Category: Monday

  • A brave new world

    A brave new world

    Winning an election, like that of Buhari, sets forth a series of theatrics. The easiest is the first act. He looks like a kid, who just won a prize or is celebrating a birthday. Everyone comes with a smile. They shove and tumble over each other with a congratulatory message.

    They pop bottles, except Buhari would not drink given his teetotaler ways and detached dignity. No cakes will he cut either. Music flows, but not of the owambe variety but drums roll and throats are let loose with political party chants and songs.

    The second act is the loyalty play. Everyone wants to remind the winner how close they were. They want to show how they fought for him, and spent their resources, sold their houses, secured loans and nearly died in accidents.

    After all, one of the loyalists will say he (Buhari) can see the scar beneath his knee (he rolls up his trousers). They visited the hospital many times. The winner cannot forget when they just started out two decades ago. Others will start speaking the same language in deep and effervescent accents. They will spin yarns about village life or when they were only two together one hot afternoon drinking kunu.

    Loyalty naturally gives way to intrigues. The other guy was always undermining the party and spoke one or two unkind words about him as candidate. That short fellow was seen once or twice in furtive shadows dining with the opposing candidate. No, don’t mind that other guy in white top, he does not know anything about holding an office. Others do the work for him. Or it is time to pay back our tribe after many years in oblivion, etc.

    The sober act is the rare one, and that concerns me today. It is the phase of ideas. Few do anything in this area. But that is a crucial part. GMB has said he will use technocrats. That is fine. But technocrats alone cannot make a great team. Some people fought the way to Aso Rock, and if he runs a government of technocrats, he will need politicians to keep the government from falling.

    Technocrats perform; politicians connect. If you don’t connect with the people, your performance will come away like a baby that is still born. You see the baby but cannot hear it. The cry is shrieking not from the little wonder in the mother’s arm but from the one carrying the little wonder. He will find a few “technoticians” – those who inhabit both virtues – and they will be invaluable. He should remember that the primary task of a leader is to raise leaders.

    What concerns me in the realm of ideas is not to parrot the clichés about infrastructure, or education or power or health care. GMB said all these during the campaigns, although the details of implementation are another. What bothers me is the nature of what the British call the exchequer. Our purse is lean, and the revenue generator is atrophying. States cannot pay salaries, and some people are angry with governors for their impotence. They forget that all the resources of states are government controlled, and the absence of fiscal federalism has paralysed states in many ways as revenue drivers. They rely primarily on taxes. To generate taxes we have to animate the private sector. But the economy of the real sector has come to its knees and relies on the federal purse. Banks wait for the money from the federal and state governments.

    States that have gold or have capacity to generate income from power cannot make money. If you have limestone, it belongs to the Federal Government. Oil states are entitled to only 13 percent. We are witnessing the chokehold of a federal leviathan. When the federal fails, everyone fails.

    While we wait for the liberation of states as semi-independent engines of growth, the fulcrum of any economy is the private sector. Humans are the best resource. They are the nucleus of productivity.

    I focus on two areas of creativity. The first is the technology area. The second is textile. The other day I visited Umuahia and my cell phone ran out of power. I sent for a replacement. But it worked only for two days enough for me to return home to my original one. My first thought was to rile at the phony genius. But I have had to rethink this opinion. Those who make counterfeit cell phone, televisions, etc, betray a fundamental talent. They know how to make things. Many of them do not have formal training on these but they are products of enthusiasm.

    Abia State Governor Theodore Orji had set out a modest effort to work on formalising the skills and turning their talent into gems for the country. But it is a good start.

    The Buhari administration should take a special look at these young men who do these things we call “fake.” If they know the technology, they should be encouraged to strike out on their own, and create new ones. These men are idealists. As D.H. Lawrence said the most idealist nations make the most machines. The United States has led the world in this regard because the society enables the environment for individuals to develop stuff and later puts the infrastructure and resources of state at their disposals. Buhari can borrow a leaf from Lincoln’s words in this regard, “The legitimate object of government is to do for a community of people whatever they need to have done, but cannot do at all, or can not so well do, for themselves – in their separate, and individual capacities.”

    A new book on the Wright Brothers written by historian David McCullough is making waves in the west today and it celebrates the rigour, dedication and enterprise of two brothers, Wilbur and Orville, who revolutionised how we move.

    It is a pity that the Southeast states have not jumped at the inspiration of Governor Orji to pool their resources to turn the enterprising élan of the young technologists. In them sleeps the germ of an industrial giant. Isreal today leads the world in semiconductors and they have their equivalent of the Silicon Valley near Jerusalem. It began when the Defence Ministry laid off workers and enabled them to produce chips for their armoury. Many companies sprang up, and the United States encourages them with billions of dollars of free money every year.

    The textile industry is another instance. Nigeria was the capital of textile in West Africa, and Kaduna and Lagos were two of the mainstays before they gradually collapsed. The talent is still here and the genius is coy in dormant minds of many Nigerians.

    The Buhari regime needs to look that way, as well as other areas like furniture, food processing, etc. where, to quote the poet Dryden, lies “God’s plenty.”

  • Dickson’s hypocrisy

    If you knew nothing about Bayelsa State Governor Seriake Dickson, you would mistake his press release at the weekend for an act of patriotism. He did not succeed in fooling many people. First, he wrote the advert – or his press team did it for him -with a view to discrediting the governors who were his fellow gangsters not too long ago. He now wants them to go so that after May 29, a new and responsible Governors Forum will be born. Maybe he has ambition to be the new leader, but that is beside the point. When did Dickson wax into a democracy lover? We have not forgotten that he was one of the vandals of democracy who subverted arithmetic in the name of election. Was he not one of the 16 who claimed that 19 was an inferior number?

    The prose was inelegant for most part but that’s no sin. He wrote, “The leaders of the NGF from the majority party have always tried to use it as a stepping stone, and an instruments(sic) of the enforcement of their will on their political parties and the nation.” What impudence from an elected governor! How did he become party candidate and governor? We were all here when GEJ used him as his poodle to become governor. He basked in impunity. If anyone is to talk about democracy and patriotism, Seriake Dickson should not even be seen. To hear him is sacrilege.

