Category: Monday

  • The Pharisees of Osun

    The Pharisees of Osun

    Few weeks back, the Osun chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria declared that Governor Rauf Aregbesola planned to islamise the state. I examined this matter and the farce seems something out of Soyinka’s plays.

    They claimed that the governor scheduled events for Sunday and that he had imposed hijab as school uniforms. They also caviled his school architecture. Lastly, they wept over calling Osun the state of the virtuous. St. Paul said, to the pure all things are pure, but to the corrupted is nothing pure.

    If anyone heard them, they would think the governor routinely schedules events for Sunday, whereas he did it only once in 2011 and it was a press conference over a matter that they wanted urgently to beat deadline for the Monday papers. I know that his predecessors held some events on Sundays, where was CAN then? No one has shown by evidence or policy where the governor had imposed hijab. An Islamic group is in court now trying to coerce the government to use hijab because the governor has not followed that path. The so-called Christian leaders did not address that issue.

    On the land of the virtuous, the Christian men were disingenuous. The expression “Living spring,” did not come out of a Christian concept of the state but its natural endowments of waterways. That the CAN saw it as a Christian idea for Osun meant that they wanted the state to Christianise Osun. They are guilty of their accusations. Again, they should understand processes before making high decibels of nonsensical noise. The phrase “land of the virtuous” came out of the phrase “omoluabi.” In translation, it became “virtue.” Virtue does not belong to Muslims alone. St. Peter wrote, “add to your faith, virtue…” He was not addressing non-Christians. Overwhelmed by their spirit of adversary, CAN and its fellow cohorts are denying a preeminent Christian quality. As a Christian myself, I weep.

    If the CAN is not happy with the modern schools Ogbeni is building, they must be turning CAN into institutional apostasy. The Bible says we should follow whatever things are pure and of good report. I have seen the schools and only a CAN inspired by politics rather than virtue will condemn them. Have they seen the urban renewal going on there, the strides in educational amenity, or health care, or infrastructure? If CAN would rather see ghosts of zealotry, it is tragic. They are Pharisees in Nigerian politics, “whited sepulchres” with dead men’s bones within, apologies to the Christ.

     

  • From amnesty to paralysis

    From amnesty to paralysis

    What is mocking us today is not love but faith. Yet faith should proceed from love. Faith has abused love, and love faith. The twain, to paraphrase Poet Rudyard Kipling, shall not meet.

    The cries over amnesty evoke the union of incompatibles – religion and politics. They don’t blend very well. The crisis in the Middle East is intractable because one side regards itself as God’s and the other as Beelzebub’s. Mutual contempt is guaranteed.

    Most Americans threw their weights behind President George W. Bush when he railroaded the world’s top military into Iraq and his lies became truth about weapons of mass destruction when he cast Saddam as the Satan.

    Evidence is irrelevant in faith because it is its own proof.

    We saw that dark farce last week. Character A offers pardon. Character B says no and feels offended. Character B says it cannot brook the effrontery of Character A because the offender is not Character B but Character A. Character B says it owns the moral high ground and so it is on the right platform to offer pardon.

    That is the character of dark farce. One side, that is Boko Haram, said it owned the moral force. The Federal Government under Goodluck Jonathan said the religious militants were miscreants of the macabre with a blood trail of massacres. The Christian Association of Nigeria ruled out pardon even before Boko Haram rejected.

    This is a season of allegations. Everyone says it is on God’s side. The CAN says it cannot forgive, and the Boko Haram says, in spite of all the bloodshed, it owns the right to forgive. In the final analysis, we know that no one is on God’s side, and what is going on is the religious taking advantage of the political and the political taking advantage of the religious. Two toxins have entered into a bucket, and the only result is poison. So, the fury and bloodshed rage on.

    Less emphasised is the plight of the victims. Those who have died all these years, the fathers lost, the sons slaughtered, daughters slain, wives widowed, whole families impoverished and dislocated. Amnesty is good, what of amenity?

    Where communication fails, peace eludes. Those who call for amnesty are heard but not understood by those who reject. Those who reject are heard and insufficiently understood by those who can grant. Those who can grant cannot grant because of unrequited love. Those who profess the love of Christ cannot forgive even if Jesus commanded it.

    Now, what we have is not a theocratic state. It is not even a society of believers. It is a secular state professing a belief in a higher God whom no one obeys. Like Charles Dickens’ novel on the French Revolution, it is the epoch of belief and the epoch of incredulity. Everyone is going to heaven and everyone is going the other way.

    If we say we want to grant amnesty, it provides a conundrum. Who do we forgive and who do we punish? This is a season of anonymous massacre. No deaths bear any one’s imprints. It is either we forgive all or punish all, but we can do neither. So we face faith without evidence. That works for religion, but it does not work for politics.

    The only way we can resolve religious issue among humans is in the turf of politics. There has to be a panel. There will be accused, witnesses, prosecutors and judges. They will all be human, and they will consult neither the Koran nor the Bible, but the constitution of Nigeria. How do we anoint a secular text to resolve acts beholden to the canons of deity, secular system against theocratic temperaments?

    We have evidence against detainees, the ones caught, and they are inevitably consigned to punishment. But most of the militants are out of our ken, hidden in shadowy communities of the North.

    How do we galvanise a believable system of assessing criminals and punishments? We also know that in the Niger Delta, all are forgiven. But the issue has not even been raised by Boko Haram because they believe they are God’s army. They should dispense God’s justice. So who is anyone, who is human, to challenge them since they have the ultimate backing of the Almighty?

    President Jonathan says he will not negotiate with ghosts. What it shows is that the President has run out of ideas. If he had control, these offers and rejections will not happen. His first task as president is security, we are reduced to exchange of offers for rejection, and a general clamour in the open because the centre cannot hold. President Jonathan is a cagy commander.

    It is time for a new paradigm. Repetition of a jaded approach brings repetition of failures. It is a collective frustration. This is a frustrated country because it elected a frustrating leader. The billions spent, the states of emergency, the soldiers deployed and intelligence officers of impotence, only point to failure. He has not worked with northern governors like Kashim Shettima of Borno. The much bandied talk about the North not cooperating with Jonathan is the excuse of the lame. He claimed a pan-Nigerian mandate when he won in 2011. Now is time for a pan-Nigerian peace.

