Category: Monday

  • The Olu and the gods

    Nothing reflects the conflict between ancient and modern like the hoopla coming from the Warri Kingdom, or Iwerre land. The king, Atuwatse 11, unleashed a sandstorm of faith, and the throne was rocked to its 1480 origin. The Olu said he had found Christ, thus tossing the god of his ancestors into anachronism. He said he would rather sever than serve Belial – or Umalokun, the goddess of the sea.

    He had renounced the traditional name Ogiame because it showed allegiance not to the God of Isaac but to his fathers who are now dust. He wanted to replace the anthem, and other rites and rituals of the throne.

    The development is a dream of poets and novelists. What the Atuwatse has done hallmarks a perpetual battle in the modern soul. How do we serve the God of heaven and abandon the god of the earth, or sea? He must have read parts of the Bible that said, “woe to the inhabitants of the earth and the sea, because your adversary, Satan the Devil, has been cast down…”

    But it would have been more potent if the Olu said he was not going to change his mind. But now that he has apparently bowed, what do we make of him? A Saul who became Paul and fell back to his vomit and became Saul again?

    Can two walk together except they agree, asked Prophet Amos. That is the conundrum. It is the collision of the gods, a classic that plays out in our lives every day, a contest of identities. Today the Christian God works when we shout hallelujah, the next day the god of Belial works when we don’t get that job or we can’t subdue that ailment. In our syncretic way, we have brought traditional observances into Christian or Muslim worship. It comes to high relief when a man on a high throne is ensconced in the conflict.

    Now, can we say the Olu has become a better Olu and a lesser Christian by this recantation? He alone can answer this, but what is clear is that you cannot serve the God of Abraham and that of Umalokun on the same throne. They are both jealous. He should have kept his worship to himself.

    If this shows the power of the kingdom, it also shows the limit of the modern king. Remember Mongo Beti’s novel, King Lazarus, when a born-again king of 23 wives had to renounce his wives and choose one?

    Even though the Atuwatse 11 has recoiled, the question remains if he did it for his own peace or the kingdom’s. If it is for the kingdom and not from his conviction, then we can say of him Shakespeare’s words from his greatest play about kings, Hamlet: the king has not left the throne, but the throne has left the king. But Auwatse 11 will determine that by his actions.

  • Restructuring versus power shift

    Those opposed to the compelling imperative of restructuring through a national conference, must now have cause to reason to the contrary. Contemporary developments in the country have shown very unmistakably that we can only continue to postpone this idea at our own peril. Events regularly underscore the need to engage the distinct groups in this country to fashion out safe routes out of the nation’s unresolved problems of existence.

    The war of attrition in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party PDP and efforts to recruit leaders from all sections of the country to resolve it can in a way, be regarded as PDP’s version of a national conference. What the party is currently passing through is a crisis of confidence among leaders due to failure to evolve acceptable templates to nagging issues of our federal order.

    One of it is the location of power at the centre and which of the geo-political divides should have control over it. That there is constant and very bitter struggle for power among the various ethnic groups to control the centre is no longer news. The fact of this inordinate struggle underscores the point that we are yet to arrive at an ordered way of circulating power between and among the various interest groups.

    But more than anything else, it clearly pictures the mutual suspicion and mistrust among these cleavages regarding the use to which they intend to deploy political power.

    Its logical corollary is that the struggle for power is fuelled by general thinking that those who hold it do so largely for the interest of their primordial units and members of their immediate families. That is what foremost Afro-American political scientist Richard Joseph referred to as prebendal politics. Or how else do we rationalize the inordinate domination of primordial sentiments in the current agitations for power shift? The fact that sections of the country are threatening fire, lime and brimstone should they fail to capture power come 2015 is a sufficient signal that all is not well with the power matrix in this country. It is a clarion call for all to sit down and address the power equation and all the issues that constantly breed suspicion and mistrust among our diverse peoples. If there are no problems with our federal order, such issues as which section of the country the president comes from would not have assumed the dangerous dimension it has now taken. It is obvious that all is not well with us as a country. It is also no less obvious that a way has to be fashioned out to resolve these recurring deficits and fault lines if we are to record any genuine progress as one indivisible country. These sore points include rising insecurity, increasing slide to primordialism, fiscal federalism; devolution and rotation of power and resource control.

    Scepticisms on the capacity of the federation to give hope to its constituents and the slide towards centrifugalism have been in the upsurge of recent. They got to such a point that two former rulers of this country, Olusegun Obasanjo and Ibrahim Babangida had to issue a joint statement lamenting that even (those they referred to as) patriots are beginning to question the basis for the continued unity of this country. Both personages should know what they are talking about. Embedded in this statement, is the current mood of the country.

    If after 53 years of independence and nearly 100 years of coming into being of this amalgam, patriots are still questioning the basis for our continued unity, then the frustrations of millions of ordinary people whose hopes this country has dashed can be better imagined. Our leaders must fashion out the right atmosphere to tap into the temperament of the citizenry. Information gathered will be a veritable tool in fashioning out policies and measures that will catalyze co-habitation and launch the country on the path to peace, progress and development.

    Before now, the ruling party had been under the illusion that all is well with us. This has resulted in the rebuffing of genuine agitations for restructuring through a national conference. Because a parasitic class monopolized the apparatus of governance and deployed it to self-serving ends, the impression had been conveyed that as long as they hold tenaciously to power, safety nets have been evolved for the nation’s political stability.

    That accounts for recurring references to the limitations imposed by the constitution against such a conference. But erudite constitutional lawyer, Professor Ben Nwabueze who spoke for the patriots has said there is a way out if the leadership is committed to the idea.

    For him, the 1999 constitution is a product of decree 24 of 1999 and once we repeal that decree, all impediments to full blown national conference by the 390 nationalities to fashion out a peoples’ constitution would have been removed. He therefore does not see any reason for official ambivalence to get the federating nationalities on a conference table especially now the controversy over power shift is upbeat.

    Good enough, President Jonathan told the nation a fortnight ago, that his regime is not averse to the conference. As a matter of fact, he said his administration was reviewing the possibility of a national conference among Nigeria’s various ethnic nationalities. The only snag he noted is that the constitution appears to have given that responsibility to the National Assembly.

    But Nwabueze has offered a way out through the repeal of the decree giving authority to that constitution. The fact of that decree is a potent reason that constitution cannot approximate the wishes and aspirations of the Nigerian people as they were not party to it.

    The question now is the propriety of the current negotiations within the PDP on power shift in 2015 when it is just a mirror to the systemic infractions that have held this country down over the years. Are we not about to fritter away a golden opportunity to redress all nagging issues of our federal order by confining that negotiation to power shift within the PDP in such an unstructured manner? And to what extent can whichever way the matter is resolved assuage the feelings and aspirations of the multifarious ethnic nationalities that also desire a shot at that office? These are the issues to ponder.

