Category: Monday

  • Coup of curiosities

    How much has Nigeria changed since its first and perhaps most far-reaching military coup was carried out 50 years ago? It was a coup for change. But was it a coup of change?

    Could it have happened without bloodshed? The Prime Minister, a federal minister, two regional premiers, and top Army officers from the Northern and Western regions of the country were murdered. The premier of the Eastern region (where most of the plotters came from), the Igbo President of the federation and the Igbo Army Chief were remarkably spared.

    The apparent selectiveness, if not discrimination, of the coup plotters in favour of individuals from the Eastern region ultimately resulted in a civil war that lasted three years.

    This is the speech by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu – announcing Nigeria’s first military coup on Radio Nigeria, Kaduna, on January 15, 1966:

    “IN the name of the Supreme Council of the Revolution of the Nigerian Armed Forces, I declare martial law over the Northern Provinces of Nigeria. The Constitution is

    suspended and the regional government and elected assemblies are hereby dissolved.

    All political, cultural, tribal and trade union activities, together with all demonstrations and unauthorised gatherings, excluding religious worship, are banned until further notice.

    The aim of the Revolutionary Council is to establish a strong united and prosperous nation, free from corruption and internal strife. Our method of achieving this is strictly military but we have no doubt that every Nigerian will give us maximum cooperation by assisting the regime and not disturbing the peace during the slight changes that are taking place.

    I am to assure all foreigners living and working in this part of Nigeria that their rights will continue to be respected. All treaty obligations previously entered into with any foreign nation will be respected and we hope that such nations will respect our country’s territorial integrity and will avoid taking sides with enemies of the revolution and enemies of the people.

    My dear countrymen, you will hear, and probably see a lot being done by certain bodies charged by the Supreme Council with the duties of national integration, supreme justice, general security and property recovery.

    As an interim measure all permanent secretaries, corporation chairmen and senior heads of departments are allowed to make decisions until the new organs are functioning, so long as such decisions are not contrary to the aims and wishes of the Supreme Council.

    No Minister or Parliamentary Secretary possesses administrative or other forms of control over any Ministry, even if they are not considered too dangerous to be arrested.

    This is not a time for long speech-making and so let me acquaint you with ten proclamations in the Extraordinary Orders of the Day which the Supreme Council has promulgated.

    These will be modified as the situation improves.

    You are hereby warned that looting, arson, homosexuality, rape, embezzlement, bribery or corruption, obstruction of the revolution, sabotage, subversion, false alarms and assistance to foreign invaders, are all offences punishable by death sentence.

    Demonstrations and unauthorised assembly, non-cooperation with revolutionary troops are punishable in grave manner up to death. Refusal or neglect to perform normal duties or any task that may of necessity be ordered by local military commanders in support of the change will be punishable by a sentence imposed by the local military commander.

    Spying, harmful or injurious publications, and broadcasts of troop movements or actions, will be punished by any suitable sentence deemed fit by the local military commander. Shouting of slogans, loitering and rowdy behaviour will be rectified by any sentence of incarceration, or any more severe punishment deemed fit by the local military commander.

    Doubtful loyalty will be penalised by imprisonment or any more severe sentence. Illegal possession or carrying of firearms, smuggling or trying to escape with documents, valuables, including money or other assets vital to the running of any establishment will be punished by death sentence.

    Wavering or sitting on the fence and failing to declare open loyalty with the revolution will be regarded as an act of hostility punishable by any sentence deemed suitable by the local military commander. Tearing down an order of the day or proclamation or other authorised notices will be penalised by death.

    This is the end of the Extraordinary Order of the Day which you will soon begin to see displayed in public. My dear countrymen, no citizen should have anything to fear, so long as that citizen is law abiding and if that citizen has religiously obeyed the native laws of the country and those set down in every heart and conscience since 1st October, 1960.

    Our enemies are the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand 10 percent; those that seek to keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circles, those that have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds.

    Like good soldiers we are not promising anything miraculous or spectacular. But what we do promise every law abiding citizen is freedom from fear and all forms of oppression, freedom from general inefficiency and freedom to live and strive in every field of human endeavour, both nationally and internationally. We promise that you will no more be ashamed to say that you are a Nigerian.

    I leave you with a message of good wishes and ask for your support at all times, so that our land, watered by the Niger and Benue, between the sandy wastes and gulf of guinea, washed in salt by the mighty Atlantic, shall not detract Nigeria from gaining sway in any great aspect of international endeavour. My dear countrymen, this is the end of this speech.

    I wish you all good luck and I hope you will cooperate to the fullest in this job which we have set for ourselves of establishing a prosperous nation and achieving solidarity.”

    The coup failed and Nzeogwu was arrested in Lagos on January 18, 1966. Curiously, Nzeogwu was released following Biafra’s declaration of independence from Nigeria on May 30, 1967, after retaliatory killings of Igbos in Northern Nigeria that were seen as genocidal. Curiously, Nzeogwu was allowed to join the Biafrans, and he did.

    The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafra War, started on July 6, 1967. On July 29, 1967, Nzeogwu – who had been promoted to the rank of a Biafran Lt. Colonel – was killed in action.   His corpse was identified.

    Curiously, after Biafra’s defeat and the end of the war, the Head of State on the Nigerian side, Major General Yakubu Gowon, ordered that Nzeogwu (1937–1967) should be buried at the military cemetery in Kaduna with full military honours.

    Curiously, the 50th anniversary of Nzeogwu’s coup brings to mind a chain of curiosities.

  • Memory without memorial

    Memory without memorial

    History shone like a headlight. It did not happen alone in Lagos, where the life of Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, swam under searchlights. Samuel Akintola of the acerbic wit also roared from the grave. In the North, the Sardauna of Sokoto, swaggered for attention.

    The triumph was for history. In a nation doomed from generating a new generation of historians for banishing history from the academic curriculum! Never mind that in those events you find only those who studied history or witnessed it.

    At the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, I moderated a colloquium on Okotie-Eboh, and the speakers were mainly witnesses of the life and doings of the colourful Nigerian politician. The speakers included Dara Mbazulike Amaechi, a surviving First Republic minister; Alhaji Ahmed Joda, Chief Philip Asiodu, Senator Ben Obi and Chief Brown Mene.

    If last week marked 50 years of Okotie-Eboh’s death, it was five decades since five majors popped our political cherry. The soldiers stepped over the lion’s piss, played Samson to the head of the pride, shaved off the mane and raped the lioness. The offspring was a hybrid political system that gave us neither the sophistication of man nor the ferocious dignity of a cat.