    His minders should have advised him to keep mum like the River Nun at night

  • Jonathan and price of change

    It is difficult to ignore two aspects of the speech by President Goodluck Jonathan during a thanksgiving and farewell service organized in his honor at the Cathedral Church of the Advent, Life Camp Gwarimpa, Abuja. He had told his audience that he and his ministers would be persecuted by the incoming administration because of the hard decisions they took.

    Hear him: “I have run the government this way that stabilized certain things, the electoral process and other things that brought stability to this country. They are very costly decisions which I must be ready to pay for”.

    He also spoke of desertion and sabotage from some of his close friends. “Some people come to me and say this or that person is he not your friend that benefited? But this is what the person is saying”.

    He said his reaction was that worse statements will still come and that if you take hard decisions, even some of your very close friends will abandon you at some point.

    Jonathan underscored this point by drawing analogy with Fredrick de Klerk who he claimed abandoned by his wife for abolishing apartheid in South Africa-a decision, which he further opined, positively changed the face of that country. He said he sympathized with ministers and aides who served under him because they will be persecuted and urged them to be ready for it.

    Apparently sensing the gravity of the allegation, the incoming government of the All Progressives Congress APC reacted very swiftly. Its national publicity secretary, Lai Mohammed said the Buhari administration will not persecute anyone and that only those who are guilty of crimes against the Nigerian people need to be afraid.

    There are two planks to the issues raised by Jonathan. This first has to do with what he perceives as the likely attitude of the incoming government to some of the decisions of his regime. The other relates in the main, to the conduct of trusted friends and close collaborators once there is a change of government.

    The two issues are weighty and fundamental. And in them you are likely to find some of the problems that have overtime worked against the progress and development of this country. In them also, you can locate the subsisting attitude of leaders and followers alike that have continued to pose serious impediments to statecraft. For us to make real progress, the disruptive influences of these issues on governance need to be closely studied and remedial measures taken.

    Jonathan said his government took hard decisions that stabilized certain things and feared he and his ministers will be persecuted for them. The immediate question this evokes is why should it be so? Its corollary is why any leader in his right senses should persecute his predecessor for hard but well-tailored decisions? These are the issues to ponder.  Apart from the electoral process, Jonathan did not mention those other hard decisions that brought stability to the economy for which he fears persecution. But the overall impression he conveyed is that such decisions are in the overall public good as they will lead to the greatest good of the greatest number. He captured that much when he said “if you take certain decisions, it might be good for many but it might affect others differently”.

    Given his elated office, it is safer to presume he has sufficient grounds to speak in the manner he has done. But for some reasons, he refrained from details. However, the inevitable impression the allegation conveys is that the incoming Buhari government may be embarking on a voyage of witch-hunting and vendetta against his government for some unwholesome reasons.

    There is also the undertone that the incoming government may be upturning some of these hard decisions he considers good for many for reasons that are less than salutary. That is crux of the matter. Mohammed has dispelled insinuations that his ministers and aides will be persecuted. He said only those who have committed crimes have something to fear. That is the right way to look at the matter.

    The attitude of the incoming government to policies that are popular but may have affected some other interests differently as alleged is yet to be addressed. There is the need to clear the air on that aspect of Jonathan’s speech. Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala appeared to have spoken along the same line when she cautioned against the penchant with which some people are running down the economy through unguarded statements. She reasoned that these utterances some of which are at variance with extant economic indices, could pose serious challenges for or imperil the incoming government. That point goes without saying.

    Those still concerned with what the outgoing government did wrong or how it mismanaged the Nigerian economy may want to paint the picture of an economy that has gone awry; where nothing is working. But in this desperation to discredit that regime, they inadvertently create a new set of problems for the incoming government. First, the unmistakable impression is created that Buhari is a miracle worker who will find a quick fix for the multi-dimensional problems of this country. Casting the incoming government in that mould may soon create problems for it if the high hopes raised are not quickly met.

    The other is that it might be a subterfuge for the incoming government in case it is unable to rise to the high expectations generated by its campaign promises. When that happens, attention will be drawn to all the wrongs the Jonathan government allegedly wrought on the economy and the huge time they will require to clean up. That will not impress anybody as we have gone far beyond that point now.

    Elections have been won and lost and these were the issues on which basis they were fought. The incoming Buhari government will be benchmarked against what it does to put things right rather that finding excuses on the failures of the outgoing government. That is exactly where we are now.

    The other issue raised by Jonathan is the ease with which trusted friends and close collaborators desert leaders whence they are out of office. Some of them even go at lengths to divulge sensitive information in order to curry favor from the new government.

    That is the fad. It did not start with Jonathan and will unlikely end with him. It is a malady just like corruption that pervades all strata of our nation’s social fabric. It is propelled and reinforced by the lure and logic of the stomach.

    With an opposition government coming on stream, such a tendency is expected to be at an all time high. That has been the raison d’être for the embarrassing spate of defections we have witnessed. It has not got much to do with the hard decisions taken by the government but hinges more on lack of principles and desperation to be part of every government in power.

    It is a lesson for all those in power. But can they reasonably avoid a repeat? That is the moot question.

  • How long will APC rule?

    For a party that emerged through a marvellous merger just two years ago and on the verge of ruling-party status at the federal level, it may seem premature to contemplate the life expectancy of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the context of power. But such reflection is timely ahead of the inauguration of the incoming Muhammadu Buhari presidency on May 29, particularly because of the pronouncements on the party’s lifespan by political prophets.

    In other words, against the background of the 16-year governmental lifespan of the outgoing Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from 1999 to 2015, can the APC rule for a longer period? It is thought-provoking that President Goodluck Jonathan, who is heading for the exit following a stunning electoral defeat, expressed optimism about his party’s chances of regaining power at the centre in 2019. Jonathan said to party members after receiving the report of the PDP Presidential Campaign Organisation at Aso Villa, Abuja: “We must continue to be united as a party. And continue to work hard so that as we move towards subsequent elections in 2019 and 2023, PDP will come out stronger.”

    Also, PDP National Publicity Secretary Olisa Metuh said: “In this regard, all members who have reports, grievances and suggestions on the way forward should transmit same to the Post-Election Review Committee for an all-inclusive roadmap in the overall effort to regain power in 2019.”