    The current negotiation within the PDP is limited in time and scope and therefore inherently deficient in charting the path for sustainable peace and progress of the country. It is incapable of addressing the fears, mutual suspicion and mistrust that propel bitter struggles for power among constituent units. What is now required is for Jonathan to set the stage for a national conference where the nationalities will brainstorm on various issues of our federation including but not limited to power rotation. This will not only save him the heat generated by raging agitations for power shift but more importantly, chart a roadmap for power sharing in a more ordered and sustainable way. The matter could also be resolved by diluting the concentration of power and financial resources at the centre through devolution. These are the real issues that must engage the minds of all those who do not desire the disintegration of this country. And only agreements reached by the federating nationalities hold the key for the peace, progress and development of the country. Jonathan has a golden opportunity to take advantage of the crisis in the PDP to transform this country for good through this conference. His contentious ambition to run again is also better resolved through it.

  • Saint among rogues

    Saint among rogues

    Politics abhors the hero. As a dominion of the possible, the first casualty is the idealist, the dreamer who thinks he can win the people to his bosom by marching the society towards an Eldorado. But politicians talk Eldorado. They just don’t believe in it.

    Yet once in a while, you see the anti-politician who runs riot against his tribe. It is a case of a real honour among thieves, a saint among sinners, a Saul turned Paul. Even at that, the people who go to the polls, who know the character of politicians, who know their alienation from truth and integrity, express dismay at this rare rendezvous between honour and disgrace.

    So when a councillor candidate named Olawale Jimoh disowned the victory foisted on him in the recent local government elections in Offa, Kwara State, a man of honour seemed a traitor to his class. He was not supposed to spit out a good morsel of meat good fortune threw in his mouth, apologies to Chinua Achebe in A Man of the People. In a body politic where genuine losers scream they won, Jimoh smells like an odd rose.

    But the story of Jimoh is not merely of a ward hero, but a counter-narrative to the tale of implosion now splintering the heart of the Peoples Democratic Party and a cautionary skein to the other parties, including the APC. Jimoh is speaking truth to power, he chastens the hectoring role of the president and his overbearing wife in the rumbles in Rivers State, calls for decency in Anambra State between the Uba brothers and the PDP mainstays, asks the opportunists in Taraba State to bow to the law and jars the PDP high command that it cannot sow falsehood and not reap its sour fruit.

    Whatever is happening to the party, Jimoh’s plea of truth haunts like Banquo’s ghost. When the PDP decided during the NGF election earlier this year that 16 upended 19, it did not expect that a minority number of governors – namely- seven – would claim to be the genuine PDP. By inverting the rules of arithmetic, Jonathan’s PDP is stewing in its own perverted morality. The splinter group is not playing the politics of right, but inflicting a revanchist morality on the party high command. It is basking in a Machiavellian sunshine. So those who say the splinter PDP is illegal miss the point. Legality has never been the fabric of the PDP. If they had upheld Amaechi’s victory at the NGF poll, they would not have opened the shutters to civil war in their ranks.

    They had expected Jimoh to say thank you and grovel with delight for his return certificate. Rather he thundered: “I am a bonafide Offa indigene, we are noted for our industry and truth. I did not win that election, it was rigged in my favour. I am a true Moslem who will one day stand before God and give an account of my stewardship.”

    Truth is also a casualty in Taraba, and they would not ape Jimoh, by simply doing what is right. President Jonathan says he would not interfere, but that is not true. He already has. He wants to preserve Suntai through the new brokered deal. He wants the Christian governor on the throne not just in name but as insurance against 2015, a counterfoil in the presidential sweepstake to an adversarial Muslim region. Suntai’s wife agreed that her husband cannot work to the high demands of the office. What does that tell us? That the task is above the rigours of his physical and mental powers. So why not allow the Muslim deputy take over? Rather the party brokers a lawless deal that makes the deputy governor the man in charge while the governor is a “ceremonial” head. We do not operate a constitutional monarchy, and the law does not make room for a governor as king or cipher. Even then the new arrangement does not make him a cipher when it is time to sign the cheques. So what name do we give the new arrangement? Cheque-ocracy?

    If Jonathan benefited from a system that allowed a sick Muslim to step away for a healthy Christian, why does he want to endorse the opposite? In his cynical play, he is biting the finger that fed him to the top. This is pharisaic hypocrisy. The Presidency has pitched its tent by the temple of lies in this matter. Jonathan is the leader of the PDP and whatever happens bears his imprimatur. Is it not because where Jonathan goes, the PDP goes? Is that not why Bamanga Tukur is still party chair? So, let us not kid ourselves. If he could interfere in both Rivers and Bayelsa state politics, why is it so strange to do so in Taraba? Is it because it is in the North or because the Niger Delta blood is thicker than Nigerian? Or he is not president in Taraba? Or is it because Bayelsa is his home and Rivers is the dame’s domicile? They don’t want to be like one of their own named Jimoh.

    Is Jonathan not against the Uba’s in Anambra because former President Obasanjo is in bed with that family? Nigerians are still trying to digest the notion of Chris and Andy playing faithful kin. It’s like Cain and Abel dining together after the fratricide. Blood seems thicker than water, even after the bloodshed. Are the Ubas telling each other the truth or just involved in what Senegalese novelist Sembene Ousmane calls the perfidy of lies and the hypocrisy of rivals?

    It does not matter that the PDP is claiming Jimoh is not the candidate. It is too late in the day. Where were they when he campaigned? Who was the real candidate? We can say that Jimoh may have been scared by the tempest of protest in the streets, but has that ever deterred politicians in the past? We all remember the picture of Omoboriowo caught eating pounded yam in the old Ondo State after the electoral heist. In Ekiti, Edo, Osun and other states, those who stole elections preened in spite of protests until the courts kicked them out for the present incumbents. A hero is not pure but exemplary in his humanity. That is what Jimoh tells us this season. He is not a archetypal saint, but a saint in the sense of the redemptive sinner, a Rahab of politics.

    He does not belong to the mainstream. He is what the Russian critic calls the superfluous man, an insider on the outside. He is the Byronic hero whose actions mock those who think they know all. Writers like Dostoyevsky, Turgenev, Pushkin proved this. In his novel, Mikhail Lermontov calls his character the hero of our times. Was he not referring to Jimoh?

     

    Not Bunu Sheriff Musa

    In a recent column titled, Don’t marry that girl, I mixed up the name of former minister Bunu Sherif Musa with that of the former Governor of Borno state, Ali Modu Sheriff. I regret the error.