    Okotie-Eboh, known as Omimi Ejo, was glamour as politician. Yet all we remember of this man was that he shepherded First Republic finances and was slaughtered savagely as well as Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa. The panelists showed that the Omimi Ejo’s narrative had been skewed by the false heroism of the majors, especially Kaduna Nzeogwu’s 10 per cent speech. So, if he was finance minister, he was the chief 10 percenter. As Amaechi noted, no one had evidence about these allegations. He said all NCNC office holders were obliged to pay 10 per cent of their incomes to the political party.

    The inimitable orator, Alhaji Maitama Sule, also his colleague, gave the keynote and rambled along elegantly about the virtues and humour of the man, his cosmopolitan virtues, his commercial acumen, his gregarious wit, his fierce nationalism, a man who was born Urhobo and died not only Itsekiri but also a Nigerian. The panelists reminded us that he gave us the Central Bank and the mint company, set up the financial infrastructure of Nigeria at independence.

    On wealth, they said he was richer than his political party before he became a party wheel horse or minister, that it was the great Zik who chose him to represent the NCNC in the cabinet against the ambitions of men like Sir Ojukwu, incidentally one of Zik’s close friends. They implied he was too wealthy for the corrupting wiles of office. He had built schools and other institutions.

    Some of these narratives shine in a book edited by Professor Jide Osuntokun titled Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh: In Time and Space. What the colloquium achieved was to excavate the man from history. It beckoned us to look again at the man’s tale beyond the long, interminable, serpentine textile tail. We should examine him not as part of the vast sweep of that event alone but also as an individual, a visioner, patriot, bureaucrat, technocrat, parliamentarian, business mogul, cosmopolitan, etc.

    We know that the Nzeogwu coup came with a mixed bag. The young men wanted to save the country in their own light. They left it misshapen for half a century. No man can call them heroes in my book. They even knew nothing about organising a putsch. They ethnicised it, killed the Yoruba, killed the Hausa Fulani, left the Igbo unhurt, including Aguiyi-Ironsi. No one is sure who the leader was. Nzeogwu would not bow to Ifeajuna, while Ifeajuna bellyached that Nzeogwu would not acknowledge him as the sovereign of the conspiracy. They slaughtered Akintola and Sardauna, and that reflected their naivety. The shedding of blood never healed any society in history. Nzeogwu studied history amiss. Blood begets blood. Check all the revolutions. English. French. Soviet. Chinese. The turning points of Europe in mid-19th century. Napoleon’s bloodlust. Bismarck’s iron dream. Metternich’s nationalist fury. The Nigerian majors stepped onto the lion’s piss, shaved the beast and expected the raping of the lioness to achieve the weariness of all flesh. But the nation has paid with its pound of flesh year after year. Coup after coup. Corruption scandal after scandal. The topsy-turvy of its political elite. The friction over consensus. And the consequential slide in every facet of our lives.

    They exploited the frustration of the average Nigerian to satiate a lust of power. They claimed they wanted Awo to hold the fort. That sounds beautiful, but history is not about what might have been. If they bungled the coup itself, killed those who they should not and ignored those who they were supposed to kill, what else guaranteed that the Awo narrative was not part of a face-saving pastiche, a gimmick to salvage a flawed heroism? Or that after the quarry is quiet, they would not turn the hunting gun at each other. Just like Nzeogwu versus Ifeajuna, woeful losers with empty gunpowder.

    That is why today an Akintola can get a renaissance as well as the Sardauna. The southern elite defended theirs while the northern ones dangled swords for their icon. So, there. In spite of the spirit of contagion of coups in Africa, the base behaviour of our elite did not justify the mass slaughter. It ignited the rage that precipitated the pogrom of the Igbo that precipitated the civil war, a 30-month absurdity that bloodied the nation’s map.

    I noted at the colloquium that the phrase ‘a man of the people’ popularised by Achebe’s novel of that title had problematised the concept and conceit of a popular politician. Chief Nanga, with Achebe deft hand, turned out to be a man for himself. The Scandinavian playwright Ibsen wrote a play titled Enemy of the People, and it turned out that the so-called enemy was the friend of the people.

    That is why, for me, the beauty of this season is to wake up our study of history. It is clear we have not analysed our past enough. Because we have not researched enough, we make cartoons of our past. A man is either a villain or hero, depending on who subverts the narrative. When Okotie-Eboh’s daughter and former permanent secretary, Dr. Dere Awosika, put together the NIIA event, I recalled Winston Churchill’s words about what history would say about him. “History will be kind to me for I will write it,” he noted. He controlled his narrative, although that might be an exaggeration. Dr. Awosika and her family certainly gave the family patriarch the beginning of a make-over. The event was not an ethnic one, but a sweep of Nigeria’s ethnic physiognomy. Obj chaired it, and a broad spectrum of Nigerians from East, West and North were happy to be there, including the Emir of Kano, Sanusi 11, former Delta State governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, Chief Segun Osoba.

    If last week was a triumph for history, it was an episodic one. A few days later, we will be back to our default amnesia. The last time we had a feast like this was when General Alabi Isama released his epic account of the civil war, The Tragedy of History. How many schools study that book, or will study Osuntokun’s book on Okotie-Eboh? Triple-in-one minister Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, who was represented at the event, hit the bulls’ eye when he mused on the absence of historical consciousness among our young. They know American history, and that’s because they schooled abroad. But they will have to learn our history. Was it not here that a student in Ikenne knew Obafemi the footballer and Obafemi the political genius? If they don’t know the story of the Sokoto Caliphate or the Niger Delta city states or the Yoruba wars of the 19th century or the so-called Benin massacre, what of a recent event like the civil war? Not many have ever heard of Gowon. In Journalism, I met some students who know nothing about Ray Ekpu or Dan Agbese. That’s why we have no fitting memorials for any period of time. We have memories. But memory without documentation or authentication is like oral history. We pass facts and parse them. We are left with biases, pastiches, myths and outright lies.

    Our amnesia reminds of Gabriel Garcia Marquez novel, Love in the Time of Cholera, where a man spends all his life waiting for the husband of the love of his life to die. By the time it happens, he is wrinkly, withered fuddy-duddy and the woman also an expired fig. They marry with no juice, a romantic desert. So, they go around in circles on a ship with no anchor but only a chorus of encores.

    If we don’t study our history, we will be, as the historian asserted, “a rudderless craft in the uncharted sea of time.”

  • Human trafficking

    In the last couple of weeks, I have had cause to be attracted to some of the experiences shared by victims of human trafficking. Going through such harrowing encounters that nearly led to the death of the victims, the impression one got is that they will serve as a sufficient deterrent to those who may still be nursing the feeling of embarking on such hazardous trips.

