore deviates from progress to the embers of greed.  It is hypocrisy and an elite distraction.

    I am not underplaying the value of inclusion. But this essayist wanted, at least, a level of sophistication in the fracas. I expected the captious barbs to levitate a little for ideas rather than sentiment. But as Oscar Wilde noted, man is a creature of sentiment and not of reason.

    The storm trooper is none other than Ali Ndume, the querulous senator who I discredited not long ago when I compelled him to confess his sins in public.

     In his last censorious fart, he queried the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)’s staff realignment. He cried not because he loved North or hated South. It was a disguised plea for his relatives there who might be moved South. He had played a nepotist card in giving jobs. After all, as a ‘senator concern’ how would they know that he is a big man if he cannot put his children or nieces or nephews etc, in the posh sweetness of jobs?

     He swiftly confessed after my challenge. But as a man who has no self-awareness, he was out again ranting a year later over appointments. In between, he had unfurled his forked tongue about the tax bill. It all had to do with spoils. But this is no time to batten down those details.

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    On the issue of lopsided appointments, he seems to have revived his motor park hubris. He said it is not because he is against President Bola Tinubu. He was just being fair. Haba Malam.

    This man wants access to the president. He is not getting it. He has turned himself into the rottweiler at the gate, and has to bark all night so all who are asleep can open the gate and give him shelter and a bone.

     He should tell us when was the last time he had a one-on-one meeting with the president? He is just a bitter man. And then he is woofing and growling without figures.

    Ndume loves to speak to galleries with an empty-barrel vanity because there is always an audience for such full-throated extravagance.

    Now what are the facts? He probably did not like the fact that the NNPCL boss is named Ojulari, and he forgot that the man is from the north central. He forgot that the new chairman of the board is his kinsman. He is still angry that the FCT minister is from Rivers State and that the CBN governor is named Cardoso and not Ali. This is the sort of parochial torment in his soul.

    Maybe he should have visited the Federal Character Commission (FCC) and enquired, as this essayist has done, and obtained the facts.

    Does he know that under Bola Tinubu, the appointments are still skewed to the north? During the Buhari era, north central had 110 while Tinubu raised it to 137. The Northeast had 102, and now they have 91. The Northwest had 127 but have now 134. The Southeast stayed almost the same and fell from 71 under Buhari to 70 now. South-south rose marginally from 71 to 79. Southwest had a sharp rise from 91 to 146. In aggregate, the north has a total of 339 to the south’s 233.

    If anyone wants to complain, it is not a man like Ali Ndume. I would have said the South-south and Southeast should be up in arms. But they, too, and I am from the South-south, should exercise a sense of history.

    Not long ago when Goodluck Jonathan was president, our Southeast brothers called Jonathan Azikiwe on the ground of his favoritism. His main beneficiaries were either from the Southeast or South-south, and he had no compunction about it. No one complained at that time about a lopsided profile of jobs.

     In fact, the British press wrote vivid stories of Nigerians of a certain extraction on a shopping mania, buying up High Street in London. That was the Jonathan effect.

     Ayim was secretary to the federation and he should tell us if he did not give more jobs to his kinsmen and some South-south fellows than anywhere else. In fact, I know of an Urhobo man who he would not allow to do a second term because he had to replace him with his kinsman. We cannot forget Okonjo Iweala wailing that only Southeasterners qualified for jobs.

    The idea of federal character should not be seen as a snapshot in time. It has to be seen as balance over time. The Southwest may seem to have revved up its profile under Tinubu, but when was the last time that happened? Some said the premium jobs have gone to Yoruba. I ask, when was the last time a Yoruba man was CBN chief, or chief of army staff, or head of Customs or head of NNPCL?

    We have run a historically unbalanced profile of jobs. This is because our leaders over time prefer conclave of tribe to merit, or the abused word, Fairness. It is for this lack of fairness that we have accepted the idea of zoning the presidency.

     We don’t trust ourselves yet. Imagine if Tinubu were not president, the last time we might have had a Yoruba chief of army staff would be about three decades ago under Alani Akinrinade.

     Did the East not celebrate when Jonathan made Ihejirika the chief of army staff? The first since Ironsi. During a NIMASA anniversary, they gave out merit awards to staff who had served over decades.

    It turned out that when a northerner was director general, it was northerners on the staff; under a South-south DG, it was South-south staff, and under a Yoruba DG, it was Yoruba staff. Each DG to his own. It is typical in virtually all federal agencies. Time has been the tool for balancing, rather than attaining merit in a snapshot in time.

    Bigots like Ndume should look at the northern profile of Tinubu’s appointment. He addressed the main issues plaguing the north, health, poverty, security, housing and education. All the ministers heading those critical sectors are from the North. Except the deployment of Alausa to education. But the minister of state is also from the North. Is that not an opportunity to attack the issues through their appointees?

    Since 1999, when did appointees change the poverty or state of development in the regions of the presidents? Never. During Jonathan, the Southeast had its worst roads, and Fashola has been the best to have lifted eastern infrastructure. I stand to be corrected. Jonathan’s Second Niger Bridge never took off. Buhari redeemed it. Yet, the poverty index under Buhari was appalling up North, especially among the talakawa who swore by his name.

    What we should adduce is development, not elite allocation of offices. That is our bane. We call some offices juicy? Some did not want Wike in FCT because they thought it is “juicy.” It is a code word for corruption. This is pharisaic. The debate over lopsidedness is not the worry of the Fulani farmer or Igbo spare parts seller. It is an elite who craves a Dubai mansion.