  • PDP and crises within

    That the Peoples Democratic Party PDP has been having a rough time building consensus among its members has not been in doubt. What has not been certain is whether the widening disagreement among its key leaders will either be amicably resolved or further tear the party apart. It had also not been certain the dimension the crises may assume.

    Before now, the PDP has been basking on the euphoria that its problems are family affairs. We have also been treated with the recurring claim that the party has developed foolproof capacity to internally resolve its challenges. Because it controls the federal government together with the enormous resources at its disposal, our largely unprincipled and selfish politicians will do anything to remain within its fold in the hope that someday, it will be their turn to be part of the cake sharing.

    Not unexpectedly, the party has overtime exploited this lure and self-serving weakness to advantage. That is why it can afford to impose candidates at will and pay scant attention to internal democracy. Our flawed electoral process that gives little room for the will of the electorate to have full expression has not equally helped matters.

    Given the above, many had hoped that the latest complaints of marginalization, lack of internal democracy, agitation for power shift in 2015 and high handedness by the leadership of the party and the presidency will somehow be sorted out as usual.

    But that has failed to happen. The party is now split into two factions following the pulling out of some of its governors and delegates from the venue of its mini convention. Apparently stunned by the turn of events, President Jonathan summoned a number of meetings to seek ways out of the embarrassing impasse.

    He also met with his predecessor, Olusegun Obasanjo who undertook to summon elders of the party and its governors to seek ways out. As this piece was being put together, feelers had it that the meeting summoned by Obasanjo will no longer hold following protests against his competence to preside over it. There are allegations that he is an ardent supporter if not the prime mover of the splinter group. There are reasons this line of thought cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand. That most of the dissenting governors and leaders of the PDP are his known loyalists cannot be wished away.

    Even if the meeting goes ahead as planned, there are clear indications that it may not achieve much. There are two reasons for this conclusion. The first is that the credibility of its convener as an impartial arbiter is in doubt. It is therefore doubtful whether he can command that trust and confidence of the parties that is in dire need in a very critical assignment of this nature.

    There is everything to suspect that Obasanjo is part and parcel of the group being the first person the five governors consulted earlier. He is also known to be a critic of the Jonathan regime. If he could not pull any surprise at the budding stages of the crisis, there seems little hope that he can do any magic now. Moreover, his absence at the mini convention is another factor why he cannot be trusted to shoulder the new responsibility.

    Besides, there are key demands of the new PDP that the meeting will find nigh impossible to resolve. And despite all pretensions, all the grievances can be conveniently subsumed into two. These are the twin issues of the removal of PDP national chairman, Bamanga Tukur for alleged dictatorial tendencies and the ambition of Jonathan to run for another term in 2015. Both are two sides of the same coin and therefore inseparable. Tukur is behaving the way he does because he is dancing to the drum beat of his paymaster. So there is some form of deceit in the mounting accusations against Tukur when it is obvious where he is coming from. Tukur can be removed only if the presidency buys the idea. But that has failed to happen.

    In two previous articles in this column titled “Reconciling the irreconcilable” and “Antics of five governors” I had among others, examined the grouse of the opposition within the PDP. I had argued in the case of the issues raised by the five governors during their controversial consultations, for which Ibrahim Babangida called them patriots that all can be encapsulated within the domestic affairs of their party. It is a huge surprise how such internal dissension could be elevated to national fame as Babangida would want us to believe. Today it stands to be seen the inappropriateness of that hurried assessment.

    In the case of the former, I had also pointed out that the crises in the ruling party have their roots in the speculated ambition of Jonathan for another term. Our conclusion was that if Jonathan opts out of the race for 2015, all issues to the crises will fizzle out unilaterally. But since it appears this is unlikely to happen, all efforts at reconciliation will come to naught because those opposed to him are irrevocably committed to the same agenda. There is no room for reconciliation in a situation where two persons lay claim to the same object and no one is prepared to let go. Such a scenario in game theory is called a zero-sum-game. Its payoff is a situation where one party gains all while the other loses all. That is what is bound to happen in respect of the recent implosion of the party. Renewed efforts to mend fences with the foregoing mindset will produce no fruitful result unless one of the parties gives up the quest for the presidency.

    Jonathan cannot now let go that ambition though he has not made his intention public. But his body language says it all. To give up now will amount to succumbing to intimidation, pressure and blackmail from his traducers. He will lose esteem and integrity for chickening out against his own volition. It would have made better sense he did it earlier than now he has been put on edge.

    There is nothing also to suggest the opposition, having dared the consequences, will back-pedal at this point in time. There is no indication to that effect. Not even the removal of Tukur can assuage their feelings. That is the foreboding scenario now.

    It would appear the PDP is bound to live with this crisis for quite sometime. Already, both parties have gone to court. They have also been trading words and soon everybody will be at each others throat. Accusations will soon start flying round on which part of the divide members stand. Cracks have already set in and shoulders ruffled. It will require daunting efforts and divine intervention for the centre to hold again.

    The next couple of weeks will witness renewed efforts by each of the factions to reposition themselves to struggle for the soul of the party. In this fight, the Tukur-led faction will obviously be at advantage of being recognized as the authentic PDP. The other group will not loose sleep if that happens. They have been able to demonstrate unambiguously that the party has broken into factions and that is the issue. Re-alignment of forces will follow next. And the way it goes will harbinger the direction of the nation’s politics. It could also utter the political equation in the country if it does not turn out nasty.

  • Suntai: Wanted  dead or alive

    Suntai: Wanted dead or alive

    Football is like politics in the sense that everyone knows it all, everyone is an expert. So, hours after Danbaba Danfulani Suntai surged on our television sets, in newspaper pictures, in the viral fidelity of the internet, every Nigerian became a Suntai expert.

    Just as many Chelsea fans can tell why the Only One Jose Mourinho lost the thriller to the mechanical virtuoso team called Bayern Munich at the weekend, some people already know the state of things in Taraba State, a vortex of intriguers, egotists, leeches, warmongers, court jesters and opportunists. They know the man is not well. They know he can sign signature. They know he cannot. They know he can dissolve a cabinet, they know he cannot. They know his speech cannot last an hour. They know he can go on forever in the manner Hitler gave extempore speeches for three hours without interruption. They can swear he will slump after thirty minutes. They know he is dying. They know he can live forever. They know…

    It is what United States sports pundits call Monday morning quarterbacking, the ability to coach a game after the sweat is dry and the green turf empty as a church on Monday morning. The average Nigerian pundit, politician, human rights votary, democracy hustler, lawmaker, party apparatchik, newspaper reader is everything in the matter – a lawyer who understands the legal merits and nuances; a doctor who knows he is fit and unfit; a psychologist who knows what he is thinking and who is thinking for him; a prophet who knows what will or will not happen; a masseur who knows where aches and not; an acoustic expert who can analyse whether he sounds healthy or sick; and sovereignty because they know what the people think as though they have conducted a poll as “impeccable” as the Gallup.