  • Burying the dead

    A very interesting but unusual event played out in the Awka diocese of the Catholic Church in Anambra State last week. According to reports, the Catholic Bishop of Awka, Rt. Rev. Paulinus Ezeokafor has banned the compulsory levying of church members in the diocese. For him, members should rather be encouraged to donate freely.

    The Bishop also banned the practice requiring relatives of a dead person to clear their church dues before their dead relation can be buried. He said, such clearance should be for the dead alone and not include their relatives. Bishop Ezeokafor justified his decisions on the ground that the church should show “compassion to the bereaved as such insensitivity makes people leave the church after burial”.

    Bishop Ezeokafor has said it all. He has demonstrated that he is at home with the realities and sensibilities of the people of his diocese. He must therefore be commended for this visionary and compassionate decision. Catholics in the Awka diocese who would have been grieving under the yoke of sundry levies will now heave a heavy sigh of relief. It is very surprising that relatives of the dead are made to clear their dues in the church in addition to those of their dead relations before the dead can be buried.

    Given the high cost of burials especially in the eastern part of the country, such a practice adds up to increase the burden of the bereaved while trying to bury their loved ones. And in a cultural setting that has been contending with sundry demands on the bereaved, asking them to clear their debts before their relations can be buried amounts to adding salt to injury. Little wonder those who have had the misfortune of losing their loved ones usually post a record of debts after such burials. Burials in that part of the country have turned into a huge business. There are minimum standards a burial must meet irrespective of the financial standing of the families involved. And by a very conservative estimate, that minimum is definitely beyond the reach of an average family. That is why most families resort to taxing adult members each time they are faced with burial plans for their loved ones. But for the small gifts that come by way of condolences, the situation would have been something else.

    Beyond all these, the decision of the bishop has brought to the fore the attitude of the church and the larger public to the dead. I do not know what obtains in other churches. But in the Catholic Church which is under focus, there is the need to show more compassion to the bereaved especially in the rural areas. The conduct of some church leaders when it comes to securing clearance from the church to bury a dead member is something to watch. Some of those charged with overseeing such matters sometimes go outside their mandate to enter judgment on the conduct of a dead member. They behave as church judges with awesome powers to determine who to bury or not. And at issue most often, is money. Given the limitations of some of those who preside over these decisions, their rulings on matters brought before them can sometimes irritate.

    Little slips are blown out of proportion sometimes to settle personal scores. Families have been denied their burial rights on issues that ordinarily should be resolved in their favour. Many of those who could not bear it are known to have even left the church in protest. That is the point the Bishop raised when he spoke of compassion and how such insensitivity compel people to leave the church after such burials in protest.

    The issues the bishop addressed are so fundamental that they should not be limited to the Awka diocese alone. Multiplicity of levies and the issue accountability for such have to be looked into. There are several levies members are asked to pay in the rural areas that sometimes end up in the pockets of some unscrupulous officials. These should be streamlined. Sometimes, it is also difficult to say with some measure of accuracy what constitutes the mandatory levies members should pay.

    It may be on account of the confusion that goes with this that the bishop had to take the radical decision of abolishing all forms of levies. Good as the decision is, the real problem with the levies is in the manner concerned church official deploy them to deny members of their rights especially at death. They exploit the desire of every catholic to be buried by the church to intimidate, harass and deny members of their rights on very flimsy grounds. Admittedly, a church member should be up and doing in his church obligations. But the church is not all about money. The church should not discriminate between the rich and the poor. Where a member is unable to meet all his financial obligations at death, the church could still bury such a person. It is our duty to bury the dead. That is the compassion the bishop talked about.

    More seriously, traditional churches are increasingly facing serious challenges from the new ones. Some practices are also being challenged by events in the new generation churches. Some of these new generation churches, even with all their limitations focus more on the welfare of their members. Little wonder the increasing patronage they are getting. The Catholic Church cannot shut its eyes to these developments.

    The bishop struck the right chord when he averred that multiplicity of levies and requiring members to offset their dead relations’ debts before they can be buried sometimes compel members to leave the church. It is a statement of fact which the Catholic Church cannot afford to ignore. It is true that the Catholic Church is a universal church. It is also true that apart from some of these levies and the abuse of them by sundry church officials; it is one church where people contribute according to their volition.

    It is good a thing that the bishop has spared some thought to practices that are capable of demoralizing ardent members to the extent of leaving the church. Before now, such decisions to leave the church were hard to come by. But not anymore as things are fast changing. The subsisting protests at the Ahiara diocese of the Catholic Church in Imo state over the appointment of a new bishop are clear indications that it is no longer business as usual. Before now, such protests led by very senior priests against the decision of the Pope were unthinkable.

    The Catholic Church must therefore rise to the challenge of identifying extant practices that create problems for members and modify them in keeping with the realities of our time. Bishop Ezeokafor has taken the lead and it is in the overall interest of the Catholic Church that such practices that force members out of their faith are either modified or abrogated. Where there is need to maintain some of these levies, steps must be taken to reduce abuse.

    Above all, the church must do more to prune down the high cost of burials in the eastern part of the county. That is the key message brought to the fore by Bishop Ezeokafors’ directive.

  • Days of Lazarus

    Days of Lazarus

    On Sunday, I read the story of Lazarus and the rich man, and wondered why no one has observed it as a parable on Nigeria. Mind you, the Bible refers to two Lazaruses. One of them died and enjoyed the gift of resurrection from the Trojan spirit of the Christ. The other was the man of sores and crumbs who was transported to the bliss of Abraham’s bosom. The first was reported as a true story in the scriptures, the other of the ulcerous sore was a parable from the Lord himself.

    Nigeria is the Lazarus of the parable. I daresay that the rich man in the story is also Nigeria, a Nigeria of oil whose table abounds with the aroma and sights of the choicest delicacies. The rich man also is like the rich among us, dressed in glamour outfits, with the top brands on earth, carted in excess luggage in first class in some of the tony airlines that bustle through the clouds.

    Their gates are high and impregnable portals. But the rich man is Nigeria with lots of jewelry and bluster and contempt and palaces here and there. Their mansions compare in frills and ostentation with the marble redoubts of upscale neighbourhoods anywhere.

    Lazarus is a mere beggar and remains at the gate. When the flamboyant rich man has finished his meal, the crumbs drop on the beggar’s hands, the Lazarus, who represents the majority of Nigerians. He is the metaphor of the abject underclass of the day. He waits for the rich to take the most of the oil wealth. After that, he settles for the crumbs of federal allocations, of oil subsidy windfalls, of contracts awarded but not executed, of excess crude largesse, church and mosque offerings and tithes, of salaries not paid because they were tucked aside in the bank to generate interests for months.