    It is possible that Jonathan’s confidence merely reflected ostrichism and a conscious denial of his party’s decline and fall, which is understandable because overexcited stalwarts had predicted 60 years of PDP rule.  However, perhaps things are not so simplistic, considering the perspective of the Minister of National Planning, Dr. Abubakar Suleiman. In an interview, Suleiman said of APC: “I give the party just one year, it will fizzle out. APC does not have what it takes to stay in power for 16 years or more as the PDP did.” He added: “How will Atiku, Tinubu, Obasanjo and others work together for long? It cannot last for long.  They do not have anything in common. Many of the people in APC have come together for selfish interests and when the expectations are dashed by Buhari’s government, they will scatter.”

    This pessimism is not only projected by PDP hierarchs, it is promoted with curious enthusiasm. However, it is noteworthy that this viewpoint, which predated the general elections and  dates back to the merger talks leading to the formation of APC, was flawed by the constitution of the party against all odds as well its triumph at the polls. APC’s record-setting performance has been described as “the first time in Nigeria’s political history that an opposition political party unseated a governing party in a general election and one in which power will transfer peacefully from one political party to another.”  Remarkably, APC also won the majority of seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives in the historic 2015 elections. Apart from winning the presidential poll, the APC is in the saddle in 22 states, the PDP in 13 and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in one.

    Interestingly, the diversity of forces that formed APC was responsible for the ouster of PDP. It was a demonstration of the potency of collaboration that the product of the combination of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), was sufficiently muscular to overcome the PDP.

    However, APC cannot afford the luxury of resting on its laurels; and this is why the party must take the prophecies of doom seriously. The glory of its celebrated election victory will not be sufficient for future feats.  For a party that earned the votes of the electorate based on its campaign for change, APC itself will need to change from a vote-seeking party to a vote-attracting party, meaning that being in power will demand a new imagination.

    There is no doubt that the end of the PDP era has created great public expectations, and all eyes will be on APC to live up to expectations. When power formally changes hands, it would be expected that the actions of APC will begin to speak louder than its words. Ultimately, that is the challenge of change.

    It is interesting to note that the PDP prophets have concentrated on APC’s alleged incapacity to survive, and glossed over the PDP’s sinking ship. One significant voice highlighted the necessity for soul-searching. Senate President David Mark was quoted as saying that the party was “already hemorrhaging.” Mark warned: “Unless we halt the bleeding and find the necessary therapy, we may be heading for the final burial of the party. The party is already comatose and we should do all we can to resuscitate the party rather than this unnecessary rancour and buck passing.”

    Now, given the vigour of APC, contrasted with the PDP’s loss of vitality, it should be easy to guess which of the two parties may slump when the going gets tough. The two parties will be grappling with unfamiliar roles. Federal power is new to APC, just as opposition politics is strange to PDP. Will it be easier for APC to master its new status than for PDP to manage its reduced station?

    Aware of the picture, APC’s National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, observed that PDP “has neither the capacity nor the commitment to be in the opposition.” Mohammed declared that an opposition party needs to be “creative, knowledgeable, resourceful and above all credible,” adding, “It is not by cheap blackmail.”  Mohammed was also quoted as saying: “This is why we wish to extend to the National Working Committee of the PDP a free orientation, just as we have offered the party’s spokesman a free crash course on how to be an opposition party spokesman. The theme of the orientation will be ‘transiting from the ruling party to an opposition party’.”

    It remains to be seen how 2015 to 2019 will play out, how quickly and effectively APC can deliver the desired change to cement its position, and how speedily PDP can recover from its post-election trauma to renew and reposition itself for the future.  How long will APC rule? Or how soon will PDP return?

  • Revisiting past probes

    President-elect Gen. Muhammad Buhari (rtd.) has been speaking variously on his plans to tackle corruption when sworn-in. This should not be a surprise given that the fight against the malfeasance was a key campaign promise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) under which platform he won the election.

    If he is hammering on this battle, it is in part informed by this campaign promise and the fact that corruption stands out as the most singular problem that has overtime, stunted the growth and development of this country. So whatever attention that is given to the imperative of waging a conclusive war against corruption is very well deserved.

    Apparently to keep this promise in public domain, Buhari has indicated his intention to probe the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to unravel the circumstances behind the $20 billion oil fund which the corporation allegedly failed to remit into the purse of the federal government. He is also interested in investigating allegations of electoral malpractices by INEC officials and sundry security agencies.

    At another level, he has been credited with saying he was going to re-visit reports of panels set up by the National Assembly to investigate allegations of financial scandals in federal government ministries and agencies.

    Top among the reports which the President-elect intends to re-visit are the fuel subsidy scandal, the N255 million bullet proof cars scam and that of the pensions fund investigated by the senate.

    What can be deduced from all these, is that he does not want to leave anyone with any shred of doubt that he is going to pursue the campaign against corruption with all the seriousness the matter deserves. In the days ahead, we are likely to hear more about these cases. We are more likely to witness the implementation of aspects of the reports that have hitherto been in the cooler for whatever reasons. Similarly, more heads of those indicted by these reports are likely to roll.

    It is also possible that an entirely new insight may be thrown open in the circumstances surrounding these scandals. If and when these happen, the nation would have commenced the much desired fight against corruption. Without doubt, Nigerians are full of expectations on the renewed interest on the war against all forms of corruption. The general feeling is that Buhari can fight corruption. This has more to do with his personality rather than concrete evidence on the ground that the fight will be that easy. Buhari is seen in many circles as a very disciplined and selfless man. He is reputed to be in a position to fight corruption because he is not corrupt himself. So the renewed optimism on the war against corruption hinges more on his personality and reputation than the campaign promise of his party. How far this can take us, will become self evident in the days ahead.

    Re-visiting past probes as desirable as they are, may not produce the kind of results this country direly needs to battle the scourge to the ground. First, it gives the impression that all it takes to commence the huge war against corruption is taking on these probes that were solely recorded during the period of the outgoing administration of Jonathan. That would amount to a very circumscribed and narrow perspective that erroneously conveys the impression that corruption is all about the outgoing government. We can start with these. But corruption is more deep rooted and more entrenched than re-visiting past probes as has been touted. It would therefore amount to scratching the surface of the matter to nurse the feeling that corruption can be conclusively battled through such ad hoc probes.