    With no consensus now over anything in Taraba State, we have a Hobbesian turf, what the English philosopher called the war of all against all. Those who want him say he is healthy. Evidence? None. Those who want him out, say he is not healthy. Evidence? Nada. The spectre of impeachment has overshadowed the state house, and fear of a possible state of emergency reproaches our ability to think well.

    We must understand that eyes cannot always tell the healthy from the sick. Former U.S. President Franklyn Roosevelt conducted the Second World War on wheelchair as a polio patient. His lifeless legs did not cripple his mental powers. Josip Bros Tito held together Yugoslavia and the non-aligned movement until he died without his legs. The Suntai story is also a contest of science versus intuition, each party to the conflict politicising both. Each party believes in its imagination. Although Einstein says imagination is more important than knowledge, he did not have in mind what novelist Henry James designates as the imagination of disaster, which is what this crisis portends.

    Those who back Suntai want his deputy or acting governor Garba Umar impeached. The 26 members of the state house of assembly have rejected his letter of return, saying he did not write it. Some analysts say there are three parties at war: the lawmakers, the deputy governor and Suntai’s people. But they are wrong, there are only two: the deputy versus his boss or former boss. Those in the house who rejected his letter are playing the same script with Umar who claimed that the governor did not dissolve the cabinet.

    Basic to all these is the constitutional status of the office of governor. If the position was not this powerful, this magnificent, so flush with security votes and other aces, the battle would not be pulling down the heavens.

    The governor in Nigeria is like a monarch, just as the president is like an emperor. The powers are immense. It does not matter who occupies it, he is no more than a label. The power on the throne, the capacity to turn a pauper into a prince is in the hand of a governor or president. This power obfuscates how we define truth or integrity.

    Suntai left for ten months, and Umar took charge. Within that period, the loyal lawmakers have become ‘forsakers’ of oaths of fidelity. The deputy governor who bowed and trembled before him now feels not only an equal but a superior. The cabinet, whose commissioners must have groveled and lobbied desperately before and after they secured their appointments, no longer confer on him the lofty look of a god. What happened in between? The acting governor became a temporary god, decided who had contracts, who earned esta-codes in the law chamber, whose vote was fat or lean, who was happy or unhappy. The new holder of the purse string and infrastructure of power determined who to love and who to hate, and the people of Suntai now understand that. The former god Suntai who wants to be in charge of all the incantations and modes of worship now finds himself being banished from the holy of holies.

    So he cannot trust, like God cannot trust Lucifer, the one he put in charge of the kingdom. That was why the cabinet had to be dissolved whether it was by him or by his.

    Yet, it is obvious that while every Nigerian seems to know what the truth is, the man Suntai holds the key to life and death in this grueling drama. His is the omniscient god, who knows if he can do the job well or not. Or he knows if he can cool tempers by simply making his medical records a public matter, and let the experts come around and determine whether he should remain governor.

    His medical records do not belong to the privacy of his bedroom. He was voted into power for transparency, not to lock his strength or fragility in the dark. The job of a governor is immense. He takes care of the destinies of millions, he cannot enfeeble the destinies of the many with the selfishness of a single destiny.

    What is at stake is not Suntai’s wellbeing but that of the people, and the integrity of this democracy. Those who love him must show the love of the majority. If he clings to this silence, he indulges in what the constitution calls gross misconduct.

    What if he does not have complete control of his mental faculties? It brings us back to the Yar’Adua syndrome. The former president received lashes for insensitivity but it turned out it was his so-called kitchen cabinet that presented a false sense of the man’s wellbeing and triggered a meaningless call for impeachment.

    The gridlock is underlined by the fact that it is hard to prove that Suntai did not write the letter to the House about his return. But if he is fit to write the letter, it means he is fit enough to determine whether he can perform his duties. Consequently, he is alert enough to understand that he should make public his medical records. If he doesn’t, an impeachment proceeding is in order.

    His wife has been shielding him, a la Turai, from the public. This only makes her a Jezebel of this theatre. She ought to tell her husband the truth and encourage him to unveil his records for all.

    He cannot trifle with the destiny of his people and democracy. His party, the PDP, ought to insist on this. Similar arguments empowered the rise of Jonathan as president, and President Jonathan would have violated the principle on which he soared if he does not bring the majesty of his office to direct the affairs along the path of honour. Or else, it will be clear that Jonathan wants victory more than justice in this matter. And it will negate everything that made him president. What everyone needs is what writer Tolstoy calls the pride of sacrifice, which refers to a sublime state of satisfaction in sacrificing what is needed for the joy of all, an Abraham who gave Isaac. But that pride only derives from the sacrifice of pride. That is the real meaning of patriotism.

  • Between Kwankwaso and Odimegwu

    Last week’s query to the Chairman of the National Population Commission NPC, Festus Odimegwu, over his observations on the 2006 census, has again elevated the controversy over previous headcounts to the vortex of public opinion. Odimegwu had spoken variously on the flaws of previous census exercises especially that of 2006 which he classified as largely unreliable for planning purposes.

    When officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC visited to demand certified data for the various localities to aid them in constituency delimitation, he had told them some of the enumeration areas do not exist in reality as people bought them in the same manner politicians buy ballot papers during elections to gain advantage.

    At other times, he had lamented that the nation had run on this falsehood for a long time with a promise to conduct a very credible and reliable census in line with international best practices.

    A new dimension was however, added to the matter when Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano State, raised a strong protest to President Jonathan on the propriety of the appointment of Odimegwu demanding his sack. He anchored his views on the claim that the appointment was a mistake in the first place because Odimegwu’s curriculum vitae showed he worked in the alcoholic industry all his life. Kwankwaso feels with this background, he must be taking a lot of his product and therefore not qualified for the job.

    He also contended that it is wrong for the NPC boss to be attacking what his predecessor did and that if the 2006 census was faulty, he now has an opportunity to correct it.

    Coming soon after Kwankwaso’s diatribe, there is every reason to believe that the query to Odimegwu was the predictable outcome of the Kano State governor’s protest.