    The crumbs cannot pay school fees, house rents, food or pay for minimal medical fees. They are the real Nigerians. The Lazarus and the rich man story says that we live in a society of great social chasm. When Lazarus died, he goes to Abraham’s bosom, which some bible scholars call heaven, but they have no evidence of that because Christ said no one had ascended into heaven before he came on earth. So I see it as a fantasy for Lazarus. Lazarus goes to a better place, while the rich man goes to hell burning with fire.

    I see the story of Lazarus going to hell to mean the consequence of the mismanagement of resources in this country. Nigeria, as it is, stands as a dead wasteland like the first Lazarus, who died and waited for the benignity of Christ’s miracle. The rich man had all the abundance but the riches are of no benefit for the poor. They keep him hungry, and his legs are full of sores and dogs lick the sores for nourishment.

    The rich in Nigeria do nothing for the poor among us. How many Nigerians with their fabled wealth have endowments for the poor in universities or scholarships for the indigent in primary and secondary schools? How many donate equipment to hospitals or adopt wards or devote money for specific disability care in this country? All we see is the obsession with the top brands peddled in Manhattan or London or Paris.

    That is the story of the rich man. But if, eventually, the rich man went to hell, why did Lazarus go to a better place in Abraham’s bosom? Was poverty, therefore, a good thing? I see it differently. The death that takes place is the revolution. The death was the end of the order of things that created the class chasm between the all-powerful, well-heeled rich man and the Lazarus who is the wretched of the earth. When the revolution came, the rich man cried to Abraham, who was the revolutionary, and begged for a drop of water from Lazarus who was in the lap of luxury. But he was denied. The illusion was that the rich man thought he did Lazarus a favour by giving him crumbs.

    That is also the tragedy in Nigerian society today. We have millions who slave but their employers think they work. They merely survive. They toil to justify their pride. If you work merely to live another day, then you are no better than the Lazarus of the pestiferous sores.

    The Lazarus of the real story is Nigeria of today awaiting resurrection. As a nation of the 1950’s and 1960’s, we were a half-made, half-born society. From the 1970’s, we retreated to a coma, and later died since the 1980’s. We are looking for a miracle like Lazarus.

    But Lazarus the dead cannot become Lazarus of the Abraham’s bosom without a pursuit of justice, or a revolution, or without an Abraham. Abraham, for the purpose of this essay, implies a revolutionary leader. The half-born society of the 1960’s was full of promise. At that time, we beat Indonesia, Australia, India, South Korea and Brazil in many indices. We did not have the epaulet of the rich man of the parable: oil. We had groundnuts, palm produce, cocoa, enough to usher in an era of prosperity. That society died when oil came.

    The rich man was a metaphor for deadness because it was an embarrassment of riches. In those years, Nigerian ruler General Yakubu Gowon said the problem with Nigeria was not how to make money but how to spend it. Our state has never known the value of money. That is why the Secretary to the Government of the Federation is trying to galvanise money in the name of a phony centenary glee to build a gate, a city like Dubai, roads, schools, etc. The Government announced this as though we just started the project Nigeria, and we had never needed to renew our cities, build roads, and schools and other nonsensical projects to fritter away the wealth that belongs to our Lazaruses.

    All the countries that were behind us have had their Lazarus moments. They went through years of miracle while we slept. Governor Kayode Fayemi, the enlightened governor of Ekiti State, engaged this theme in a recent lecture on rebranding, and demonstrated how some of these countries have overcome their anomies. They did that through vision and industry, through the work of a dedicated citizenry inspired by the example and tenets of thinking elite. India is a high-tech miracle, China is on the verge of topping America as the world’s biggest economy, Brazil jolted a generation of about 30 million people out of poverty, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Singapore were labeled Asian tigers. Even next-door neighbour Ghana, which once poured its refugees into our bosom, now educates a generation of our children.

    As Governor Fayemi noted, these are not perfect societies. India reels from sectarian woes and ineffable poverty. China is entangled in democratic barbarities. Japan still snorts with cultural drawbacks in the work place in spite of its world-class brands. Class chasms still dog Brazil and terror pangs rankle Indonesia.

    Lazarus the dead will not become Lazarus of Abraham unless we address the challenges of waste and inequality among us.

    Revolution will not come when we celebrate these rich men and see our sores and crumbs as gestures of divine kindness on which we celebrate our tithes in churches and zakat in mosques. Meanwhile, the pastors, soldiers, businessmen and politicians mock us with crumbs like the rich man.

  • Uwazuruike’s war drum

    Perhaps, nothing illustrates more clearly, the contradictions in the senseless killings in the north than recent statement by the leader of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Chief Ralph Uwazuruike. He had threatened to launch a war against the north if the killing of the Igbo persists.

    But he was quick to add a caveat, “the Hausa community living in the South-east should not be afraid, no one will attack them. We are not going to resort to reprisal attacks but soon I will declare a full scale war against northerners in the north. We can’t take it anymore. We will take the war to their doorsteps now”.

    It is evident from the above that the MASSOB leader is not happy at the unprovoked killing of the Igbo in the north since the Boko Haram insurgents struck. He feels his group can no longer watch helplessly while their people are killed daily for no just reason. The bombing of a motor park in Kano in which scores of people were killed may have further angered him.

    For these, he is now ready to do battle with the north and northern interests. But the battle is not going to be waged in any other place other than northern soil. That is why he has urged northerners living in the South-east not to worry as nobody will attack them. And that is what makes this battle a very peculiar one indeed.

    No doubt, it is going to be a difficult battle. It remains to be imagined how MASSOB hopes to wage war against the north on northern soil and hopes to succeed. Not with the sophistication of the insurgents and their easy resort to suicide bombings. It also remains to be imagined how MASSOB will move its members to the north in large numbers without being confronted by the security agencies.

    It would appear therefore that Uwazuruike and his group may be heading for a suicide mission if they make good their threat to attack northerners on their soil. What one can glean from the dilemma posed by this resolve is the frustrations of the group in the face of the regular killing of the Igbo without the government finding a quick handle to it. Such killings have forced many to flee the northern states thus questioning our claims to one and indivisible country. Matters are not helped by the selective nature of the killings which seem to be in line with the avowed commitment of the sect to drive southerners out of the north.