    One of such chilling accounts that should ordinarily frighten even the most uncaring was captured by Citizen Osita Osemene who was deceived into fleeing this country due to frustration and the promise of all the goodies of life that abound in the foreign lands of Europe. In a recent interview in a national daily, Osemene who had been led by his deadly encounter to establish a Non Governmental Organization to fight human trafficking gave a detailed account of the numerous risks associated with such trips.

    He spoke on the harsh economic realities in the country after graduating from the university, the lure of better prospects outside the shores of this country as presented by his guides as some of the issues that made him to embark on such a hazardous trip. But all the prospects painted for him were to become a mirage shortly after. The journey, which was supposed to be by air turned out its direct opposite. He was later ferried to Kano from where a very tortuous journey by road to Niger and Libya was to commence.

    Osemene gave a detailed but scary account of the numerous life-threatening encounters he had on the way; how many of his colleagues were duped, died on the way due to hunger, starvation and dehydration and how they had to drink their own urine to stay alive. It was a tale of man’s inhumanity to man; a verity of the hobbesian state of nature where life had at once become nasty, short and brutish.

    His story also gave an insight into the kind of job women who were part of the trip were into. At a point in the tortuous journey to Libya, the surviving women were sold into prostitution slavery at the price of $3,000 and the y would have to pay their buyers $9,000 to regain their freedom. Of course, the only way to this is through prostitution with all the associated health risks.

    It was an experience that would scare even the most daring. At the end, he took consolation on the fact that he was one of the lucky ones not eaten up by the beasts of the desert as he managed to return home without reaching his promised Eldorado. That was the story of a Nigerian graduate who was lured to flee the country for supposedly greener pastures in Europe.

    With such tales which have become regular features of the print and electronic media, the expectation is that the penchant with which hapless Nigerians are lured into foreign lands by sundry syndicates would have been on the decrease. This is more so given the plethora of sensitization programmes regularly mounted by various agencies of the government to drum home the risks associated with such trips and discourage them. There have also been mounting efforts to make it difficult for the trade to thrive through surveillance leading to the arrest and prosecution of offenders.

    But even with these renewed efforts at stemming the phenomenon, it would appear much progress is yet to be made. Not only are there recurring attempts by sundry syndicates to smuggle young men and women out of this country in search of non-existing greener pastures, it would appear that efforts to discourage Nigerians from such dangerous trips are yet to be fully internalized.

    If anything, the confessions of one of the four women, Cecelia Bankole, saved last week from being trafficked to Libya, illustrates how little such messages have permeated the grassroots. It was a shocking tale of how Cecelia, a 26-year old hairdresser had to dump her two children on her husband for the botched trip despite her (husband’s) disapproval of it.

    Cecelia’s mother’s account of the circumstances leading to her approval of the trip did not help matters. According to her, she had to accompany the four to the point they were arrested because she wanted to know one Ganiat Ajilola who was taking them on the trip. Hear her “I was informed that one big madam whom Ganiat Ajilola was working for in Libya needs hair dressers to help her manage her shop. Upon hearing that people will be going abroad, I volunteered my daughter because she is a hairdresser. I begged her husband but he declined to allow her go on the trip. But I have prayed about it and God said she should go. That is why I am encouraging her”, the prophetess stated.

    This singular case in more ways than one, underscores the difficulties in the current fight against human trafficking. It does not only betray the high level of ignorance that pervade the entire landscape in respect of the dangers associated with such trips, but exposes the vulnerability of the average family to the deceptive but enticing stories of those in the human trafficking ring. Above all, it illustrates most poignantly, the desperation of our people for money at the slightest offer of some opportunity without giving deep thought to what such tales offer.

    Here was a married woman with two kids. All of a sudden, someone came around to float a story that one big madam in Libya needed hairdressers to manage her shop. Her mother who should be more circumspect in handling such stories immediately fell for it to the extent she had to persuade her son in-law to allow her go on the trip. Apparently attracted by the promise that her daughter, an apprentice hairdresser would be managing a shop in far away Libya, the woman threw all decorum to the dogs and was prepared to stake the fate of her two grandchildren for the trip to be.

    This woman who claimed to be a prophetess said she prayed over the matter and God revealed to her that her daughter should embark on the journey. That could as well be. Now the reality of the journey has dawned on her, it might be interesting to know her feelings on the encounter she claimed to have had with God regarding the trip. If God really spoke to her, she would have been told that the journey which she persuaded her daughter to embark on and for which she had to dump her grandchildren was a colossal disaster waiting to happen.

    With the experience shared by Osemene, the fate that awaited Cecelia and her colleagues was quite predictable. They were going to be sold into prostitution slavery if they were lucky to survive the vicissitudes of the desert journey. They should thank their God and the police from saving them from the claws of death. And it should serve as a lesson to all.

    The encounter of the four women is a tip of the iceberg on the human trafficking index in this country. As I write, people elsewhere are perfecting plans to flee the country even when they had been told of the risks associated with such illegal trips. Many would even prefer to be out there under any condition than remain in this country. So it not just a matter of ignorance on the dangers associated with such journeys. The desperation can be located in greed and the debilitating living conditions of a majority of our citizens due largely to poverty and a very high level of unemployment.

    In as much as sensitization programmes are relevant to discourage the likes of Bankole, not much will be achieved if the rising poverty in the land due to unemployment is not checked by the government. We have been told of the quantum of jobs the government intends to create. It must now go beyond promises and put the jobs on the table such that the teeming army of the unemployed will feel the impact.

    Above all, the time has come for our leaders to deploy the enormous resources of this country to develop it such that citizens will have less attraction in fleeing at the slightest offer of elusive job opportunities in foreign lands. That is the issue that has been elevated to the public domain by the persisting incidence of human trafficking on these shores.

  • Biafra fever

    When rebellion is inspired by hallucination, sooner or later the rebels will demonstrate that they operate beyond the realm of reason. The signs of disorientation are beginning to show more unmistakably in the affairs of Biafra’s promoters.

    It is not that Nigeria’s federalism is perfect, but the imperfection can be perfected without the complication of hallucinatory revolters.

    This must be Ralph Uwazuruike’s idea of taking things to the next level. After unveiling his group’s new identity on December 6 last year, and announcing his new leadership title, he has now released plans to set up a parallel government in the country’s Southeast and South-south.

    The Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) was renamed Biafra Independence Movement (BIM), and Uwazuruike said he should be recognised as BIM leader instead of MASSOB leader.

    ”Old members will now belong to the new Biafra Independence Movement (BIM) while the MASSOB structure will be reorganised as the youth wing of the Biafra struggle,” Uwazuruike said during a meeting of his group’s zonal and regional administrators. In other words, the struggle is still alive, but will be carried on under a redesigned banner.