    If there is any wrong by the NPC boss in the instant case, it is his seeming indiscretion in speaking publicly on the sensitive matter especially in his present capacity. That however, is not an excuse for Kwankwaso to disparage and hurl insults on him in the manner he did. Kwankwaso has no business with the eligibility of Odimegwu for the post as his opinion on the matter is of no consequence. He was only challenging the competence of the president in making that appointment. Kwankwaso, arrogating the campaign for Odimegwu’s removal to himself bandying warped and banal arguments is not for nothing. He may have a point in his contention that Odimegwu now has an opportunity to correct whatever flaws there might have been in the 2006 census. That can be conceded him especially given the type of bureaucracy we run in this country that permits little openness in public affairs.

    But what is wrong with the fact that Odimegwu pointed out these anomalies especially if they tally with subsisting realities? The issue is not about discrediting a predecessor. Neither is it an attempt to cast aspersions on a section of the country. It is a patriotic duty of calling attention to some of the systemic dysfunctions that have overtime stood on the way to national progress and development. If the 2006 census and those before it were flawed, there is no use sand papering the matter.

    The credibility of those who presided over them is irretrievably tied to the success or failure of those exercises.

    Kwankwaso trivialized his case when he sought to portray Odimegwu’s experience in the brewing industry as evidence of his non qualification for the job. He also descended to smear campaign unbefitting of his position by his tendentious statement that the NPC boss as a brewer, must be taking a lot of his products. Such a statement is demeaning of a person of Kwankwaso’s status and exposes the bitterness in him over the census matter. It is not for nothing that he has found willing allies in the Arewa Consultative Forum, ACF.

    But that is besides the issue. The 1973 census was highly disputed and inconclusive. So also were those of 1991 and 2006. No less a person than late Chief Obafemi Awolowo vehemently faulted the 1973 provisional census figures as unreliable and called on the then Supreme Military Council to totally reject them. He had argued that not only was the overall census figure at variance with UNESCO projections, a situation in which the population of the North-east and Kano State were almost equal to that of the south put together was not acceptable.

    The same flaws identified in the 1973 census were replicated in 1991 and 2006. Kano State posted a population of 5.8 million and 9.4million respectively in the 1991 and 2006 census as against that of Lagos which stood at 5.7 million and 9.1 million even after Jigawa State had been carved out of Kano. The population of Jigawa in 1991 and 2006 was put at 2.8 million and 4.3 million respectively.

    Lagos State was so distressed by this outcome that it not only challenged the 2006 census but went ahead to conduct its own independent headcount which came out with a population of 17.5 million people. Besides, some local governments across the country have successfully challenged the figures credited to them on the 2006 census at the census tribunals.

    The point here is that all these censuses have before now, been largely faulted and challenged. And each time this happens, accusing fingers are pointed in the direction of the north for obvious reasons. There is practically nothing new in the issues raised by Odimegwu except perhaps, this is the first time somebody who should know has owned up to the subsisting reality. And we want to cut off his head for admitting the obvious? That is the problem with this country and that is why no real progress can be made until we come out of this deceit.

    Col. Tony Nyiam rtd, one of the prime movers of the Gideon Orkar military action as he would call it, admitted the manipulation of past censuses in a recent interview. He said the three priorities of his group had they succeeded were: to conduct a proper national census, organize a national conference and conduct free and fair elections. These nagging issues are still with us till date. He said, if we know what the Nigerian population is “over 40 per cent of the constituencies in the North-west and North-east would not exist”. He is not alone in this assessment. And my guess is that the tirade against Odimegwu has its root in this raging perception.

    It can now be understood why Kwankwaso and the ACF are leading the crusade for Odimegwu’s removal. It is all routed in selfish interests. But should Jonathan succumb to this blackmail aimed at perpetuating the decadent past or allow the satellite or aerial imagery in population counting which the NPC has promised? Must we continue to pander to the whims and caprices of those averse to new approaches to old problems? Can Jonathan afford to trivialize the compelling imperative for a reliable census devoid of the manipulations of the past?

    These are the real issues to ponder and not the hot air from the likes of Kwankwaso. Accurate national census is much more important to the peace, progress and unity of this country than the energy dissipated on the 2015 controversy. Jonathan owes it a duty to redress extant structural inequities in this country through a census that is in tandem with international best practices. That is the issue that should concern us most and not the vile agitation to have Odimegwu removed.

  • Beyond Shekau’s death

    The reported death of Abubakar Shekau, leader of the dreaded Islamic sect, Boko Haram is bound to generate considerable interest within and outside the shores of this country. The Joint Task Force JTF had last week announced his possible death as a result of injuries sustained in a clash with Nigerian troops.

    According to the JTF, “Shekau might have died between July 25 and August 3 in Amitchide, Cameroun, after being mortally wounded in an encounter at the Sambisa forest”.

    Since that report, opinions have been torn between optimism and disbelief as the JTF could not provide credible evidence to substantiate its claims beyond relying on intelligence reports. Its position is not remedied by the position of some defence officials who have described the announcement as hasty. The officials also queried why it took the JTF so long and the eve of their departure to make the purported death public.

    For the unnamed defence officials, the confirmation of such a report would involve a thorough scrutiny including substantive evidence from the Cameroonian side which the announcement by the JTF fell short of.

    The news of the purported death of Shekau should be of considerable public interest in more ways than one.

    First, it would signal a very significant success in the fight against terrorism that has in the past couple of years, held this country to its knees. Lives and properties of inestimable value have been lost in the process. It has also come with challenges that have thrown to question our corporate existence as one indivisible country that guarantees co-habitation among its distinct units. The death of Shekau will no doubt demoralize his supporters and change the tempo of the terrorism engagement. It will also be a huge moral booster for the military and the Jonathan regime that have told whoever cares to hear that they are winning the war on terrorism.

    Besides, it will equally enhance the confidence of the international community in the country’s capacity to take its destiny in its own hands. This is more so when it is realized that even the United States of America US had labelled Shekau and two other Boko Haram figures as “specially designated global terrorists” and placed the sum of $7 million on Shekau’s head. Thus, his death will be of considerable interest to the US especially given that those responsible for it might make claims to this hefty sum of money.

    Expectedly, the US has swung into action to ascertain the facts of the matter. Its State Department Deputy spokesperson, Ms Marie Harf believes the death of Shekau if it is true, will set back Boko Haram operations and remove a key voice from its efforts to mobilize violent extremists in Nigeria and around the world. What is evident from all these reactions is that though the death of Shekau will gladden the hearts of many, it is by no means the end of the war on terrorism. Equally evident is the fact that the report is still viewed with subdued caution.

    Reservations on the matter are therefore to be expected. More over, this is not the first time such a report on his death is making the rounds. With the hindsight of a similar report that turned out false, not many would want to buy the latest one until it is proven beyond all reasonable doubt. Osama Bin Laden, the world dreaded terrorist leader was severally reported to have been killed at the Afghan mountains by the US when the man was enjoying himself in his palatial Pakistan residence. All these finally came to limelight when he was hunted down and bombed at his mansion in Pakistan where he lived with his wives and children. So it is not out of place if the latest report on the death of Shekau is being viewed with studied caution. It could turn out a ruse. Shekau could be somewhere savouring the escapades of his foot soldiers. He may not even be part of the fighting force if he is real.