    Yes, the fight can be kick-started by probing allegations of financial impropriety against the Jonathan government. If it takes having another look at some of the probes, so be it. After all, there must be a point at which the battle has to commence. There is no intention here to undermine the heuristic value of such engagements. Neither is the impression being conveyed that the fight can only commence when it is holistic in nature.

    But the real fight against corruption goes far beyond such isolated probes or re-visiting of past ones. It goes beyond the impression that it is all about getting even or probing the Jonathan administration. Yes, Jonathan can be probed. It is also not unlikely that his administration could be found wanting in some respects given the way our governments have been run overtime. It may not be a surprise that many of those who worked in his administration may have mismanaged public funds just as those in previous governments both military and civilian. It is even safer to presume that many of the functionaries past and present would score low when weighed on the corruption index.  After all, we are all privy to the monumental scandals that pervade the oil subsidy regime and the pervasiveness of the scourge in all facets of our public life.

    Thus, fighting the scourge would require more than ad hoc measures. It would definitely entail a revolution of sorts. It would require a total overhaul of the way government business is run in this country. It would involve fundamental altering of socialization processes to elicit attitudinal changes that are supportive of civic structures. It would require positive dispositions to things that have to do with the government. Sadly, the way the government is perceived today, cannot conduce for effective battle against corruption. Governments at all levels still compete with primordial groups for the loyalty of the citizens. It is still seen as an avenue that needs to be impoverished for the benefit of the primordial groups.

    That is why it is not considered a taboo to steal from the government till. But the same people, who steal the funds of the government, find it difficult to tamper with the funds of their ethnic unions. The amoral relationship between the government and the individuals has to be tackled and redressed for the fight to have real meaning.

    It is this amoral relationship that in the main, accounts for the perception that appointment into key positions of government is an invitation to partake in the sharing of the national cake. The general trend in many parts of the country today is to deride anybody who has had the opportunity of occupying key government positions but still unable to make sufficient money to take care of his needs thereafter. Such ruinous dispositions must change.

    Since after the just concluded general elections, there have been copious references to the sharing and allocation of juicy government portfolios to sections of the country that massively voted for the incoming federal government. What can be juicy about these portfolios except the undue advantage they will be deployed for personal ends? That is the crux of the problem and the beginning of corruption.

    The fight against corruption must be all embracing and far reaching for it to achieve the desired result. It must permeate all strata of the nation’s social fabric. It will not only require very radical measures to discourage the feeling that government business is nobody’s business but the strengthening of all institutions with the duty to bring culprits to book. It will require government by example rather than precepts.

    The fight must not discriminate between persons no matter their connection with the powers that be. It is not going to be that easy. If Buhari can win this war, he would have etched his name in the sands of the nation’s history.

  • Let them pay

    Let them pay

    During the election campaigns, she was in battle gear. Not her ankara dress beneath a head-tie that mocks the humility of a villager.  Some may see her dressing as part of her armoury though. But her fiery tongue is her battery of attack. Her opponent is dapper, if not so brilliant. The two hotshots threw potshots at each other.

    War is about propaganda, and elections in Nigeria are like going to war. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, with her usual gusto debated former Central Bank governor Chukwuma Soludo on the state of the Nigerian economy.

    In spite of his exterior of objectivity, Soludo seized an opportunity not only for redemption but revenge. Since he fell flat as a governor candidate and retreated into oblivion, he had been looking for a chance to bait the PDP brass.

    Okonjo-Iweala, on the other hand, wanted a moment not only of triumph but of triumphalism, to give the former vicar of our money the Mayweather treatment. With her vintage scarf and emphatic diction, she wanted to pulp Soludo into a PacMan of finance.

    Now we know who packed a punch. Soludo said things were pretty bad. Ngozi said things were on course, and a rosy horizon emblazoned the future.

    Last week, we had our confession. She said we have already borrowed close to half a trillion Naira to fund our recurrent expenses, like salaries, paying rents, etc. This is barely a quarter into the 2015 budget year.

    So, we have it. Ngozi lied to Nigerians then. To be charitable, she probably did not know the facts then, or she knew it differently at the time she squared off with the central banker. Even in her vicarious confession, she did not show the humility of contrition. She threw jibes at governors, thereby blaming others for her own inadequacy.

    So the scores are in. Soludo won, Ngozi lost the ball. But winning is not what we are about in this matter. We should be bothered about our economy, and where we are headed as a nation.

    What has happened to this country in the past half a decade? Not long ago, oil price soared to its acme at about $110 per barrel. We spent a trillion Naira a year on defence when Boko Haram held sway and other trillions went into a number of sectors, including education, works, presidency, payment of bills, etc. We did not save for the rainy day. We did not account for the money that flooded out of our purses.

    We expected things to be rosy permanently. We expected the fat years to burst with juices forever. Suddenly like the prophecy of Joseph that went unheeded, the lean years fell on us. We had no answers as the oil price fell precipitously.

    Some are happy that Jonathan did not win. If he won, Ngozi would not have been forced to make a public confession of her government’s recklessness and profligacy. We would have kept borrowing and burrowing with a good face into a crash. Just like the crash that hit the west when Obama took the sceptre as United States president. That was the case with Greece when the bank Goldman Sachs worked with a consortium of finance houses to manipulate the loans and covered up the dreary situation until all that was left were stiches. The rich do not live on stitches.

    Today, Greece is paying for the lies of those years that the locust ate. Many Greeks have left their country and close to a quarter of the population don’t have jobs. They are now cajoling and blackmailing Europe to bail them out of the iniquity of their past.

    A big task has fallen on Buhari now. We know that recklessness boils down to corruption. So many sinners have taken part in this party of rapine on our patrimony. They have stolen us dizzy, and some of them are either looking for how to distort the books or flee.

    Buhari has assured Jonathan that he has nothing to fear. But I wonder if that statement itself can hold our broken dam. If we have to wage a war on corruption, we have to stop the bleeding. But we cannot close our eyes on the recent past, especially when the government’s recent activities still bear significance on today’s life.

    Some people have stolen our money, and so we want our money back. I am not interested in how many years a man goes to jail for stealing our money in the past half-decade. I say past half decade because it will be meaningless to go back indefinitely. But we should address the recent past, partly because we experienced the greatest devastation on our resources under Jonathan.