    Uwazuruike must be under the impression that he moved closer to actualising his separatist dream by presenting what was called the 2016 Biafra Budget at the Ojukwu Memorial Library in Owerri, the Imo State capital.   Is Biafra already a reality, and no longer an objective? Who was responsible for making the budget? Who approved it? Where will the funds to operate it come from? Does this budget presentation explain or justify the efforts to generate revenue internally by, for instance, selling so-called Biafra passports as well as MASSOB customised vehicle number plates? Of course, these specific examples were scams.

    Also, Uwazuruike announced the appointment of Rev. Fr Samuel Aniebonam, a Catholic Priest, as the Chairman of the Biafra Independent National Electoral Commission (B-INEC). Uwazuruike said: “The chairman, with other anointed men and women of God as members, will supervise the internal election into the offices of the new Biafra Government on February 22.” How can a group’s “internal election” be for the election of Biafra government officials?

    He continued: “Our election will not be like Nigeria’s election, it will be a transparent one. In Biafra, there won’t be electoral fraud. The tenure of the elected Regional Governor or Minister would be four years and nine months. There shall be no second tenure. Once you are defeated, you won’t appeal in a tribunal against your opponent. This is why members of the commission would be men and women of God.”  He sounded like a Constitution, or like the Constitution. Is there a Biafra Constitution? Who drafted it? Who ratified it?

    The group’s National Director of Information, Sunny Okereafor, was quoted as saying only members of MASSOB and BIM are qualified to vote and be voted for in the elections. Are these the only Biafrans, or the only enfranchised citizens of Biafra? Is the group the same thing as Biafra, or is Biafra the same thing as the group? Okereafor said: “The electioneering has begun; we are conducting elections into all offices from wards to the zones, to elect leaders to administer Biafra. We are going to show Nigeria how to conduct free and fair elections without rigging, intimidation and favouritism.”

    He added: “Biafra will be a country where others would come to learn how democracy works… We want freedom; Biafra is the answer.”  Okereafor reportedly said Biafra would re-introduce its currency as soon as the elections were concluded and winners sworn in.

    Joking apart, don’t they sound like jokers? There is some confusion here, to put it mildly. Or there is some hallucination here, to put it less mildly. Planning to hold elections, and so on, in a non-existent Biafra must be a hallucinatory joke.  Biafra remains imaginary and imagination cannot make it existent. It exists only in the imagination of the imaginers.

    The reinvention that invented BIM should be appreciated in its proper context.  As background, it is noteworthy that a faction of MASSOB led by Uchenna Madu had expelled Uwazuruike for alleged misappropriation of funds. Madu was the Director of Information under Uwazuruike in the old power structure.

    The complexion of the conflict was obvious following Uwazuruike’s allegation that Madu got money from the Federal Government to stop pro-Biafra protests. In response, a statement by MASSOB’s Secretary, Ugwuoke Ibem, attacked Uwazuruike and threatened to expose his “atrocities, sabotage and deviation from Biafra’s actualiastion”.

    The statement said: “As the closest officer to the former leader as well as the image maker, our new leader has vowed to expose Uwazuruike’s dealings with the Federal Government under Jonathan; Ezu River case, death of Innocent Ogbuehi (ex-Umuahia MASSOB leader), and other illicit affairs.”  It added: “MASSOB, under Madu, will continue its non-violent agitation with other pro-Biafra groups.”

    How many pro-Biafra groups exist today?  This question is pertinent in the light of developments concerning what may be tagged “The Biafra Project”. It is no news that the Independent Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), another pro-Biafra group, continues to make the headlines on account of the detention of its leader, Nnamdi Kanu, who is facing treason-related charges for illegally running Radio Biafra.

    The truth is that problems arising from the country’s imperfect federalism may not necessarily be resolved by separatist impulses. Disunity among the various pro-Biafra groups is sufficient to illustrate this point.

    As Nigeria celebrates Armed Forces Day, also known as Remembrance Day, on January 15, it is an apt time to further reflect on pro-Biafra separatists in particular. It was on January 15, 1970, that Biafran troops surrendered to the Federal side after a three-year conflict, bringing the Nigerian Civil War to an end, perhaps without ending the centrifugal tendencies in the country’s space.

    There is no question that the present promoters of the past are too fixated on yesterday to give tomorrow a chance. Their extremism is a cause for concern. They are on the Path of Thunder, to employ the title of poetry by Christopher Okigbo, the talented poet who fought on the Biafran side and died on the battlefield. What kind of government will accommodate their provocative absurdities without a collision?

  • Conflicting judicial verdicts

    When Chief Justice Mahmud Mohammed recently cried out on conflicting judicial pronouncements from the Court of Appeal, he was apparently moved by the need to restore some sanity in judicial judgments and shore up public confidence in that institution.

    In an address at the Annual Conference of the Court of Appeal in Abuja, he told the justices that “the overriding objective of every legal system in the world is to do justice. However this cannot be achieved where there is confusion as to the state of the law as pronounced by the courts”. In apparent reference to these irreconcilable rulings, he told the justices they were not allowed to continue to shift the goalpost while the game was on.

    The admonitions of Justice Mohammed are timely given events in the nation’s judiciary since the conclusion of the last general elections. Following its outcome, candidates who had issues approached the various state election petitions tribunals to seek redress. But the way some of these petitions have been handled have left much to be desired. Not unexpectedly, allegations of miscarriage of justice, bias and other influences have been copiously canvassed against the judiciary.

    The impression one gets from these sometimes conflicting verdicts is either that the laws are imprecise; some of the officers charged with their interpretation are not competent or some other unwholesome considerations were at play. Or, how do we explain the wide disparity in the legal and constitutional grounds that have been cited to justify some of these decisions?  What of the issue of conflicts Justice Mohammed publicly complained about? Where do we fit in legal precedent when identical cases are curiously resolved very differently? Or did the justices not drink from the same fountain of legal knowledge? These moot questions are at the heart of the waning public confidence in the capacity of the judiciary to do justice to cases brought before them.

    Perhaps, issues raised here will be driven home most poignantly by the Abia and Taraba states’ governorship election petitions. In the case of Abia, the candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance APGA, Alex Otti had challenged the election of Governor Okezie Ikpeazu of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP.

    The crux of the petition is non-compliance with the electoral act through the cancellation of the results of Obingwa, Osisioma and Isiala Ngwa north local governments by the returning officer. The Abia State Election Petitions Tribunal had ruled that the PDP validly won the election as Otti failed to prove his case “beyond doubt”. The tribunal failed to grant his request to uphold the cancellation of the results in the three local governments as the state returning officer was not allowed under the law to cancel the said results, hence his subsequent reversal of same had no effect.