    But Minister of Information, Labaran Maku would want us to resolve the doubts created by the unsubstantiated report in favour of the military. His position is anchored on the fact that the killing of Shekau ought to be a logical progression of events since the onslaught against the insurgents started with the declaration of state of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states. He said if the military was successfully prosecuting the war against terrorism, then there should be no reason to doubt its claim on Shekau’s death. Such a report he said, should give us more confidence on the capacity of the military to tame the monster.

    The optimism of the minister is not out of the way. There is no doubt that the killing of Shekau or the eventual defeat of the terrorists will gladden the hearts of our people who have suffered immeasurably since the terror war commenced. It is the wish of every fair-minded Nigerian that this senseless campaign be subdued. Thus, the killing of its leader would send the signal very clearly that the terrorists are being smoked out of their hiding places and the battle will soon be over.

    Yet, such confidence in the capacity of the military to win the war cannot be earned when claims on successes are bandied without substantive evidence. We will be happy if Shekau is either arrested or killed given that he is the brain behind all the atrocities that have been committed in the last couple of years in this country in the name of terrorism. It will also gladden the hearts of many if terrorism can be brought to an abrupt end now.

    But such optimism must be anchored on credible and verifiable successes by the military in the battle field and not speculations that may turn out to be false. That appears to be the point of departure when the minister wants us to resolve scepticisms arising from the inchoate information on the purported death of Shekau in favour of the military.

    The dangers in accepting Shekau’s death in the absence of very credible evidence far outweigh its temporary gains especially if it turns out to be false. For one, it will give the military a false sense of success that may end up obfuscating its overall calculations on the war. It is more promising to have a correct picture of the battle on the ground than celebrate successes that may soon turn out pyrrhic. Calculations anchored on such inaccurate information may turn out very disastrous.

    For another, even defence authorities are not enthused by that report for the same reason of unreliability. There are insipient suggestions that the JTF released the information at the eve of its departure and after a message purportedly by Shekau to position itself for credit in the event he is eventually confirmed dead. All these do not imbue confidence in the overall credibility of the report.

    Before now, we were told by the amnesty committee that it had signed a ceasefire agreement with Boko Haram represented by Shekau’s deputy. Even when Shekau in his usual video message repudiated that report, the committee still insisted that the ceasefire agreement was real. But the JTF came out some weeks ago to tell the nation that Shekau’s deputy has just been killed in a battle in Borno. These contradictions do not help matters. Neither do they give confidence that the latest report should be trusted in the absence of credible evidence. It is therefore pertinent that the military should avoid dishing out information they are unsure of. That is the way to earn public confidence and enhance overall credibility in the very difficult engagement the military has embarked upon.

  • Nigeria beyond oil

    Nigeria beyond oil

    When an idea is planted and it grows, it does not necessarily generate joy. Since my days in the University of Ife, now known as the Obafemi Awolowo university, I had always contemplated our prosperity with fear.

    In the early 1980’s I began to understand the fragility of oil. It gave us the Lagos high rises, erected our phallic flyovers, emboldened a civil war, but embossed on our psyche a suicidal hubris. Oil did not only glisten, it served as our insurance against inferiority complex. It gave General Gowon the vanity to proclaim that Nigeria’s problem was how to spend its huge tranche of oil cash.

    General Murtala Muhammed meant Nigeria when he announced that Africa had come of age. For him, Nigeria that was the part of Africa had become the whole of Africa. Oil meant other things had to shrink. The pyramidal swagger of our groundnut did not, however, shrink. It disappeared. The palm oil produce, rubber, cocoa, and other examples of salutary pride, shrank. So did methodical approach to governance. So did morality, so did conscience. So did our obeisance to the dignity of democracy.

    We became a prodigal nation beholden to the spell of having, in spite of the threat that having could impose on us the wretchedness of having nothing.

    That was the motif of the conference held last week by the Nigerian Guild of Editors. The theme, Nigeria Beyond Oil, revived my fear. It gave me the sort of sensation Caribbean author George Lamming referred to when he said, “something startles where I thought I was safest.”

    In spite of the fact that we had always spoken of a post-oil Armageddon for our economy, we have not articulated it in a language as succinct and penetrating. That was why I wrote that when an idea is planted, it does not necessarily generate joy. Nigeria Beyond Oil draws from the concept of Delta Beyond Oil as initiated by the Governor of Delta State, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan.

    But what does it mean? Many have spoken of it as though it is a call to the hoe, to return to our arched backs and humus soil. That accounted for why speaker after speaker at the NGE conference reified agriculture as though once everyone turned into a harbinger of food, our problems would recede into memory.

    We forget that food is wealth just as health is wealth just as the infrastructure and education of a people is wealth. Secretary to the Government of the Federation Pius Anyim set an important tone by showing to those who did not know that while oil is on its way out as the world’s supreme fluid, it is suffering a fall in value because of the many countries, especially in Africa, that are discovering it in huge quantities. The United States, in its ever-ready impulse to disrupt technology, had come up with shale oil and gas.

    But it took the voice of Governor Uduaghan to articulate it as an integrated idea. So, when he is constructing a road between Asaba and Ughelli, or providing scholarship to PHD levels to all indigenes with first class anywhere in the world, when he valorises healthcare for the vulnerable, young and old, it is because all of them have to work together to give us what economist John Kenneth Galbraith calls the affluent society. When did Germany discover oil? Never. What country holds the EU’s economic jugular? Germany. Those with oil act as though they don’t have them. Example? New Zealand. Such countries and even parts of countries like Alaska, put away the oil money aside so that the lean cow cannot swallow the large one.

    Nigeria Beyond Oil, like Delta Beyond Oil, does not vitiate the power of the farm. It actually elevates. It tells us to use it to grow food, but it is not to grow food alone, but know the value in the context of other things we do. Renewable energy comes in many manifestations. It comes from corn, comes as wind energy, as solar power, etc.

    But we cannot do anything without shedding the prodigal son syndrome. It abhors extravagance and the absence of discipline. It does not accept the irresponsibility of a minister who spends, because she can sign the cheques, the sum of N2 billion jacketing around the world in private jets.