    All we need is to look at the various contracts and see what work was done and not done. We should do the math and ask for the money of what is not accounted for. If the work is for N2 billion and it is evident that only N200 million work has been done, we should ask that the job be completed at a certain specified period and ask for the accounts and where the balance of the money is. If the contractor cannot account for it, that person must either by cajolery or force of law or plea bargaining made to give us the balance of the money.  If it means selling the Dubai mansion or the South African estate or the private jets, they must realise that we want the money.

    We are in a bad place as a nation. We don’t want to look like the futile dance of the forest in Wole Soyinka’s play, where the past could not save the future. The past is in our hands, and we need to act with boldness. There are many poor who cannot feed, and many ignorant who want good schools. Many die who could have lived with a little help with this drug or that dialysis machine. We have the Second Niger Bridge to build and many homes that need power at night.

    Our money stolen in the past few years amounts to trillions, given our budgets and work not done.  I am not calling for revenge, but restoration. It is about restitution, not retribution.  We should save the nation from the crime more than from the criminal. It is not about saving a brother but about being our brother’s keeper.

    We need systematic approach lenient to those who cooperate and ruthless to those who huff and run.

    Getting our money is not about forgiveness. Getting our money should be a public matter and the stigma and opprobrium should stick to the thief. The word thief is mild. They are robbers. The American outlaw, Jesse James, once caviled at being described as a thief. The offended bandit said he was not a thief but a robber, an armed robber. He belonged to a great class of evil doers rather than the petty aberration of a common criminal. James always came to mind whenever GEJ’s “stealing is not corruption” is referenced. GEJ was dodgy and hypocritical. Jesse James did not conceal his daredevilry.

    We should not forgive. This is no time for Christian mercy. It is a practical way to show mercy for the suffering millions who are victims of corruption.

    If we look at it as revenge, we shall miss the point, though. It should not come across as punishing a group, tribe or region, but individuals who violated public trust. After the First World War, the Europeans of the Allied nations called for revenge or what was called reparations. Some yelled that they should bleed the Germans till their children squeaked. It followed a revenge policy that alienated Germany, gave birth to a false prosperity known as the Locarno Honeymoon and later the Great Depression. Ultimately came the revanchist rise of Nazi Germany. The Second World War ended that sanguinary hour.

    We need the money not to punish the thief but to save the poor and a crawling nation.

  • Shettima on my mind

    FOR the first time, I decided to reproduce a previously published article. With the country’s general elections concluded, I reflected on the incoming state governors, particularly Kashim Shettima of Borno State who has been reelected for a second term. He was my focus in the piece “My Governor of the Year 2013” published on December 30, 2013, which is reproduced here.   

    It took only 30 minutes for Borno State Governor Kashim Shettima to qualify for the accolade, and his eligibility was perfected in highly remarkable circumstances. Shettima on December 15 reportedly departed from Abuja on a 7pm Arik flight to Lagos, where he was scheduled to participate in three meetings. A little over two hours after he left the federal capital, specifically at 9.15pm, the governor was having dinner at Mummy B Food Canteen, located in Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos, which he last visited some 20 years ago. He was drawn to the local restaurant with only four tables for 10 customers at a time by his love of amala, which he reportedly “missed so much”.

    So irresistible was his craving for the particular food, prepared in a particular way, that it was Shettima who gave directions to the official convoy, and he reportedly trekked to the eating spot in the company of two commissioners, his special adviser on media, staff of Borno Laison Office in Lagos and security aides. Interestingly, he was recognised as an old customer by the restaurant owner, Iya Moriya; and for his meal, he insisted on being served with the same kind of plates he was used to two decades ago. By the time he left the place at 9.45pm, word had travelled round the neighbourhood that a VIP was around.

    In significant ways, Shettima’s amala activity represents an enlightening metaphor for political leadership in a pluralistic polity. To start with, the 47-year-old leader born in Maiduguri, Borno State, in the country’s northern region, demonstrated that he was ethnically accommodating by his taste for food of a different cultural provenance from his own. Amala is a cultural dish popular among the Yoruba in the country’s Southwest region, and to have a northerner who would readily eat it without discrimination is a plus for Shettima’s pan-Nigerian credentials.

    Furthermore, it is commendable that Shettima remembered. Not only did he have a clear memory of the enjoyable taste of the particularamala, he also could recollect the route to the restaurant, even though he had not been there in years. It is striking that he even remembered the plates of yesteryear. More importantly, perhaps, he remembered that he had not always been a governor and that he had a past. His remembrance of things past mirrored his modesty, despite the context of high political office.

    In a manner of speaking, Shettima’s interaction with the restaurant workers can be likened to a descent from an Olympian height. It was a rare event that held lessons for the powerful. He certainly could have avoided eating in the lowly restaurant, given the fact that he had people at his beck and call that could have gone there to get a take-away meal for their boss. It is pertinent to wonder at the cost of eating in such a cheap restaurant, when he could have opted for a five-star hotel in the megacity, all at government expense.

    What was Iya Moriya’s recipe that made her amala so unforgettable for Shettima? His visit to the eating place must have made her day, not necessarily in financial terms, but on the psychological plane. Shettima returned to her restaurant as a governor, which was something to be proud of; and the happening may well have elevated her profile in the area, apart from giving her understandable bragging rights. By his association with the people, and his electrifying presence, therefore, Shettima scored well.

    For the avoidance of doubt, it is relevant to highlight Shettima’s education and exposure for the benefit of the narrow-minded who might consider his behaviour as perhaps informed by possible lack of sophistication. A Masters degree holder in Agricultural Economics from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, and a former lecturer in the same subject at the University of Maiduguri, Borno State, and a one-time top-level banker, he served as Commissioner of the Borno State Ministry of Finance and Economic Development and Commissioner in the Ministries of Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Education, Agriculture and later Health before his election as governor in 2011 on the platform of the then All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), which this year merged with others to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is significant that Shettima governs the terrorised Borno State, which is currently under emergency rule imposed by the federal government, along with Adamawa and Yobe states, in a controversial anti-terror measure specifically introduced to check the murderously rampaging Islamic religionists known as Boko Haram. It is a reflection of his sensitivity that he lately overlooked his personal security in a visit to Bama local government area of the state, which is officially regarded as exposed to Boko Haram insurgents and the scene of carnage in recent times. At the palace of the Shehu of Bama, Alhaji Kyari Ibrahim El-Kanemi, where he donated N100 million toward the rehabilitation of terror victims in the community, Shettima said momentously, “I took an oath of office as the governor two years ago to work for the people devoid of ethnic, religious and political affiliations. That is why it becomes a duty for us to share in your moments of grief.” It is noteworthy that his gesture tellingly contrasts with the rather detached attitude of the central administration on the contentious issue of compensation for casualties of the mayhem.