    But despite all moves to force southerners out of some of these states, many have refused to abandon their hard earned investments and are not likely to do so.

    The terror group seems to be saying that since southerners do not want to leave, they have to pay dearly for it. Hence the selective attacks as witnessed in the Kano suicide bomb at the motor park. Of course, the sections of the country anticipated to die in that attack were known. The luxury buses, those who patronize them and their owners were selected for maximum impact. It is true that some other people died from the attack especially hawkers and sundry helpless people. But that does not in any way obliterate the target population as the casualty figure will reveal.

    Uwazuruike’s threat therefore brings to the fore the frustrations of a people that profess one and indivisible country yet citizens cannot freely live in some other parts of it. It also raises question as to what remedy there is for these non indigenes in the face of constant and unprovoked attacks on their lives and properties. This is more so when the government has found itself incapable of finding lasting solutions to the menace.

    The MASSOB leader thinks the Igbo should no longer be at the receiving end of these senseless attacks. He thinks it is a huge contradiction that citizens of this country can no longer live freely in some other parts of the country. He also reasons that such a situation should not be allowed to persist. He has a point here.

    As a solution, he has vowed to levy war against the north on their soil to make the point very clearly that no citizen should be debarred from that inalienable right to live in any part of the country. By promising to fight back on northern soil, he is saying that this country belongs to all of us and not body should force any citizen out of his area of abode through acts of intimidation and violence. He is saying that the Igbo have the right of self defense and could also turn out to be purveyors of violence even in the north.

    And that even the northerners themselves could also be attacked on their own soil as no body has the monopoly of the means of violence. He is saying that the Igbo have a right to live and do business in any part of the country just as other ethnic groups live in other parts of the country including Igbo land.

    Is it not a contradiction that southerners are being driven out of the north through selective attacks and killings yet northerners are comfortably living and doing their businesses in the south? One had expected that if Uwazuruike really wanted to do battle with the north, the starting point would be the South-east where his men hold sway. But he says no. He has urged northerners living in the south-east to go about their normal businesses as his group will not attack them. For him, the war will only be fought on northern soil. It is therefore not that the MASSOB leader is a war monger. Far from that! The nature of his anticipated war and the difficulty in prosecuting it, underscore the inherent contradictions in the continued violence in the north against southerners. He is drawing attention to the danger in allowing these unprovoked attacks and killings to fester and the wider repercussions should those at the receiving end resort to self help.

    That to me is the symbolism of the threat of MASSOB to wage war against the north on northern soil. If they were really interested in waging a war, the starting point could not have been northern soil.

    In effect therefore, the threat of the MASSOB leader should be seen as an act of desperation of a people who have constantly been victims of acts of violence in the north. It is an indication that their patience is fast running out and government must take decisive steps to reassure them that their lives have value. The impression is fast being created that each time there is crisis in the north the South-east must suffer for it. This has to be quickly arrested.

    Northern leaders must take the responsibility of ensuring that non indigenes live and do business in that region without let or hindrance. That way, we can stave off the temptation for those who have been at the receiving end of these attacks to take laws into their hand.

  • Tukur’s frustrations

    Tukur’s frustrations

    Obviously, the PDP national chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur is rattled in many fronts. He is rattled by the crisis in his state’s wing of the party. He is at war with PDP governors. And at the national level, he is faced with a daunting crisis of confidence. All of these challenges may not be his own doing per se.

    Much stem from the ambition of President Jonathan to control the structures of the party albeit unconventionally. Many interests have been hurt in the process and Tukur is expected to clear the Augean stable. The thinking within the party before now is that you can bulldoze your way to dominance and latter reconcile.

    Because of the influence of the party, this strategy had before now, worked successfully since members did not seem to have an alternative. That was the style of Obasanjo that shunted out the founding fathers of the party. Those who felt their ego was bruised and could no longer stomach the insult, were shown the way out and business continued as usual. That has been PDP for you. They do this because they are sure to win elections even if it is by hook and crook. So it matters little if people leave the party in droves. After all, it prides itself as the biggest party in Africa with a vaulting ambition to rule for the next 100 years. So what difference does it make frustrating foundation members when those angling for a place in the party are not in short supply?

    As usual with this make-shift fence-mending agenda, after Jonathan had captured the party’s structures with impunity, Tukur had to embark on zonal tours during which he was expected to reconcile aggrieved members. But the outcome this time around, has been largely disastrous. Not only were the tours boycotted by key personages in those zones, there was practically nothing to show for it. It was obvious that the old strategy could no longer hold water.

    Those being pacified had become tired of the brazen disregard of the constitution of the party, especially its principles on internal democracy. They were no longer enthused by acts of lawlessness by their leaders only for the same people to turn around to plead for questionable forgiveness. They seemed to be saying that the quick resort to Machiavellian principles of the end justifying the means has to stop. Such were the sentiments Tukur met on the ground that his reconciliation tours turned out a total fiasco.

    The failure was such that the chairman of the party’s Board of Trustees BOT Tony Anenih had to embark on his own version of reconciliation tours. His success is also yet to be seen.

    Apparently for want of any credible reason to offer aggrieved members, Tukur took resort to the absurd. He told stakeholders in the north-west zone that PDP is “all about patronage” In his own words, “we are going to dole out patronage to all our members who remain in the party”. This patronage he further explained, will also be extended to members who contested and lost election. He said there is enough to go round every one and that there is no need for any member to leave the party.

    These statements are to say the least, a great disappointment. They cast the PDP as a party with the ‘food is ready for sharing mentality; one whose quest for power is driven by the sole desire to share our collective resources among its members. And in a clime that is characterized by brazen corruption and mismanagement of public funds, Tukur has led us into why this malfeasance has festered. We can now understand why nothing is working in this country despite the 14 years the PDP has been in power. It is now becoming clearer why the EFCC has been unable to successfully prosecute the ex- governors they arraigned for sundry financial misdeeds while in office.

    It is also becoming clearer why the fuel subsidy probe and the fraudulent abuse of the scheme by sundry highly placed persons cannot go far. That is the folly of Tukur’s revelations and it should not be treated lightly.

    It may not be completely out of place for party members to benefit from the government of the day. This could come in form of appointments and contracts provided such contracts were competitively bided and conformed to best practices. But it is reckless to emphatically state as the PDP chairman did that the party is all about patronage to its members.