    But the Appeal Court in Owerri, declared Otti as the winner of the election having scored 164,444 valid votes against Ikpeazu’s 114, 444 votes after cancelling the elections in the three local governments. It further ruled that there was no need for a re-run because the results present Otti as the genuine winner even as it asked the INEC to swear him in as the governor of Abia State.

    The Appeal Court may be within its rights to differ with the tribunal in its ruling in respect of the results from three local governments. But the real issue is what it makes of that decision. In this regard, even as it decided to cancel the results of those local governments, there are issues regarding its conclusions that there is no need for a re-run. This is more so when it is reported that the total voting strength of the three local governments stands at above 300,000 people.

    The purport is that this huge number of the electorate would be disenfranchised in the choice of the governor of their state. But then, the universally accepted ratio of voters’ turnout vis-à-vis the total number of registered voters is put at about one third. What this implies is that about 100,000 valid votes were not put into reckoning in determining the winner of that election. And when the margin of votes with which the Appeal Court ruled in favour of Otti is taken into account, the flaw in that decision becomes more glaring.

    It is a slap on representative democracy for the Court of Appeal to have ignored the sovereignty of the electorate by awarding victory to the APGA candidate without putting the voting rights of such a huge number of registered voters into reckoning. The right thing to do is to order a re-run in the three local governments which are said to be part of the constituency of the PDP candidate. This is not only in tandem with the Electoral Act but will erase any suspicion of deliberate attempt to rob Ikpeazu of victory through the instrumentality of the judiciary.

    There are also issues in the decision of the court asking the INEC to issue Certificate of Return and swear in Otti as the governor of the state. The riot that erupted in the state following the ruling has direct bearing with the perception that the Appeal Court was bent on having the APGA candidate sworn in even before the case runs its full course. It must have been seen as a deliberate ploy to award the governorship election to Otti at all costs when the right to appeal is still open to Ikpeazu.  The hurry to get Otti sworn in is at the root of the criticisms that have trailed the Appeal Court ruling.

    If the Appeal Court’s handling of the Abia case shows some bias and inconsistency, that of Taraba state exposes how shoddily the election petitions tribunal handled the case before it. The grounds on which the Appeal Court upturned the verdict of the tribunal have put the competences of the tribunal judges in doubt. Legal and constitutional issues which ordinarily should have been at the disposal of the tribunal were flagrantly ignored in arriving at the decision to disqualify Darius Ishaku as the duly elected governor of the state. The ruling of the Appeal Court that the disqualification of the PDP candidate, Darius Ishaku is a pre-election matter which the tribunal has no jurisdiction, speaks volumes.

    The judges ruled that the constitution clearly states that unless a candidate has been indicted by a court of law or is known to have criminal record or certain degree of health conditions, such a candidate cannot be determined by a tribunal as not being qualified as a candidate.

    Why these grounds were not availed or totally ignored by the tribunal is part of the reasons for public disenchantment with some of the verdicts emanating from our judiciary. Above all, they raise questions as to the competences of some of our judges. Ordinarily, one would have expected those who occupy such elated offices to be people of high competence and integrity in the call of their duty. They are also supposed to be well groomed in the intricacies of legal arguments, extant laws of this country and logic such that they are not easily faulted by their colleagues.

    The credibility of the judiciary is tainted each time judges who are supposed to be very competent in the interpretation of our laws are easily faulted by their colleagues. It is true that an appellate court can overrule a lower court. But in such situations, it is not envisaged that the grounds would be rudimentary points of law that ordinarily should be at disposal of even the man on the street.

    It remains curious how the ruling of the Appeal Court in the case of Abia State that clearly disenfranchised over 300,000 voters can satisfy the true test of free, fair and credible election. The right thing is for a re-run to be conducted to allow the people of the three local governments exercise their franchise in the choice of their governor. Nothing should be done either to abridge or circumvent this inalienable right. Anything to the contrary will amount to procuring the peoples mandate through the back door. That is where the Supreme Court should come in to avert judgments which Justice Mohammed said “cast your lordships in an unfavorable light and leave the judiciary at the mercy of innuendos, crass publications and editorials”

  • To catch a thief

    To catch a thief

    The law embraces the apparent thief. The thief catcher, however, has to answer to the law. That is a paradox with a Nigerian DNA.

    So we saw Sambo Dasuki, bright-eyed but subdued, in his dark-hued danshiki walk voicelessly out of the court, flanked by lawyers and associates. We wonder what roils inside his billion-dollar soul. He has said little. He has neither denied the flurry of statements from so-called miscreants who famously crackled out of his office with choice dollars. Neither has he defended himself.

    Like a ram on sacrifice day, his face only reflects a muted melancholy. In dazed stupor, the ram keeps mum before the ominous eyes of butchers, the ferocious glitter of knives, the bowl awaiting its entrails and offal, the platform on which its neck will squish under the descending blade, the innocent giggle of children drooling for a happy meal.

    Of course, a small dug hole that indicates that burial is not an option except for the waste and blood that will rush out of the buxom flesh when the sullen ceremony of cutting and slashing is over.

    All of the butchery represents the people, who have already made judgments on Dasuki. But that is the majority opinion, but not the majority opinion of the law. Two majorities? By law, majority opinion is the opinion of a few people on the bench. It reflects the superciliousness of lawyers and judges that they equate their narrow standpoint with the viewpoint of all of us.

    President Muhammadu Buhari must be privately moaning this. He believes the guys stole. They broke the law. They farted on our holy of holies. They danced on the grave of our fighting men. They adorned themselves for that. Everybody knows it is wrong. So, why are they surprised when they are not allowed on the streets, but away in outer darkness, the key thrown away somewhere in the marshes of Bayelsa?

    With his septuagenarian laugh and martial eyeballs, Buhari is still not a temperament for 2016. He is a romantic of the 1980’s. In the presidential chat, the ramrod man of still winsome mien sparked fire in the eye when he reminded the questioners that somebody took N40 billion from the Central Bank, that the IDPs are groaning, that a man call El Zakzaky with his rambunctious men defied the army, and a good government is not supposed to sit idle and watch impunity like a Nollywood show.

    A deep chasm lay between the questioners and the former general. For him, it was a case of good versus evil. That made him into a sort of messianic force. The others thought good began with law and you could not be right with mere appeal to might like Greek philosopher Meno. If they invoked law, Buhari echoed law and order.