    In another defining instance, Shettima demonstrated understanding leadership during an unscheduled visit to Gen. Mohammadu Shuwa Memorial Hospital in Maiduguri, where he donated blood to an expectant mother in need of transfusion. According to the Commissioner for Health, Dr Salma Kolo, “The governor was disturbed by the condition of the woman and wanted to help. He later discovered through the medical attendants that his blood group matched that of the woman, so he decided to help out.”

    Remarkably, in these days of self-described professional politicians who go to extreme lengths to remain politically relevant, it is food for thought that Shettima has a vision of his post-governorship years. “I have a Masters degree, but after the political interregnum I wish to go back and get a PhD so that one can become a true intellectual in the real sense,” he said, while receiving the governing council of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) in his office.

    In the end, there seems to be a fine quality to his personality that should naturally dovetail with good governance. Regrettably, his story is the stuff of fantasy in the real world of the country’s largely unfeeling politicians.

  • 2015 elections: A postscript

    Somehow, we have been able to muddle through the 2015 general elections. Muddle through? Yes.

    They ran their full cycle penultimate Saturday with the reruns in the three states of Abia, Imo and Taraba.  Whether the current situation is thrust upon us by luck, contrivance or some other extenuating circumstances, the results of those contests have been announced and general peace is anticipated to reign supreme.

    With it, all predictions of cataclysm by doomsday prophets appear to have come to naught. Nigeria has again, been saved from itself given the charged atmosphere and intemperate campaign language deployed by the parties as they sought to take control of the minds of the electorate.

    There is relief that there is another opportunity for us to once again, give democracy a chance. There is another chance for the country to correct itself if democracy must survive as a development paradigm. That appears the pervading feeling given the shortcomings of the process that brought about our current situation.

    To borrow the euphemism within our sports circles, we have wobbled and fumbled and ultimately gotten to our final destination- the conduct of ‘successful’ elections. It is a different kettle of fish how we got there. The above allegory was popularized some years back when our Super Eagles serially disappointed Nigerian sports enthusiasts due to lacklustre performance but ultimately managed to qualify for semi-finals and finals in continental competitions.

    Though they managed to qualify for further engagements, it was obvious the nation’s football was doomed if wobbling and fumbling was the strategy of its handlers to give the nation a first rate football team. Soon, it dawned on us that our national football game could no longer survive by trials and errors as denoted by this catchphrase.

    The fate of our national football today is symptomatic of how deficient the absence of clear performance standards and non adherence to rules can be in institutionalizing a lazy football culture in this country. Today, the Super Eagles plays without many Nigerians bothering about the outcome. Such is the scenario that is about to re-enact at the political level in matters concerning elections unless clear steps are taken to ensure that the will of the people as expressed at the ballot box prevails. The way things stand much is still awry with our electoral process.

    A peep into those reruns depicts a galore of complaints by the runners-up. In Taraba State, the APC candidate, Aisha Alhassan rejected the result describing the entire process as “daylight robbery” She alleged that the election was marred by violence, massive rigging, ballot snatching and abuse of the card readers in substantial parts of the state. The APGA and PDP in Abia and Imo have respectively complained of sundry infractions that detract substantially from known standards of free, fair and credible elections. The parties alleged incidences of manipulation and changing of election results by INEC staff among other malpractices. In the days ahead, many of the complainants will be proceeding to the election petitions tribunals to seek justice. We hope justice will come their way.

    The case of the three states is symbolic in more ways than one. Being the three states where governorship reruns were held, they mirror very vividly all that went wrong during the general elections. Whatever assessment we have of their outcome can be used as a fair measure of the outcome of the elections preceding them. Moreover, given their limited number, the minimum expectation was that malpractices of any hue would not feature as the INEC will deploy its surplus human and material resources to ensure a more successful outcome. If they did so, it failed to achieve the desired result as attested to by these complaints.

    If such irregularities including connivance by INEC officials can manifest in the manner alleged in these supplementary elections, it then stands to be imagined what transpired during the general election when the commission’s resources were stretched to their fullest. That should give us an idea of how credible the outcome of the elections had been. It will also form the basis for any assessment of the performance of that electoral body.

    From all accounts, the elections were marred by large scale malpractices in many areas. Sundry killings, under age voting, manipulation and falsification of results, snatching of ballot boxes and collusion by INEC officials at all levels of the election were some of the unwholesome features recorded.

    The source of these shortcomings can be grouped into two broad categories – the ones committed by politicians and their supporters and those wrought on us by INEC officials.  But by far the most worrisome of them is the latter. These are people employed and paid by the government for this and other related functions. Instead of doing the work for which they are paid, INEC officials have become the greatest cog in the wheels of the successful conduct of elections. Many of them see elections as the ripe time to make quick money. They invent sundry subterfuge to manipulate election results to satisfy politicians and line their pockets.

    That is why you hear of fake or duplicate result sheets being supplied to the polling and collation centres while the authentic ones are given out to politicians in exchange for money. With such connivance, all a politician needed to do is to sit back at home and enter whatever results that suits him and return same to the unscrupulous INEC official who in turn, submits them as authentic results. That is the genesis of the phenomenon of falsification of election results. There was much of it in the last general elections.

    When you place this sabotage of the electoral process by those whose duty it is to conduct free and fair elections side by side the penchant by our politicians to win by fair or foul means, the prospects it paints for the survival of democracy is very gloomy. Yes, by whatever contrivance, we have managed to muddle through, we can as well beat our chests and say democracy has come to stay in this country.

    But that would amount to an oversimplification of extant realities given events of the last elections. Perhaps, the relative peace we are now savouring is because the presidential election went the way it did despite some of these lapses. Had there been some dispute as witnessed at other levels of elections, the story may have been another thing altogether.