    Where do we then locate the place of the electorate within such a scheme? This poser is further reinforced when it is realized that the people constitute the ultimate sovereign on whose behalf power is held in trust. When therefore a government in power exists mainly to service the interests of its members, such a government has become a similitude of the salt that has lost its taste. That is the kind of emotions Tukur’s statements evoke about his party. Can any thing good come out of such a warped view of politics and governance? It is doubtful.

    Perhaps, the only ground the PDP chieftain can be forgiven for such a vacuous statement is that he spoke out of frustrations and want of any credible thing to tell aggrieved members.

    This line of argument is further given credence when we call to mind that he had in the same venue, told his audience that the party would face a “heavy war” ahead of the 2015 elections as a new group has come up to pull the rug off their feet. This was an obvious reference to the merger of four political parties ahead of the 2015 elections.

    It may also be for the same reason that he is finding it very difficult to push through the old idea that members could be bruised and disgraced only to turn round to pacify them. Then, the PDP was having a field day. With a multiplicity of weak parties, it was sure to win elections at least at the centre. It could therefore afford to disregard rules, impose candidates and still have its way through the advantage of the power of incumbency. His reference to “heavy war” is also very instructive. It is only hoped that this war will be prosecuted with conventional weapons.

    The emergence of a credible opposition is a very bold statement. And aggrieved PDP members are not oblivious of this heart-warming reality. That is perhaps, why Tukur had to take resort to promising them heaven and earth in a bid to sway them. But the promise is neither here nor there since out of office, the PDP will have nothing to dispense. Aggrieved members may be saying: to hell with your patronage; it is time to pay the party in its own coins.

    After all, you can deceive some of the people some of the time but not all the people all the time. I think, the PDP has got this message.

  • The stone shall roll away

    The stone shall roll away

    In the effort to build up a note in line with the theme of The Redeemed Christian Church of God’s this Easter Let’s-Go-A-Fishing programme, I stumbled on a message that I found very significant to the situation of Nigeria. Since it is not debatable that the justification of Christianity is the resurrection of Jesus Christ, I could see the relevance of resurrection to the afflictions confronting the nation today. With this reality that goes beyond religion affiliation, I was convinced that there is still hope for this nation if only the right thing is done in accordance to the will and purpose of the indubitable creator of earth and man who remains the authority in heaven.

    According to the message, the tomb where Jesus was laid on Good Friday is now a completely different tomb… it requires a different type of watchman. It does not need a cemetery caretaker or a company of Roman soldiers assigned to protect the dead, but an angel from the realms of light and life. The servant-angel appeared first; then his Master was later seen.

    Implication? This is the signal that a new time has come; an era where heaven and earth are now joined, because Jesus Christ, the Saviour has risen. The wall of separation has fallen; God has reconciled Himself to sinful men; the sacrifice of the Son has been accepted by the Father. This is the supreme Easter truth.

    Last week, reminders of the factual state of the nation were again revealed. First, it was the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Chairman, Bamanga Tukur who declared Nigeria to be under attack. Tukur said: “Today, there is fear everywhere. Churches are being burnt. Mosques are being attacked. United Nations building bombed; motor parks are being bombed. People cannot go to motor parks again to travel for the fear of being attacked. Security installations, such as police stations, prisons are being burnt down and inmates released at will. Nobody knows the next target of attack.” Correct disclosures.

    Also at the 5th Bola Tinubu Colloquium, Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka and others lamented the dying of the nation. “Let’s face it. This nation is on the brink. There are those who don’t understand this, who won’t accept this. I feel very sorry that they will wake up and find out that we have fallen over the brink. It is not what we envisaged during our struggle for independence”, Soyinka was quoted as saying.

    CBN Governor Sanusi Lamidi Sanusi who took over from Soyinka as chairman of the event argued that it was wrong to assess a nation’s economy in isolation of the wellbeing of the people. “What is destroying this country is that people are corrupt and doing nothing. We need to be asking, as civil society, what are we doing?” For him, “we are a country which has absolutely no regard for merit and competence.”

    In Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s view, Nigeria is drifting apart because “we have leadership that is dividing us more and more every day”. The birthday celebrant insists we must question ourselves in Nigeria, since no nation has fought a religious war and survived it.

    Indeed, the afflictions confronting the nation today is killing the nation, which is why the opportunity of this season of resurrection must be seized for revival if the nation is not to be lastingly scattered. In the gospel, the story is that it was very early in the morning while it was still dark, that the women went out on a task of love to complete the anointing of of their Lord’s dead body which was earlier hastily done after He was crucified.

    They witnessed the death of Jesus; they had also earlier witnessed His passion for them. Now, it was time for them to give to Him, even if in death, their own passion – their own service of love. As they arrived at the tomb, they were faced with a predicament, one that they had not thought of before they set out: Who would roll the great stone away from the entrance of the tomb?

    As they arrived, they discovered the stone rolled off the tomb and were afraid that grave robbers might have disturbed the resting place and the body of the Lord. Suddenly, an angel appeared to them, sitting quite contentedly upon the stone, with a miraculous story to tell and an even greater mission: “Don’t be distressed. You’re looking for Jesus who was crucified and died? Well, He’s not here. He has risen! Go inside the tomb and see the place where they laid Him.” And they went inside and noticed that the grave was exactly as it would be if the body was still lying inside. But there was no body. The angel continued, “Go tell His disciples and Peter that He is going before them to Galilee. There you will see him, just like He told you.”

    Now they remembered, after all, the Lord had told them about this so many times that He would rise from the dead. And indeed, He has risen.

    The visions that at are being revealed about Nigeria must not be taken for granted if anyone must show sincere and true love for the restoration of the dead glories of the nation. Tukur could hardly comprehend where we are heading to as a nation. But he said since nobody can even explain what is happening now and nobody knows the next target of attack, the nation “must come together to fight the common evil as there is fear everywhere.” Just in matching approach, Soyinka believes that with the discovery of some cells in the plan to blow up Lagos, it has become clear that the security dilemma we are facing right now is not just regional. “It is national, it is a humanistic problem.”

    I concur with them for the gospel truth that the nation is in menace more so as our President seems not to know what to do and how to handle the stone blocking true transformation for advancement. That Nigeria still remains a country in spite of battles being confronted is entirely by the grace of God. If the purpose of God to be fulfilled is retarding in the hand of poor leadership, the same God might just be giving an opportunity for the obstacle stones to be rolled away that His glory might be witnessed again in the land.

