Category: Monday

  • Soyinka and his enemies

    Soyinka and his enemies

    When an avatar turns 90, it should evoke a universal hurrah, especially if that personage is Professor Wole Soyinka. We can say that more people are rejoicing than those who are in pain. Yet the best writer this country has known is at odds with a certain mob of dark conscience.
    This essayist is more concerned about the young ones who have mutated into a monster of a generation and are even trying to deny him the name of a writer.
    I will ignore the older ones, some of my generation who have melded into that raucous chorus. Those are men and women, some of them prominent, who extol tribe instead of conscience, trump civility with imprecations, can’t act without cant, cloak the law with impunity. This tribe of men and women will not clap as Soyinka turns 90 but will fill the air with claptrap, with long-winded essays and pretensions to scholarship, erudition and inflammatory law.
    But what concerns me are the younger ones, some of them already 40 years old, but most of them younger.
    For the older ones, they know the pedigree of the bard. They followed in their lifetimes the sacrifices of his career and the genius of his offerings. But they have swathed themselves in denials. They are entitled to lie to themselves. But for the younger ones, I shed tears. This is a generation without what Frederich Nietzsche calls historical sense. This does not mean merely understanding the past, according to the German philosopher, but of deploying it with purpose for the present.

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    T.S. Eliot defines it as how to use the “pastness of the past” as though it has “presence.” it compels the attitude of William Faulkner, who asserted that the “past is never dead. It is not even past.” But you have to know the past to employ it.
    But these young ones do not know the past, so they are deprived of a historical sense.
    I must say not all of that generation are victims of this poisoned communion. Just a section, a wild, uproarious, unhinged, barbarous horde.
    It all started this season when Wole Soyinka pitched his tent with a certain presidential candidate. When he did, the conclave of catcalls clasped him to their bosom as their friend and ally.
    He even described Pitobi as a new kid on the block, which I thought was errant of the bard.
    I drew his attention to that at a certain lunch after the election. He was genuinely for the guy.
    But after the election, and the man lost, Soyinka was mum for a while. I learned he was undergoing his own research on how the polls went.
    He eventually saw that Pitobi lost, and that his followers wanted to hijack the republic.
    Unfazed, the bard came out and said the man he supported had lost and his followers were employing what he called “Gbajue,” a word more understood in Yoruba than any translation can attempt.
    In order words, it is what Joseph Conrad calls the “bravado of guilt.”
    They knew they lost, but they wanted to force their own republic on us all.
    A republic of agberos. Soyinka also expressed disgust at Pitobi’s mendacity over a meeting he held with him. He said what Obi made of the meeting was different from what they discussed. The bard had just seen the father of Gbajue pull his act to him at his Abeokuta redoubt.
    Since then, this mob has turned one of Africa’s most renowned writers and man of conscience into a villain.
    This has happened because of the collapse of decorum in our society.
    We no longer have a democracy of decorum or respect but a society of insults. If you navigate the social media and read and hear what they spew out in the name of free speech, you will understand that this nation has bred a generation of vipers.
    During the election campaigns, they operated like a faith with a cathedral. They had a general in battle, and sang all sorts of pious accolades as they cheered him on. But faith was his poisoned chalice.
    Pitobi didn’t know that. He was like the general Sisera in the scriptures who thought he had the great army. When the battle came, he quilted. The war was his poison.
    As the scriptures described the poison in an eternal line: “He asked water, she gave him milk, and she brought forth butter in a lordly dish.”
    The movement is still dizzy with that poison of illusion, a grand, delusional, self-aggrandizement. If they had a faith with a cathedral during the campaigns, they now have a faith without cathedral today. Their ecclesiastical leaders are seeing their icon pretend to be every one’s priest and follower, fasting for one faith today and another tomorrow, the sort of faithful that God said he would spit out in the Book of Revelations.
    That is their agony. They are spawning a new divinity in the mob, a god of chaos and rage, like the Greek god of the sea and water and earthquakes known as Poseidon.
    His exploits in Greek stories of shipwrecks and subversions are breathtaking. The Bible attributes the power to Satan in the Revelations and shouts “woe to the inhabitants of the sea.”
    This mob, who would not appreciate our bard, would do well to embrace logic. Rather, they profit in complaint. They have forgotten that this man has written some of the best plays ever written. Have they read A Play of Giants? Have they watched Death and the King’s Horseman? Do they know what his plays mean? Have they absorbed the awe of Idanre and Other Poems, or are they aware that this man who fought with pen and rhetoric and travels in the past wrote the long poem Ogun Abibiman dedicated to the fight for freedom in South Africa? They are ignorant because they are still making their Shuttle in the Crypt.
    These young men and women, who love Indomie, should read more about this indomitable man.
    Do they know that, in the throes of the Nigerian crisis, Wole Soyinka drove solo across the Nigerian borders to the Biafra and wanted to stop the carnage to come.
    Who among them can boast such courage? He stood for principle and that of peace, and that the Igbo brethren should not be forced into a fratricidal bloodhound.
    In his memoirs, You Must Set Forth at Dawn, he describes how Christopher Okigbo saw him in the east and yelled in ecstatic surprise.
    Okigbo, an immortal poet, was one of the casualties of that inferno. We lost him and how many more potential Okigbos have we lost to that needless war?
    Read two-time Booker Prize finalist Chigozie Obioma’s new novel on the war, The Road to the Country, a riveting new offering on the savagery of war. Soyinka drove on a lonely road to the country, and drove back. A top army officer told me that there was an instruction to apprehend and even eliminate any person or vehicle coming through the west from the east, except Wole Soyinka.
    He was a young man then. He was arrested and held by Gowon and the result was his prison notes, The Man Died.
    Has any of his traducers picked up a copy? One should wish that the plays, readings, seminars and other tributes of this season for Soyinka drown out the ululations of the barbarians.
    I want to recall some lines dedicated to him by the Ghanaian poet Atukwei Okai: “Let the greying day glow/Let the evening horns blow/ Let the melting mountains go/But let the sundown sow/ in your soul…the soil-sanctioned bulwark-bone…”