    Yet those who want law believe also that the good ought to be punished. The irony is that the law, as Thoreau famously said, never made anyone a whit more just. So, there. Kanu, by common consent, railed against the law. The Shiites have no right to deny anyone the right to move. Those who stole our money must account.

    But this is a democracy, and one of the lies of democracy is that majority always wins. This is one of those test cases of majority in a coma. Buhari’s war on corruption is a noble cause. But by defying the courts, it is a case of impunity chasing impunity. Two wrongs, where is the right?

    The real problem is that the war against corruption is not a movement. For now, it is still Buhari’s war. He is cheered, but from afar. It is a war of one for all, but the one is lonely. In a democracy, a sense of consensus can help drive the battle. It happens in what political scientists and sociologists call corporatism.

    That implies that all institutions instinctively work as one to pursue a collective interest. Liberal thinkers suspect such ideas because they bear the seed of tyranny. John Stuart Mill in his famous book, On Liberty, calls it the “Tyranny of the majority,” but Marxists wear it as an epaulette of honour.

    It has happened many times where a shared value or set of values is enshrined into the spirit of the law. But Buhari lacks the charisma, the strategy and even energy of moral suasion to spark such firelight of fervour across the land. If he had it, he would not have to disobey the judges.

    The bench would understand that thieves and miscreants have no place on the streets and they will find the law to keep them under lock and key. Gani Fawehinmi once told me in his chambers that, “if there is a case between a rich man and a poor man, I will find the law for the poor man.” It was a statement of values.

    The United States had a movement in the Progressives Era at the turn of the 20th century. With the big corporations running rampant with men like Rockefeller, Vanderbilt, Carnegie, etc, a spirit bubbled in the country to checkmate the acquisitive excesses of capitalism. Journalists, courts, businessmen, churches and a cadre of politicians were caught in this redemptive aura. The most famous member was Theodore Roosevelt who became president, one of their best ever. The movement succeeded.

    The danger is the possibility of a slide into dictatorship. Mussolini, Franco, etc exploited it. They did not triumph. French philosopher Rousseau designated it as “collective will” or “general will.” Mills objected and craved individual sovereignty.

    But both men, while denying it, agree that unfettered individuality and state-backed totalitarian control will destroy society. As Machiavelli – no lover of freedom – noted, “where everyone is free, no one is free.” French philosopher Michel Foucault noted test cases in his book, Madness and Civilisation, and concluded that inside freedom creeps subtle malignancies of tyranny.

    Buhari will have to look for the laws to help him. Or exercise patience. The civil society and media also need to isolate such judges as moral pariahs. They may know the law. But they might not know justice. Law is meaningless without justice. The individual is important. We cannot pursue the law without a Dasuki, or a Kanu or an El-Zakzaky knowing that the law took its full course.

    That is the essence of liberalism and the strength of democracy. Sophocles’ The ban play, Antigone, pursued the subject of individual right and state right. There was a famous line that “under the cover of darkness” the people support Antigone against the king. Zulu Sofola’s Wedlock of the Gods pursues the conflict of the individual and collective will.

    In his column, my former teacher Biodun Jeyifo (Happy 70th Birthday, by the way) reflected on a law now in the cooler to fast-track corruption cases, a thing Femi Falana has also harped upon. It is the measure of Buhari’s advisers that the legal framework for this battle was not put in place before launching the warfare.

    Not even the emotional framework is ready. Part of the problem is that Buhari is part soldier, part democrat, but the soldier has failed to part ways with the past. It’s a schizophrenic tension. He can learn from Churchill, De Gaulle, Eisenhower, etc who sloughed off their martial coats.

    If, for instance, Buhari steps down today, there is not a structure, not even a whiff of it, to point to the debris of his legacy. Not yet. He can start now.

     

  • Military injustice

    It is not only a question of justice, but also a question of honour. Concerning the controversial 2015 terror-war mutineers now sentenced to 10 years in prison after a death-sentence review, Nigeria’s military authorities demonstrated a nauseatingly narrow appreciation of the connection between justice and honour.  Injustice, no matter how well dressed, is dishonourable. Not only was the sentence reduction ironically unjust, it amounted to a badge of dishonour for the military hierarchy.

    Curiously enough, Lagos activist lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) made an effort to clarify the information released by Army spokesman Colonel Sani Usman on December 19 about the number of soldiers whose mutiny-related death sentences were commuted to imprisonment.  Falana said: “Twelve soldiers were convicted in September 2014 and sentenced to death by a court-martial for demanding for weapons when the General Officer Commanding, the 7th Division of the Nigerian Army, visited a military camp in the war zone while 58 others were convicted and sentenced to death in December by another court-martial for demanding for weapons to fight the insurgents. Therefore, the number of soldiers who were sentenced to death by the two court-martials is 70 and not 66.”

    Beyond the confusing detail relating to the number of soldiers involved, more bewildering is the decision by the military authorities to impose a 10-year jail term on the previously condemned men despite exonerating evidence.

    It is as if the military leadership is blinded by denial. The global village now knows for sure that public funds meant for fighting and winning the terror war, running into billions, were rerouted by powerful individuals in the discredited Goodluck Jonathan presidency. The corruption-spiced narrative is still unfolding, with former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki right in the middle of the mess.

    Now, this is what President Muhammadu Buhari said in a recent transcribed interview with the Hausa Service of BBC: “I want people to understand that after I settled down and got a good grasp of what the country is going through, we removed all the service chiefs and appointed new ones. We also undertook an investigation and found out how monies meant for arms procurement were diverted and shared by officials in the last administration.”

    Buhari continued: “They sent the boys to the war front without arms and ammunition, leading some of them to mutiny after which they were arrested and detained. We have been able to raise money and fund the war. Go and ask the people of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa; how many of their local governments were under the control of insurgents? And how many are currently still under the insurgents?”

    A report said: “The mutiny was sparked by the death in a Boko Haram ambush of dozens of fellow soldiers when they were ordered against their will to drive down a dangerous road at night. Hundreds of Nigerian soldiers have deserted, complaining that they are not properly equipped to fight Boko Haram. The Associated Press said several soldiers told its correspondents that they were sent into battle with just 30 bullets and no food rations.”

    The now glaring and undeniable evidence of unprofessionalism by those who were supposed to lead the war on terror, which was a complicating factor, shows that the initial imposition of a death sentence on the mutineers was a case of double standard, inexplicable and inexcusable even in the context of military regimentation. If a death sentence was ridiculous in the circumstances, it is even more absurd that this was commuted to a jail term.