    For now, there is no guarantee that in subsequent elections, there will be this ‘spirit of give peace a chance’ in the face of observed lapses. If the attitude of politicians and those of INEC officials as witnessed in these elections is anything to go by, there are still thorns sown on the path to our democracy. We can only secure its future when politicians are compelled to play by the rules and errant ones made to face the full weight of the law.

    INEC officials fingered in falsifying, manipulating and selling of authentic results sheets must be identified and punished. Such official have become the greatest threat to the successful conduct of elections. We have muddled through. But wobbling and fumbling will soon turn out a defective approach to institutionalizing democracy in this country. There is still serious work to do to restore the confidence of the people in the sanctity of the electoral process.

  • Shettima on my mind

    FOR the first time, I decided to reproduce a previously published article. With the country’s general elections concluded, I reflected on the incoming state governors, particularly Kashim Shettima of Borno State who has been reelected for a second term. He was my focus in the piece “My Governor of the Year 2013” published on December 30, 2013, which is reproduced here.   

    It took only 30 minutes for Borno State Governor Kashim Shettima to qualify for the accolade, and his eligibility was perfected in highly remarkable circumstances. Shettima on December 15 reportedly departed from Abuja on a 7pm Arik flight to Lagos, where he was scheduled to participate in three meetings. A little over two hours after he left the federal capital, specifically at 9.15pm, the governor was having dinner at Mummy B Food Canteen, located in Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos, which he last visited some 20 years ago. He was drawn to the local restaurant with only four tables for 10 customers at a time by his love of amala, which he reportedly “missed so much”.

    So irresistible was his craving for the particular food, prepared in a particular way, that it was Shettima who gave directions to the official convoy, and he reportedly trekked to the eating spot in the company of two commissioners, his special adviser on media, staff of Borno Laison Office in Lagos and security aides. Interestingly, he was recognised as an old customer by the restaurant owner, Iya Moriya; and for his meal, he insisted on being served with the same kind of plates he was used to two decades ago. By the time he left the place at 9.45pm, word had travelled round the neighbourhood that a VIP was around.

    In significant ways, Shettima’s amala activity represents an enlightening metaphor for political leadership in a pluralistic polity. To start with, the 47-year-old leader born in Maiduguri, Borno State, in the country’s northern region, demonstrated that he was ethnically accommodating by his taste for food of a different cultural provenance from his own. Amala is a cultural dish popular among the Yoruba in the country’s Southwest region, and to have a northerner who would readily eat it without discrimination is a plus for Shettima’s pan-Nigerian credentials.

    Furthermore, it is commendable that Shettima remembered. Not only did he have a clear memory of the enjoyable taste of the particularamala, he also could recollect the route to the restaurant, even though he had not been there in years. It is striking that he even remembered the plates of yesteryear. More importantly, perhaps, he remembered that he had not always been a governor and that he had a past. His remembrance of things past mirrored his modesty, despite the context of high political office.

    In a manner of speaking, Shettima’s interaction with the restaurant workers can be likened to a descent from an Olympian height. It was a rare event that held lessons for the powerful. He certainly could have avoided eating in the lowly restaurant, given the fact that he had people at his beck and call that could have gone there to get a take-away meal for their boss. It is pertinent to wonder at the cost of eating in such a cheap restaurant, when he could have opted for a five-star hotel in the megacity, all at government expense.

    What was Iya Moriya’s recipe that made her amala so unforgettable for Shettima? His visit to the eating place must have made her day, not necessarily in financial terms, but on the psychological plane. Shettima returned to her restaurant as a governor, which was something to be proud of; and the happening may well have elevated her profile in the area, apart from giving her understandable bragging rights. By his association with the people, and his electrifying presence, therefore, Shettima scored well.

    For the avoidance of doubt, it is relevant to highlight Shettima’s education and exposure for the benefit of the narrow-minded who might consider his behaviour as perhaps informed by possible lack of sophistication. A Masters degree holder in Agricultural Economics from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, and a former lecturer in the same subject at the University of Maiduguri, Borno State, and a one-time top-level banker, he served as Commissioner of the Borno State Ministry of Finance and Economic Development and Commissioner in the Ministries of Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Education, Agriculture and later Health before his election as governor in 2011 on the platform of the then All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), which this year merged with others to form the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is significant that Shettima governs the terrorised Borno State, which is currently under emergency rule imposed by the federal government, along with Adamawa and Yobe states, in a controversial anti-terror measure specifically introduced to check the murderously rampaging Islamic religionists known as Boko Haram. It is a reflection of his sensitivity that he lately overlooked his personal security in a visit to Bama local government area of the state, which is officially regarded as exposed to Boko Haram insurgents and the scene of carnage in recent times. At the palace of the Shehu of Bama, Alhaji Kyari Ibrahim El-Kanemi, where he donated N100 million toward the rehabilitation of terror victims in the community, Shettima said momentously, “I took an oath of office as the governor two years ago to work for the people devoid of ethnic, religious and political affiliations. That is why it becomes a duty for us to share in your moments of grief.” It is noteworthy that his gesture tellingly contrasts with the rather detached attitude of the central administration on the contentious issue of compensation for casualties of the mayhem.

    In another defining instance, Shettima demonstrated understanding leadership during an unscheduled visit to Gen. Mohammadu Shuwa Memorial Hospital in Maiduguri, where he donated blood to an expectant mother in need of transfusion. According to the Commissioner for Health, Dr Salma Kolo, “The governor was disturbed by the condition of the woman and wanted to help. He later discovered through the medical attendants that his blood group matched that of the woman, so he decided to help out.”

    Remarkably, in these days of self-described professional politicians who go to extreme lengths to remain politically relevant, it is food for thought that Shettima has a vision of his post-governorship years. “I have a Masters degree, but after the political interregnum I wish to go back and get a PhD so that one can become a true intellectual in the real sense,” he said, while receiving the governing council of the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) in his office.

    In the end, there seems to be a fine quality to his personality that should naturally dovetail with good governance. Regrettably, his story is the stuff of fantasy in the real world of the country’s largely unfeeling politicians.

  • The prodigal sons

    The prodigal sons

    The bell is now tolling. The Abuja high rollers are packing their bags and heading out of town. President Goodluck Jonathan is not an island in this regard. He leads the pack. Also in the wagon are familiar wayfarers: not just ministers and advisers and hangers-on, but a generation and tribe of politicians.