    The stone at the tomb was not rolled away so that Jesus could leave the tomb; but that the women and everyone else could see that He had been resurrected and was no longer confined by a grave. It was also because Jesus knew that the sinful flesh of the people could not fathom the power of God that was His as God’s only begotten Son.

    What are the stones preventing us from seeing the resurrection power of God in our lives? Perhaps it is the life of unrighteousness, filled with overwhelming corruption and desperation for things of the world, instead of prioritizing Him, that might have been preventing the nation from God’s intervention.

    Yet, there is no doubt that the stone can be rolled away for us the people. Instead of allowing the nation to descend into a second round of destructive civil war, restoration of the corporate existence of the nation is possible.

    If politicians are failing to protect the country but only focusing on 2015, pushing to remain in power, Nigerian masses must be awake to imbibe the wisdom of God. One of the ways might just be as counselled at Tinubu Colloquium that youths who are the future of this country must wake up from slumber and take their destinies into their hands through making the right choice that complies with the will of God and wipe away the wicked killing their nation.

    Also, for as many with power to pray, they should do so unrelentingly for God’s mercy and intervention to roll away the stones of affliction and save us as a people.

  • Achebe versus Soyinka

    Achebe versus Soyinka

    Barely two decades ago, poet and playwright Femi Osofisan delivered a broadside, and it was as a keynote speaker at an annual convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors. According to the big-eyed lover of theatrics, only two serious Nigerian authors inhabited our literary firmament: Wole Soyinka and Niyi Osundare.

    Not a few writers and critics were scandalised by his claim. Many thought it was deliberately contrarian, an act of drama by a dramatist to draw attention to himself not by the pithy wisdom of his declaration but the mere vanity of it. He was a public desperado banging his shoes to gain attention.

    The first question thrown at him was predictable: What of Chinua Achebe? Wearing a glum mien almost as defiance, he maintained his assertion and said many people paid attention to Things Fall Apart, and that was not even his most accomplished work.

    At the time, I was in my mid-twenties and just beginning to overcome my illusion from my teen years. I was weaned on Things Fall Apart, read it, worshiped its creator and placed Achebe as the preeminent deity in the literary pantheon not only on the African continent but all over the world. But how many writers did I know and how many books had I read? How skilled was I in the art of appreciating the collaborations of words into narratives?

    But as I grew out of my naivety towards the end of my years at the Obafemi Awolowo University, renouncing Achebe as a god of literature was like a shock of atheism in the church. I was abandoning the temple, unfrocking the priests and demystifying the canon. I became an apostate in the true religion. I felt conned by my breeders. I ate the poisoned diet, malnourished by untutored chefs.

    Literature belongs to a complex world, and because everyone can pick a novel or play and read, the impression often comes across that it is everyone’s game. George Bernard Shaw said snidely that “vocations are a conspiracy against the laity.” He was right. Not everyone can be a medical doctor, or software analyst or Supreme Court judge. Everyone can sing but not everyone can tell why a good song is great although they have their personal attitudes and predilections. Not everyone can postulate on good literature. Achebe’s works were good literature, but whether he wrote a great novel, leave that to those who know.

    I never intended to write another column after last week’s in which I echoed William Shakespeare when I characterised Achebe as a self from self. That is, he struggled with alienation throughout his life.

    Since the bard’s death, many people either by subtle references or direct barbs have tried to do two wrong things. First, they claimed he deserved the Nobel Prize but was deprived. Two, that Achebe was greater than Wole Soyinka. By inference, they claimed that Soyinka did not earn the prize and the wise men of Stockholm ought to have given the medal to the author of TFA.

    How come the father of African literature did not win the preeminent prize? The phrase, made popular when he won the Booker Prize Lifetime honour, has been appropriated to imply that Achebe was number one on the continent. So why did he not win the prize? First, TFA was a great book not because of its literary properties but because of its ideological potency. The Nobel Prize does not go to a novelist whose work is signposted by sociological fixations supplanting narratives with long pages of how Igbo villages are organised. When Osofisan asserted that TFA was not his best book, he meant that more attention should go to Arrow of God, a better book. So why do his admirers say less of Arrow of God but pay more encomiums on TFA. It is because they are struck by the timely power of the book. The West, embraced TFA for its introduction of its peoples to the dignity of African society, a thing they did not care to glean from accomplished works that came before TFA. Even the writer, Amos Tutuola, with his Palm wine Drinkard, came long before. But the west wanted an African to write like them so they could applaud him. And Achebe did it in a simple language.

    Did he succeed by using the language as a tool of subversion? Hardly. For a sampler of that sort, read Yambo Ouologuem’s Bound to Violence. TFA was a story of a clash of culture, which was nothing new. He wrote about the assertion of local pride, which was hardly original. But it was a counter-narrative, and it was done with gusto and minimal dexterity, and that was enough for them. They were amazed at the manipulation of proverbs and other manifestations of local colour. But the proverbs were never original, just like many of the proverbs in Ola Rotimi’s The Gods Are Not To Blame.

    The other novel often quoted was A man of the People and critics have credited him with prophetic insight. The novel predated the 1966 coup. But it was hardly original because the conversation was already in the air on the continent. So he wrote good works, not great works, not textured by deeper insights that you would see in better accomplished works.

    Achebe was nominated severally for the Prize, but he did not get it because his works had to be weighed against the competition, other works also nominated by various groups. It was the comparison that exposed his works. If TFA was not his best work, it goes without saying that it was a book that thrived on popularity not subtlety. Literature is not about the popular text. It is about high art. If Achebe influenced a generation of writers, that makes him a great writer. But it is a testament to theme and not artifice.

    Soyinka, on the other hand, won based on his plays and poems. If we were to judge by popularity, many would pick the Lion and Jewel and the Jero Plays as Soyinka’s masterpieces. But far from it. They compare in richness to TFA. Many who cavil at his prize have probably not read the following: Death and the King’s Horsemen, Madmen and Specialists, Kongi’s Harvest, A dance of the Forest, The Road, Opera Wonyosi, among others. Each of these works is a stunner, primed with layer after layer of thought and meaning wrapped in narratives.

    Those who read TFA like clockwork may be put off by some of Soyinka’s opus. So they should not obsess out of ignorance. They should read first. If you knock Soyinka on obscurity, you have a right. But high art is not always easy to understand. Those who claim to enjoy TFA cannot write a literate essay on the book and why it is high art.