    It is part of the Gowon legacy that our problem is how to spend the money. When Gowon said it, we were still a poor nation, if we are poorer today. The rich are richer than the former rich though. In the early 1970’s, the Mideast crisis shot up oil prices and our current accounts fattened like the Biblical cow. Nigeria became flush with money but we did not flush out poverty. The peacock class acquired a new vanity of squander-mania. We learned that a federal minister who did not care for champagne unless it cost N1 million at that time, and we applauded. Just as a president took it upon himself to visit countries all over the world as a sign of diplomatic finesse and bonhomie, or when clothes evoked subaltern smallness unless they were called wonyosi.

    The prodigal son had become us, and before our eyes, education standards fell, groundnut pyramid flattened, the naira plummeted from its pride to four to a Naira. Today, it is about 160, but we all know we are holding the money at that point artificially with oil money. Now that oil price is on its way down, we shall progressively have little power to prop the Naira. Its crash will have consequences that will make Nigeria so nervous that our devotion to God would make the evangelical fever of today look like the righteousness of the Pharisees.

    The Russian poet, Nekrasov, once described his country as “wretched and abundant.” He probably had Nigeria in mind with its huge oil reserve, agricultural plenty with produce rotting daily, with copper, gold, coal, etc. Yet the agriculture minister with bow tie keeps talking a big game with little evidence while we have a huge reserve of poverty.

  • Reconciling the irreconcilable

    It would appear our political actors are currently in a season of reconciliation. Both the opposition and the ruling party have one way or the other been enmeshed in activities to reconcile differences either within the party or among seemingly ideologically different and independent parties. The latter crystallized into the merger of three political parties that have now been registered as the All Progressives Congress, APC. No doubt, it required enormous efforts at balancing and reconciliation for seemingly ideologically different parties to fuse into one political party.

    Whereas the promoters of the APC were concerned with the political engineering of the system towards a strong and an alternative political platform by bringing registered parties into a common fold, the ruling party the PDP, is having a hectic time pacifying aggrieved members. Not only is the party highly factionalized by the ambitions of its key leaders, there are also issues with its leadership.

    In its latest move to reconcile estranged members, the PDP seems to be drawing strength from religious injunctions that strongly recommend forgiveness and reconciliation as a way of bringing harmony, peace and order in our society. If the latest peace moves initiated by the PDP amounts to a genuine restitution for its sins, then it is a good omen for our politically volatile society. But, all restitutions go with the proviso that the offender will sin no more. Is it possible for the PDP to part with its ruinous past as the flurry of moves at reconciliation would seem to suggest?

    If its past is anything to go by, it will be a grave risk to nurse the feeling that the PDP has serious interest in changing its ways. Before the latest effort, we have had several attempts by that party to patch its torn umbrella especially as elections approached. But as soon as the objective of the patch work is achieved, the party relapses into its old and decadent ways.

    It has again instituted a national reconciliation committee and a national disciplinary committee which in the words of its chairman, Bamanga Tukur represents a carrot and stick approach to the matter. At another level, former President Olusegun Obasanjo is busy brokering peace for the party’s governors who have been torn to shreds by the crisis generated by the speculated second term ambition of President Jonathan. The schism in the Nigerian Governors Forum, NGF, which Obasanjo has set out to resolve is a reflection of the sharp divide in opinions on the matter. Even as these peace moves have swung into action, indications are that some of the issues in contention are still being played up by those parroting reconciliation among aggrieved members. This has raised fears regarding the sincerity and commitment of the parties to reconciliation efforts.

    One of such gross acts of indiscretion was the ill-advised hosting of a meeting of the NGF by factional chairman, Jonah Jang of Plateau State who lost out to Chibuike Amaechi of Rivers state at the last election of the forum’s chairman .The boycott of that meeting resulting in poor attendance is enough evidence that rather than abate, the ill-feelings among members have further been reinforced. And the party is deceiving itself parroting reconciliation.

    It is not surprising that Obasanjo’s efforts to resolve the leadership crisis among the two groups has hit the rocks. Reports from the reconciliation venue speak of the two groups rigidly sticking to their positions without compromise. This should be expected. But how on earth did Obasanjo expect he could resolve the NGF crisis which is just a symptom of the endemic crisis within the party?

    There is more to the NGF crisis than the issue of leadership. He may have dabbled into the matter out of pressure and perhaps just to be seen to have made some effort. Obasanjo knows that the leadership crisis in the NGF is just a manifestation of the larger disagreement in the party regarding Jonathan’s ambition. The northern governors opposed to the president are his well known loyalists. It is therefore curious that he set out on that mission without taking along its root cause. It is not surprising that effort came to naught.

    My reading of the situation is that the PDP is neither serious in its latest reconciliation moves nor is it capable of resolving some of the fundamental issues that currently confront the party. Before the latest move, we have seen committee qua committee reports that are rusting in the party’s shelves without addressing the issues. That is why key founders of the PDP have since left for other parties. So when spokesmen of the presidency recently chided the APC for parading former PDP members, they were only drawing attention to the contradiction that has become the PDP. Rather than constitute a minus for the APC or any other party where such members have now taken refuge, it is a sufficient indictment on the PDP. It shows there are endemic contradictions within the party that must at some point, shunt out its keys members.

    Ironically, these contradictions are again at play. That party acquired this notoriety during the regime of Obasanjo. His intolerance and overbearing influence were such that key founders who refused his bidding were shown the way out. We cannot forget in a hurry how some of the party’s chairmen were unceremoniously sent packing and how he manipulated the system to achieve his desires. His anti democratic tendencies were as scandalous as they were infectious. Jonathan is taking a cue from these. Obasanjo is the least qualified person to redress issues arising from the bad example he set. The truth of the matter is that there is only one issue that is at the root of the problem in the ruling party. And at the centre of it all also, is only one man. It has nothing to do either with the tepidity of the Jonathan administration or the manifest crisis in the NGF leadership. It has little to do with the style of leadership or even alleged incompetence of Tukur.

    There is only one man in that party who can resolve the crisis. And only one issue is generating the bad blood.

    That man is Jonathan and the issue is his ambition come 2015. The direction of the so-called efforts at reconciliation will depend on what Jonathan makes of his ambition. This is not in doubt. Those who are fighting him know this. Obasanjo knows this after all, he had similar opposition when the toyed with his ill-fated third term gambit.

    If Jonathan insists on running and there is every indication to that effect, the crisis will fester and even become more complex. That is the foreboding scenario we must inevitably face.

    Perhaps, the reconciliation the PDP should concern itself more with is that which engages Jonathan on his desire to run for a second term which has drawn very strong opposition from the North. That ambition has also pitted the North against the South-south with each threatening dire repercussions should the matter be resolved against them. The battle line is already drawn with only two legitimate options to its resolution. One is for the North to allow Jonathan go for another term. The other is for Jonathan to drop his ambition. These are the issues to reconcile. In their absence, any talk of a truce will amount to an exercise in wishful thinking.