    Those who deserve to be punished are the crooks that used the anti-terror war against Boko Haram as a cover, and profited from billions meant for anti-terror arms.  The arms scam and the alleged scammers making the news at this time are at the heart of the Jonathan administration’s failure to defeat the Islamist terrorists who have been on the rampage in the country’s northeast since 2009.

    Apart from the huge number of mortalities linked with the insurgency, and the huge figures of internally displaced persons, the yet-to-be-resolved kidnap of 200 schoolgirls in Chibok, Borno State, over a year ago, remains a huge open wound on the country’s conscience.

    It was an open secret in the Jonathan presidential era that people in power ironically fuelled the Boko Haram insurgency by fraudulent acts. The anti-terror war became a pro-terror effort because of the weakening of state-capacity by government officials expected to win the war. Under the Jonathan administration, the image of the Nigerian military appeared irredeemable as it battled unimpressively and unconvincingly against terrorism.

    Now the world knows the terror war was kept going and had to be kept going, to keep the fraudulent actors going.  So, the mutinous soldiers have been vindicated. Their ultimate vindication would come when they are not made to pay for the sins of others. Or is military justice inflexibly and unfairly different?

    There is no question that the military’s already stained image in this matter would be further tainted if the authorities reject commonsensical flexibility for professional rigidity. The jailed mutineers deserve a further case review. Nothing short of freedom for them will do.

  • Drunk policemen, others

    Recent report that a police sergeant, Stephen James shot dead three people in the Ketu area of Lagos for failing to buy him beer exposes all that is wrong with the Nigerian Police Force. The offending policeman said to be under the influence of alcohol had gone to the bar of the hotel where he was deployed and threatened to shoot some of the customers unless they bought him drinks.

    His conduct did not go down well with some of the customers who cautioned him to behave responsibly in view of his call of duty. Apparently unhappy with the response of the customers, he laid ambush for them outside the hotel killing three as they made to leave. Among those he killed were two brothers who were the only surviving offspring of their parents. The policeman subsequently shot and killed himself after discovering the gravity of his offence.

    And in Enugu State within the same week, another policeman was reported to have shot and killed three people in circumstances that have remained largely untidy. The two incidents are a tip of the iceberg. They also mirror very vividly the sad fate of our citizens in the hands of those paid with the taxpayers’ money to protect them. The list of such unprovoked and senseless killings by trigger happy policemen is endless.

    Before now, our people have had to contend with the so-called accidental discharges from policemen at checkpoints. It was largely on account of killings arising from such occurrences that the police hierarchy had to do away with checkpoints along the nation’s highways and major roads.

    But whatever gains recorded in human lives as a result of this measure, appear to have come under serious threat from the increasing recourse of policemen to cut down the lives of innocent and defenseless citizens under sundry guises. The rising incidence of policemen killing innocent citizens without provocation has raised questions as to the mental suitability of some of those we place the protection of the society in their care. Take the case of Sergeant James who was deployed to give protection to customers at a hotel. Instead of doing that for which he was engaged, he turned out a calamity to that business premises.

    His killing of the two brothers and their friend, as unconscionable and dastardly as it was, also highlights the inadequacies of character checks in the recruitment of policemen. This calls to question the efficacy of the supervisory role of senior police officers under whose command such highly temperamental and seemingly mentally demented policemen function. This conclusion is supported by reports that the said policeman was in the habit of Indian hemp and alcoholism.

    Why this man was able to operate that long without his supervisors taking note of his embarrassing conduct has remained largely sloppy. It is also curious that the hotel authorities kept quiet while the policeman carried on with his madness until the worst happened? These issues have been raised to underscore the point that had the hotel done the needful, the lives of those that fell prey to this obviously mentally unstable policeman would have been saved.

    This is not the first time the mental balance and suitability of policemen will come under public scrutiny. During the regime of Mike Okiro as the Inspector General of Police, he shocked the nation when he disclosed that 24 top police officers had doubtful mental stability for the job. In this number were two deputy commissioners and one assistant commissioner among others. We were then told that they had been referred to the Police Medical Board for the determination of their suitability. Nothing was heard of the outcome of the investigations by the medical board again.

    Some years back also, the Police College in Kaduna had sacked 234 recruits for various offences. Commandant of the college Sanusi Rufai said while some of those sacked were lepers, others had sight problems. There were also those who stabbed their colleagues with knives and habitual hemp smokers as well. These disclosures were a huge shock given that certificate of metal and physical fitness is an irreducible requirement in the recruitment and continued retention of policemen especially given the sensitivity of their jobs.

    It became a huge puzzle why such a large number of senior police officers and recruits found themselves into the police without their mental and physical inadequacies detected at the point of entry.  That people with such contagious diseases as leprosy could find their ways into the force despite the obvious health risks they pose to others is a sad commentary on police recruitment procedure. Little wonder the rising indiscriminate cases of the killing of helpless citizens by sundry policemen without provocation and under very annoying circumstances.

    It is an irony of sorts that Sergeant James killed the only two sons of their parents and their friend for failing to buy him beer in a hotel he is supposed to be maintaining security. Why will he not take laws into his hands when he is in the habit of drinking alcohol and smoking Indian hemp even while in uniform? Someone should have noticed the looming disaster which such conduct posed in the performance of his duty.

    It would seem there was dereliction of duty on the part of those under whose command he worked. It is a big puzzle that he was able to carry on that way without either the hotel authorities or his supervisors having some knowledge of the disaster he had become.

    More than any other thing else, the incident has brought to the fore the conduct of policemen deployed to individuals and private places for their primary assignment. It is increasingly obvious that the way such policemen conduct themselves has become a big embarrassment to the nation’s security system. Not only do some of them drink while on duty, they shoot indiscriminately at sundry social functions in a way that suggests they can deploy the guns at their disposal to their whims and caprices. Yet, we do know that the bullets they dispense are bought with public funds and ought to be accounted for.

    From what we see daily, the procedure for the deployment of policemen to private individuals has been serially abused. At a time the police service does not have enough personnel to carry out its statutory functions, it smacks of monumental abuse for some inconsequential persons to be parading the roads with a retinue of police escorts ostensibly for personal protection. In some parts of the country, the use of police escorts has assumed the character of a status symbol. The fad now is to apply for police protection under sundry reasons. Immediately that is granted, you follow it up by acquiring at least one Toyota Hilux or similar vans fitted with siren. The next day, you hit the roads blowing siren at the sight of which policemen at the check points clear the road for you for quick passage. Once such vehicles are on the roads, nobody bothers whether those blowing the siren are even criminals who use such cover to evade detection.