    Because of his stature as a playwright, some downplay his other gifts. In the Nobel citation, he was also praised for his prison Notes, The Man Died, as well as his long poems like Ogun Abibiman, which I guess many readers have not even heard of.

    It is true that some great writers are passed over for the prize. But few disagree that those who win deserve the accolades. The other Nigerian I expected to win was Christopher Okigbo, who was tragically lapped up by the Civil War.

    Achebe was a good story teller, so was my grandmother. Turning from a raconteur to an art of sublimity and depth belongs to the masters. Because of his influence on a continent, I compare him with Samuel Johnson of the Shakespearean era. He was described as a great writer but not a great artist.

  • Self from self

    Self from self

    He entered the hall at Brown University without drama. Maybe there was drama, but the sort that jolted with its silences. Everywhere suddenly froze. Lips froze.  Moving hands seized. Tongues retracted and retreated. Eyes stopped to stare except at a particular spot. Inanimate objects bowed to the petrified logic of the moment: pens, pads, doors. All wrapped in awe.

    The man, the object of both affection and curiosity, did not seem to stir either. Chinua Achebe, who came in on a wheelchair, looked forward, as though contemplating. What was he contemplating: his next controversy? His next essay, next plot in a novel, or the prospect of an intellectual brouhaha in his colloquium organised yearly at one of the world’s top centres of learning: Brown University? Remember, he was a man of storms.

    Throughout the two-day event, Achebe’s lips never creased into a word. His voice, known for its soft but arresting register, was a dramatic silence at his own event. It was an indicator that health was no longer at ease for the legend, a man who had written himself into literary grandeur, who had engrafted the African narrative on a cold and cocky Western world, who glided into controversies like a crocodile into a stormy water. He was lacking in the vim and fire of the author of A Man of The People.

    Some of us at the colloquium on Africa last December wondered what would happen to the annual event once the man passed. He was all of 82, and he was wheeled around by one of his sons. He did not even stir much when Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), the governor of example, squared up to his then raging book, There Was A Country. The governor had pitched a battle against the effete logic of a book that preyed on the divisive struggles of Achebe’s generation. Fashola asserted that succeeding generations had transcended his book.

    It turned out to be his last book, and his only stir at the colloquium was when he clapped at the performance of the willowy Nigerian artiste Nneka who thrilled everyone with the acoustic sweetness of her guitar and the didactic, if plaintive melody of her voice.

    But as the news came last week of Achebe’s death, I thought to myself that the man had lived a full life, a life of the writer, the life of the warrior of the word, the life of exile. It is the concept of exile that seized me the most. If you read any of his works, whether it was Things Fall Apart, or No Longer At Ease, or his non- fiction The Education of British-Protected Child, he was preoccupied with the inability of the Nigerian self, especially Achebe, to locate home. His was a life of the perpetual search for a fitting shelter. Things Fall Apart was a novel as rejoinder, a piece in reaction to Joyce Cary’s Mister Johnson and Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness. Both works denigrated the African past and cast a slur on a continent’s dignity, and Achebe fumed. He fumed with his counter-narrative.

    The novel pits one of Africa’s most memorable characters, Okonkwo, against the crudities of a civilising Europe. Okonkwo dies a suicide, a loner in a place where he struts like a cock. Achebe felt such a sense of alienation when he fled Lagos in the tumult of the Nigerian crisis of the 1960’s. When he went to the East, which was home, he and his family lacked root, as bombs, bullets and the bloody chaos of war pulled them from place to place. He too became an ambassador, and moved around the continent, Europe and North America, a secular, nationalistic pilgrim evangelising the virtues of Biafra.

    After the war, he still could not accommodate the idea of Nigeria, and he elucidated this point in The Guardian Lecture Series when he noted that he had a tough time reconciling his Igbo identity with the Nigerian after the disappointment of the 1960s. This lacerated his soul and, by his own admission, froze his creative faculties as he did not produce any novel for 20 years. So he also suffered literary alienation.

    He left Nigeria for Europe and returned. He found out that he had to leave again, for the United States. How could he reconcile with a people who uprooted him from his beloved Lagos, killed his kinsmen in the North, bombed his home in Enugu, razed the East from city to hamlet. These were the same people his people pointed guns at, killed as well and harassed with the primitive ingenuity of the Ogbunigwe.

    He was not going to return for a while, and when he did, he taught at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, but he had to leave again. He did not visit for a long time, and when he did, he almost lost his life in a motor accident. But for the rest of his life, the warrior launched his battles from within the confines of a wheelchair.

    The alienation was probably complete: alienation from his Igbo home, from Nigeria, from the West, from his art, from a healthy body. It was possible that Achebe was perpetually angry with his country. A man who drew people from around the world to the dignity and magnificence of his culture did not savour the society he so doggedly and elegantly evangelised. He was a contrast to his leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu- Ojukwu, who rekindled an exemplary Nigerianness after the war without quenching his Biafran fire.

    Even when he visited Igboland a few years back at the invitation of former Imo State Governor Ikedi Ohakim, he panned his people for their fealty to materialistic glory rather than the higher reaches of knowledge. He asserted that the progress of any society was not possible without those exalted ideals of knowledge and character. His fidelity to Igbo roots was sometimes so irredentist that he forgot that the acclaimed father of African literature had transcended insular claims of a public kind. He described Awolowo as a tribalist when the sage died. In his last book, he asserted the Igbo as the superior race. The irony is that he could not live even in Igboland. That was perhaps his most potent alienation.

    When he wrote a book of nonfiction, it was aptly titled, The Trouble with Nigeria. His alienation with Nigeria took on another colour. He said the problem with Nigeria was leadership. That clarified a new righteous rage signposted by rejections of two national awards, one from Obasanjo and the second from Jonathan. He was not at peace with the Nigerian state.

    In spite of this, he was a writer in whom many around the world were well pleased. His Things fall Apart sold at least 8 million copies around the world, won him the Booker Prize for his lifetime work, earned doctorates in many upscale schools, was sought after for speeches everywhere. For a man who was so loved, it must have been painful to be Chinua Achebe. He agonised over a world of disconnections. Yet, if you read Things Fall Apart, the character that critics see as embodying Achebe’s views was Obierika. That character, unlike Okonkwo, urges accommodation. But Achebe’s life reads more like Okonkwo in terms of an insistence of principle and absence of accommodation. His was a Joycean island.