  • Our boy wonders up North

    Our boy wonders up North

    These days, it sounds almost like a false irony to tether the word youth to peace in one sentence while referring to the North. Especially the Northeast, where youth conjures the images of the finality of blood and death, of daggers slitting throats, of AK47 brightening the nights with its staccato releases to helpless citizens, of whole families descending into sudden oblivion, and school children whose dawns are cut short in the midnight hour. In an ambience where massacre is routine, laughter only belongs to the tormentor like the predatory glee on the hyena’s face.

    I refer to the Civilian JTF, a group of young men who have charted a new path against the rapine and slaughter of the Boko Haram. They represent perhaps the greatest news of youth activism in this country in a decade. They are Nigeria’s unsung heroes. Even the media, famished for celebration, has been coy about draping these boys in sonorous lines.

    We have read in recent weeks, especially in the aftermath of the declaration of emergency rule in three northern states, of Boko Haram retreat. The extent of the Federal Government victory is still unclear, but, at least, in Yobe and the main city of Maiduguri, the activities of the group have suffered. The JTF has gone after the sectarian hoodlums with a measure of success. Because of the scanty media presence, we cannot ascertain JTF propaganda from fact.

    We are, however, certain that much emergency has pruned the reach of BH. Even the JTF high command knows that its work has been relatively made light by a group of young men who decided to take peace in their hands. They are volunteers for peace. They are saying that they want to live with peace, not the peace of guns and fear, but the peace that comes with civil coercion.

    In the peak of violence that triggered the declaration of emergency, the JTF made little headway. Analysts, including this column, pointed out the deficiency of the security agency, and the failure of the security agencies to provide fruitful intelligence. Not even the zeal of international cooperation from the United States and the European Union has breathed a respite.

    President Goodluck Jonathan fired the late Owoye Azazi and replaced him with the present national security adviser, Sambo Dasuki. The credentials of a former soldier and blueblood became the presidential explanation for the pick. I quickly responded on this page that it was a miscalculation to think that a blueblood could cow the insurgents when the emirs recoiled with fear at the sound of the BH. Palaces and top royals have fallen at the fatal hands of the group. It was, I argued, the case of the prince and the pauper, and it was futile to presume a prince could understand the working of the pauper community.

    On many occasions, the locals had caviled at the JTF and charged that the soldiers killed too many innocents. The actual perpetrators survived, and the soldiers alienated the communities who should be their allies. The soldiers shot blindly and relied on guess work. Consequently, many innocents fell.

    The young who tried to run and who did not do anything horrendous saw themselves under siege on both ends. The Boko Haram harassed them and the protectors, the JTF, unleashed their firepower. So for the locals, even when they ran from death on one side they met it on another. It was like the words of the poet Emily Dickinson, “Because I could not stop for death, it kindly stopped for me.”

    The young men decided to come together and volunteer their help for the efforts of the JTF. The initiatives began in a local community called Gonge, a suburb of Maiduguri. The body does not have the congratulatory vanity of many of our young groups, especially in the South, who band together for ostensibly humanitarian objectives. That is why some have recast the meaning of the acronym NGOs – non-government organisations – as ‘nothing going on.’ They brandish grandeur goals like democracy and human rights and AIDS activism, and draw juicy contributions from donor bodies in the western world, and either con or strike dubious partnerships with Nigerian governments.

    What the civilian JTF boys do is provide intelligence for the JTF. They go about with sticks, machetes and knives. They don’t possess firearms. They are clever lads. They are not held together by faith, so they are not necessarily Muslims, or necessarily educated. They are held together by love of land and protection of the innocents.

    They are clearly putting their lives on the line. They do not operate under the shadows. They mount roadblocks, and search the environment for infiltrations. They pass information to the authorities. A source said that the BH people frightened locals from snitching on BH partisans to the authorities because the BH often knew and came back to slaughter the informant. Now, the group goes to the authorities and report as a group and mask the identity of the real informant.

    They also understand some of the strategies of the group. Sometimes when they want to know their “enemies,” they could storm, say, a market and allow one of the BH guys to be identified and those who say bad things about him are identified by the others who blend like chameleons with the crowd. The enemies are identified for subsequent onslaughts.

    This is what the civilian BH boys are up against. We have had youth groups upset the tranquility of their regions. In the North, we are witnessing the ravages of BH. In the Niger Delta, we have had militancy. In the East, the swarm of kidnappers reined in the peace. In the Southwest, the OPC boys rumbled. Not in one of these regions did any youth group with the heroic sleight of hand and gallantry of the civilian JTF emerge. What we have had is opportunism.

    Not many would have thought that, in guts and righteous glory, the North would show the light. We cannot overplay the work of the boys from the North. They know that “the glory of the young man is his strength,” according to the psalmist in the Bible. They are using their strengths for extraordinary exploits. Philosopher Plato said “youth is the time for any extraordinary toil,” in The Republic.

    They made headlines when they identified women in purdah masquerading their involvement with the deadly group. They have not asked for funding, and no names have flaunted their activities to elicit filthy lucre. Governor Kashim Shettima expressed open support for them recently.

    This is a fresh departure from activist youths who prefer to campaign and kill for politicians. Some Boko Haram boys drew their firepower originally from working in campaign organisations in the North, ditto to Niger Delta militants. Bunu Sheriff Musa, a peddler of ignorance, once exulted over the illiteracy of his subjects as governor. He is an APC partisan, just like the pedophile Yerima. The new party should be careful not to sully their party with such subversions of role models.

    The civilian JTFs are an example of how to be young and fruitful.

     

    Kindergarten father

    OBJ blamed the younger generation for Nigeria’s woe. Pray, who is OBJ to speak up on who ruined Nigeria? No need to cherry pick names for why things have gone wrong. But focus on generations instead. Whose generation brought us the civil war, destroyed democracy with coups, plundered the Naira, sought third term, destroyed our preeminence in cocoa, groundnut and palm produce? Whose generation initiated the Andrews seeking pastures abroad? Who gave us grand armed robbers like Oyenusi, or do-or-die politics? Or graduate unemployment? Was OBJ not head of state when a newspaper cartooned his generous paunch with belt across when he introduced the first belt-tightening in the economy? Who lied about war heroics? Whose generation started opportunism, sowing when he did not sow, becoming a leader when they killed his boss Murtala Muhammed while he hid with his friend? Secondly when they killed his kinsman Abiola even when he opposed his mandate? Why is he with Jonathan again after the man ignored him? Now the father is going to the son Jonathan with whom he was not pleased before who was described as kindergarten by Akande. Now, from OBJ’s words, he taught his son the kindergarten Joe. So he is the kindergarten father.