    In a clime replete with the criminally-minded and such sophisticated crimes as armed robbery, kidnapping and terrorism, it is a huge risk to subject the use of the siren to the kind of abuse it has been subjected in some parts of the country. These are some of the areas the authorities should take proactive measures to stem the abuse. If such checks are regularly instituted, the sad fate of the two brothers in the hands of Sergeant James would have been averted.

    There are still many of such characters in the police force. The authorities must come out with fool-proof measures to ensure that those on whose shoulders we place the security of our citizens are not only mentally and physically fit, but carry themselves in such a way that command public confidence.

  • Wrong, Haruna, wrong

    Columnist Muhammed Haruna took on Bishop Matthew Kukah last week and took exceptions to his views on Islamic practice in the North. I am not interested in wading into the issues he raised. But I just want to make a correction. Haruna admitted that Muslim women are forbidden to marry unbelievers, including Christians. He wrote this in response to Kukah’s praise of the Yoruba pious liberalism. But Haruna remarked wrongly that Christians, like Muslims, are not allowed to marry outside their faith, because Paul said Christians should not be equally yoked with unbelievers. A mischievous allusion!

    Paul said that with regard to sin and works of darkness. Neither Paul nor any true Christian would call a Muslim work of darkness, even if they share a different faith. Christ said let the wheat and tears dwell together. On marriage, Paul made it clear in 1st Cor. 7: 13 and 14 that a Christian man or woman can marry an unbeliever if they are pleased to do so, and they can even be sanctified by it. So there! Haruna should read his Bible before erring on sacred matters.

  • Nnewi Holocaust

    Nnewi Holocaust

    I wonder what Chinua Achebe would say if he were alive to see the holocaust at Nnewi last Christmas season. Not much of a poet, Achebe mused on the bitter paradox of tragedy at Christmas in his poem, Christmas in Biafra.

    Bedevilled by adjectives, Achebe’s poem made its point in irony. God and disaster. Solemnity and profanity. Festivity and fragility. Tears to the dearest. That was Biafra in which a child pruned to bare bones could not find the strength to hail Mary. No one could extract native joy from bombs.

    Fast forward, December 2015. A different kind of unkindness. Chicason, a company whose services routinely warmed the homes and bellies of its customers, met tragedy. The victims might have visualised many scenarios at Christmas: cookouts, parties, family reunions, laughter, jokes, music, dances, frothy moments of alcohol, swagger. Especially in the Southeast where the Christmas season lights up every village and hamlet into a carnival.

    Yet, many marked their Christmas season like the woman who had sent a housemaid to get some gas. The maid was recruited only three months earlier. The boss was not sure where she was. She only knew she had lost the poor girl and wondered what she was going to tell her parents. At the Christmas party, she would not be there. Her seat vacant, staring and ominous. It would be the story for all those who either died or were hospitalised. Their seats were empty, their presences only imagined. It was inevitably an absurd moment. It calls to mind the absurd play titled ‘The Chairs’ by Romanian-French playwright Eugene Ionesco. An old couple receive invisible guests at their homes, and they all are seated in chairs expecting an orator to address them. The audience does not see them. Only the hosts. That is how the relatives will mark both Christmas season and New Year.

    The problem, as Ionesco’s play shows, is that imagination will not bring the guests alive.  No one could wish them on their seat in flesh, fork in hand, plates of rice and chicken in front of them. We cannot see the victims of the Nnewi disaster. They have retreated into memory. All kinds of stories were invented to fill the void, just as in Ionesco’s play. For what we cannot see or explain, we invent fillers. Some said the Chicason group had fallen victim of its sacrilegious prosperity. It had expanded into the province of the goddess of the Mimili Ele River. The goddess in its fury had slithered into the gas plant and fiddled it into a leak. A spark ensued. Death, disaster. This was a big agony. But the Chenobyl disaster in the 1980’s where a nuclear plant leak obliterated whole Soviet communities warns us that gas can be man’s great enemy. If you read Svetlana Alexievich, the Nobel Prize-winning journalist’s account of that incident in her book, Voices From Chenobyl, we should never take care for granted.

    Others said a prayer session had happened earlier and a pastor had forewarned of a disaster. So, are the gods to blame, a la Ola Rotimi? We give prophesies flesh after the facts. When they don’t happen, we give ourselves credit. The prophets do no wrong.

    No one was able to say what Chicason did to offend the gods or the Lord of Christmas. It offended neither law nor man, but fire came in its fury. No one wondered why a big commercial hub like Nnewi could thrive without a major fire station.

    Few could tell us how, in the whole of Anambra State, only one major fire station thrives. Few have lamented that fire is a special corollary of development. Not a place like Nnewi should be allowed a second without the full gear to fight one of humanity’s major foes. Nnewi has a variety of businesses from cars to electronics to food to pharmaceutical. It is seen as an epicentre of the Igbo inventiveness. Many turn profits out of bonfires, whether it is the Chicason company, or the cell phone makers, or car battery firms. A fire begins with a spark. The spark in this case comes from neglect, the failure to provide the infrastructure of safety. As Robert Herrick notes, “A spark neglected makes a mighty fire.”

    The reports had it that the fire department came all the way from Awka, Anambra State capital. It took about two hours to arrive at the scene of the holocaust. Too late. The pictures are scary. Fumes darken the air. In brilliant omens, fire burns structures while human bones pop and flesh singes. Many scurry away in fright. Bodies fall and the bush, as in the war that lasted 30 months in the 1960’s, become refuge.

    Is this tragedy a story of complacency? As one of the city dwellers said, if the disaster happens today, Anambra State is still not ready. It is like the apocalypse. Earth residents know it is coming. They cannot prepare. They cannot pray. They cannot run away. They can only develop stoic reserves and hedge themselves with fatalistic resolves. The day comes and disaster will happen. As Thomas Hardy wrote in his novel, Tess of the Durbervilles, ”The people down in those retreats will not stop saying in their fatalistic way: It was to be. There lay the pity of it all.” That is what Nnewi, Anambra, is subjected to. That tragically is the story of Nigeria.

    They can learn from Lagos, where every local government hums with state-of-the-art fire equipment. In spite of the plethora of fire incidents in Nigeria’s largest city, fire hoses spout water and the men respond in good time. That does not mean tragedies cannot happen. Fire does not wait for anyone. Like water, it is a good servant. But to quote a line from the Aesop Fables, it’s a “bad master.” Corporate firms are now asking the Lagos State government to help them in establishing fire-fighting systems.

    When fire of this sort happens, individual companies anywhere have inadequate facility to fight it. That is why anywhere in the world, fire stations are nearby. In the United States, every county has one. When it is a mega fire like the Nnewi case, they get help from other counties. That can happen in Lagos. But in a place like Anambra State, where one station can only limp, the situation calls for urgent attention.

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