    His narrative style was also not audacious. He was a cagy genius, a follower of a path of familiar perfections. That is the contradiction in a man who urged change but abided tested tropes. Yet he was a literary pathfinder by introducing a subject that kindled a new generation of literature. He did not win the Nobel Prize, a thing of personal frustration to him. He demonstrated this in his attack on Wole Soyinka’s triumph. He said that he won the European prize did not make Soyinka the Asiwaju of African literature. Soyinka replied, with dramatic irony, that it was not his intention to be an Ogbuefi of African literature. The Nobel alienation was perhaps felt the most by those who felt he deserved it.

    No one can deny that Achebe was a jewel in the African narrative. He brought African letters out of the shadows in the modern era. That alone places him, for all the imperfections of his poetics, as a genius for the ages.

  • INEC, APC and 2015

    From all indications, the 2015 elections are bound to have serious implications for the survival of this country. Already, events have been taking place in quick succession in so many fronts that should forewarn the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) it is not going to be business as usual.

    Before the 2011 elections, public confidence in the electoral process had waned very considerably. Voter apathy was at an all time high as the electorate found no reason to continue participating in elections when the outcome had already been predetermined. This negative disposition towards elections was as a result of the brazen rigging and manipulation of election results that had been our fate with previous exercises.

    Confidence in the electoral process was so shaken that it took copious assurance from President Jonathan that he was committed to free and fair elections and the appointment of Attahiru Jega as INEC boss before the people opted to give that election a chance. Given his antecedents then, Jega was given the benefit of doubt since he was considered a credible person. To be fair, the outcome of that election was an improvement on previous elections though it had its flaws largely at the presidential level.

    But events thereafter have thrown up very complicated challenges such that a measure of doubt has crept in regarding the continued impartiality of INEC in managing electoral matters. This suspicion has been such that a presidential candidate in the last election, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari had to accuse the electoral body of having merged with the PDP-led government. Expectedly, Buhari’s scathing remarks attracted criticisms from the government in power. But certain events in the nation’s political chessboard have continued to evoke doubts on whether the body can still be counted upon to conduct free and fair elections.

    There is the much speculated interest of President Jonathan to run in 2015 despite widespread opposition to that ambition from even within his own party, the PDP.

    This has so polarized the PDP that if it embarks on a general election as presently constituted, it is bound to suffer serious reverses. Do not mind its claims following last week’s elections into the Abuja municipality. Can INEC still hold on to its claim to impartiality if Jonathan decides to run despite the welter of opposition from within his party especially in the north? What of the formidable opposition posed by the merger of four political parties? Can Jonathan really make a headway given the armada of opposition against him both from within his party and without if the election is free and fair? From where does he derive the confidence that he can destroy extant structures of the party, hurting sections of the country and still have the comfort of mind that he will win if he eventually decides to run? Can he really make it in a free and fair election after bulldozing his way to capture unconventionally, PDP party structures in the fashion of Obasanjo without re-enacting the hi-tech rigging and falsification of results that marred that era? These are the issues that come to mind following the turn of events in the country. And they pose serious challenges to the electoral body.

    As if that was not enough, events since the merger plans of the four political parties ACN, CPC, ANPP and a faction of APGA were unfolded have also raised further stakes on the neutrality of the electoral body.

    Since the unveiling of the name, manifesto and logo of the emerging party, there have arisen some doubt on the neutrality of the electoral body. Here, one has in mind the unnecessary controversy over the acronym of the merging parties- All Progressives Congress APC. It is a matter of public knowledge that the merging parties had since announced APC as the name under which they intend to fly the flag of their new political party. It is also very well known that the merger took the country by storm given skepticisms that the attempt was going to fail.

    Though the ruling PDP rushed to congratulate its promoters, indications are that that party felt very uncomfortable with the turn of events. This is to be expected given that any gains recorded in the merger process would automatically pose serious challenge to it. It was not surprising therefore that as the merging parties were busy perfecting their papers to regularize the process, a phantom group, African Peoples Congress parading similar acronym, rushed to file papers with INEC to frustrate the merger process. Accusing fingers have been pointed at some INEC staff working in collision with the PDP-government to frustrate the merging parties from using that name. Some other groups have been at work, searching for other names with similar acronym just to frustrate the new visionary initiative.

    Why the abbreviation APC has become the beautiful bride just suddenly is a matter of conjecture. Why nobody discovered that ellipsis in the last 14 years of our democracy until the merging parties adopted it is also another issue. And what is there in a name? This poser has been raised to underscore most poignantly that there is more to the mad rush for the acronym than ordinarily meets the eyes. The PDP has been accused of high level desperation to scuttle the registration of the new mega party. And in this subterfuge, INEC has been fingered as a willing ally. The indecent speed with which the phantom APC claims to have met all registration processes and the certainty they seem to have on their party being registered are issues the give cause for concern. INEC is therefore on trial on this singular issue.

    As if this was not enough, the promoters of the phantom APC have gone ahead to further accuse INEC of colluding with the merging parties. They have even boasted they have the capacity to do this and that including challenging INEC up to the Supreme Court if they are not registered. And when one recalls that the promoters of the so-called party are very obscure persons who have been in similar roles before either by self or through proxy, their intentions become clearer. So from both sides INEC is being accused. The group has been likened to the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) of the Babangida era and there is merit in it. Their intention is clear and it is to create confusion and distract the opposition from the daunting task of providing a credible alternative political platform for the electorate.

    Consider the name African Peoples Congress. What is really African about this mushroom group? Can we possibly have an African Peoples Congress as a party in Nigeria at this stage of our political history? So what they intend to register is not a Nigerian political party but an African one with tentacles across our shores. Can we really register such a party in Nigeria today?

    The merging parties must take seriously the threat of this group to institute a protracted legal action against the INEC if it fails to register them. It shows they are out to play a spoilers’ game with zero interest in seeking people’s votes. They know that even if they are registered with that acronym, they remain just in name.

    But the strength of the merging parties has nothing to do with any particular name. It lies in the broad national alliances and consensus they have been able to build-alliances that have made them a very credible alternative to the PDP. That is the real issue to worry about and not a name that can be changed anytime. The progressives can as well leave them with that name, douse the noise and move on. It is not the name that makes a popular political party but the vision and people behind it.