    They have vaingloriously called themselves “mainstreamers.” This is a word of opportunism. They say their people should not stay back to play state or regional politics. It is better to follow, like sheep, the scent of the stew. And in our skewed federal structure, the aroma of the centre bustles in a big and liberal pot. All insiders can eat from the accompanying fufu. The fufu, in its outsize extravagance, compares to Achebe’s feast in Things Fall Apart where those eating on one side cannot see those eating on the other.

    So, the so-called mainstreamers are, properly defined, “main-eaters.” They are the carnivores of our democracies. In other words, they are the man-eaters who scavenged on all the fat-cow contracts, glamour trips and money declared missing in the past half-decade. They gorged on the NNPC’s unaccounted billions, flapped haughty wings in tales of impunity, whether in the MDAs or in the ministries or Presidency. They mainstreamed while the rest of us majority snorted as islanders. It was corruption writ large.

    But nowhere did this predatory logic rear itself more than in the Southwest. Its ancestor was the Owu chief, our Olusegun Obasanjo. He lured the tribe, while he was president, away from the canons of the Afenifere group. They had coalesced in the Alliance for Democracy.

    It was the beginning of the tribal traitors. They sold their patrimony for a mess of centralised pottage. It became clear who was on the people’s side.

    They had it going for them for a long time. The so-called Afenifere bigwigs launched smear campaigns against the mainstays of the AD, who would not yield to the tantalising follies of centralised lucre. The Owu chief puffed with power then and worked with the renegades to sweep the Southwest states for the PDP, leaving Lagos and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as the lone tree in a deforested swath of progressive politics.

    The story of the so-called Afenifere bigwigs underpins what some psychologists call the fear of gratitude. Most of them who call themselves Afenifere dynamos today once gleefully nestled in Lagos State under the beneficence of Tinubu. But they loathe their benefactor. They are like the men who did not return to say thank you to Jesus after their miracles. The older Afenifere think he is too young to be that powerful and his kindness hurt. His contemporaries’ envy is couched in the poisonous cliché: why him? The younger ones want to pull him down. The fear of gratitude merely means the fear of saying thank you to the person who rescued you. It is the buffoonery of arrogance. This fear leads to another, more malignant one: the fear of contempt.

    The best example of this is recorded by Edward Gibbons in his all-time classic, The Decline and Fall of Roman Empire. He told the story of Emperor Maximin, a coarse, low and sanguinary fellow who rose to the apogee of Roman pomp and power. He felt a sense of inadequacy, and decided to kill anyone who knew him when he was nothing and helped him along the way. The same psychology is played in Shakespeare’s bloodiest play, Titus Andronicus, where Titus gave up his right to the royal throne to another man. That man played along with a scheme to kill Titus, so as to justify his hollow manhood.

    So, the Afenifere bigwigs have since 2003 mounted a campaign based on fears of gratitude and contempt against Tinubu. They have plotted, plodded and preened for many years, and boasted with only stumbles and falls to tell their stories. One of them is the whitlow of the west, the mimic Mimiko, who genuflected and pleaded for Tinubu to save him from the machinations of the chief mainstreamer, the Owu Chief. He had been swindled out of his Ondo State Governorship slot, and he wanted justice. Tinubu was his only lifeline, and the oxygen came aplenty. Once secure in his position as governor, he played Brutus. He did not want to say thank you. When he was in trouble he pledged to belong. Once he was rescued, he feigned an independent giant. His is a prostitution of the virtue of self-regard. He is a fraud.

    He worked with all the others, including the old men and fuddy-duddies hungry for financial fountains. They were mercenaries and leeches, bleeding their own race to nest their high places.

    They coaxed Jonathan to their side after their leader, Obasanjo, had abandoned them. They were a decapitated group, a mere body without ears, eyes, hair, olfactory lobe, medulla oblongata, or mouth, but flailing with weapons in hand, swishing in the air. They fell like humpty dumpty. From a lone state in Lagos, Tinubu with tact, diligence, wise daring and a talent for talents took the west and now the centre, making him the numero uno ever of Nigerian politics. Since 1999, it was for him the success of a long distance runner.

    On March 28, they lost the centre, and that capped the tragic story of the mainstreamers. Suddenly, they no longer saw the mainstream, since the water was now dry in Abuja. They turned their eyes to the Lagoon. With Jonathan behind them, they embarked on a journey of revenge.

    If they lost the centre, they could not do without Lagos. So all resources poured into the state of excellence.  Their bridgehead was a certain pharmacist who staked all his past doings in the progressive camp for a vaulting ambition. In the process, he lost a sense not only of ideology but values. Jimi Agbaje knew he was in a foul crowd. Hence his campaign posters miniaturised the PDP logo and enlarged his name and picture. He was an unwilling joiner. He made it look like he was the pearl among swines. It was a colossal gamble of moral significance, a thing he would explain for the rest of his life. How come his name jingles among militants, ex-convicts and quislings?

    The battle for Lagos was a waterloo. They have now drowned in the Lagoon. After losing the centre, they have lost the state. They may play stragglers with Fayose and Mimiko, as the last redoubts of an expiring tribe. They are the prodigal sons of the west, only theirs is more tragic because they have no home to which to return. They are neither mainstreamers nor regionalists. They are dead-enders. They have now been exposed as moral cretins. They remind one of the words of the Russian poet Pushkin: “In our vile times, man was, whatever his element, either a tyrant, or traitor, or prisoner.” It is true to the renegades.

    But the mainstreamers were taken for granted in other regions, especially in the Southsouth and Southeast. They have to now scramble for the limited resources in those states. Their big, fat appetites will now be humbled before such governors as Dickson, Okowa, Udom, Wike, etc. President Jonathan knew this when he decried defecting PDP men. “Those people running and those already cross-carpeting, will come back on an empty stomach because they (APC) will touch the primary members of their party before they get to them. They know you are coming because you are hungry; and before it will get to you, the food will be gone.”

    In Achebe’s feast, handshakes snapped across the fufu. But as GEJ warned, the APC is in no mood for such fistic felicity.

    In the Southwest, they are more or less in the lagoon. On Tinubu, their envy evokes the refrain from American writer H.L. Mencken, who wrote, “the haunting fear that someone somewhere may be happy.” Hence what is left for them is a smear campaign. From mainstreamers, they are now “main screamers.”