  • More news than rejoinder

    More news than rejoinder

    I would not have bothered to acknowledge the rejoinder written by spokesman Paul Ibe to my last week’s essay on his master Atiku Abubakar.
    But I decided otherwise because he, perhaps, unwittingly revealed a piece of news and confirmed my speculation in that piece: That embattled Nasir El Rufai, former governor of Kaduna State is now a partner with Atiku.
    Coming from Atiku’s spokesman, it is clear the fellow has no place in APC, where he fought and dined last season. So, it is clear why he also followed Atiku’s footsteps by visiting the former president, Muhammadu Buhari.
    He even visited a northern monarch and pledged his allegiance to the Adamawa fellow. This is even more potent as the APC in the State pledged their loyalty to Governor Uba Sani.
    It was a feast of allegiance. Enter Speaker of the House of Representatives , Hon Tajudeen Abbas. Enter former Governor Mukhtar Yero. Enter Senator Suleiman Hunkuyi. Enter party bigwigs.

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    Exit El Rufai. The big-mouthed man can now take shelter under the roofs of Adamawa since he is now politically homeless.
    It is a season of sealed lips for him as he tries to parry attention to his over N400 billion fraud allegations and an EFCC’s sword of Damocles hangs in the clouds over his head.
    It is amazing now that all his troops have fled, just like the general Sisera in the Bible.
    Are they going to be accommodated under the shadow of the Adamawa chieftain, too. Pity Atiku has no powers to stop a corruption trial or to free anyone. He may be a shelter but not a refuge for El Rufai and his minions. Even his followers are not coming back to the nation yet. They are crouching abroad with their loots?

  • Ajayi Crowther in the spotlight

    Ajayi Crowther in the spotlight

    It was a striking weekend: the celebration of the 160th anniversary of the consecration of Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther; the celebration, on June 29, of the 160th anniversary of the birth of Diocese on the Niger (Anglican Communion); and the announcement of release dates of a new novel by Biyi Bandele, about Crowther’s rise to celebrity, published posthumously. 

     The Bishop of Diocese on the Niger, Bishop Owen Chiedozie Nwokolo, noted that its anniversary celebration was unprecedented, and would henceforth be done yearly.  According to him, Diocese on the Niger “is the first diocese in Nigeria, and Crowther was our first bishop.” He said Crowther, “the first ever African bishop in the world… brought the gospel of Christ to this part of the world in 1857, and through his ministry we became a diocese”; and he was consecrated Bishop, Niger Territories on June 29, 1864.

    A life-size statue of Crowther, he said, would be unveiled by the Primate of the Church of Nigeria, adding, “It will be a significant landmark in Anambra State and in Onitsha.” He described Crowther as “the one that brought light here, that brought education, that brought development… there is no way we can put him aside.”

    It was in Osoogun, in present-day Iseyin Local Government Area, Oyo State, that his life began as well as the story of his life.  It was in his home town that Fulani slave raiders seized him in 1821. He was eventually sold to Portuguese slave traders at the age of 12. The young Ajayi of Yoruba ancestry was rescued by the British navy and taken to Freetown, Sierra Leone.

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    Crowther had described his enslavement as “the unhappy, but which I am now taught in other respects to call blessed day, which I shall never forget in my life.” In his progression to priestly prominence, he took an unlikely path carved by unlikely destiny helpers. For him, slavery turned out to be a springboard to celebrity.

    Crowther’s achievements were remarkable, considering his unremarkable beginnings. Following his conversion to Christianity and his baptism in 1825, he adopted the name of a prominent British clergyman of the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS). He studied in England and attended the Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, where he advanced his exceptional interest in languages, which became of immense use in evangelism.

    He made history when he was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church at a ceremony in England, in 1864.  In the same year, he was given a Doctorate of Divinity by the prestigious University of Oxford.

    His language skills produced the first Yoruba translation of the Bible, which was completed in the 1880s, and a Yoruba version of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer. These projects demonstrated how seriously he took his Christianity and his evangelism. He also produced primers for the Igbo language and the Nupe language.

    However, Bishop Nwokolo observed, “something went wrong.” White missionaries who did not like Crowther because he was black, ironically, accused him of “encouraging idolatry.”  “All his efforts, his work was played down,” he said, and for a long time after him no other black man was allowed to be bishop. He observed that the Church of Nigeria talked about Crowther, “but in written record, episcopally there is no record of the ministry of Crowther in the Church of Nigeria record.”

    In 2015, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, publicly expressed remorse for the sin against Crowther at a ‘thanksgiving and repentance service’ in England. Welby is the leader of the Church of England and the symbolic head of the worldwide Anglican Communion. His apology on behalf of the Anglican Church spoke volumes about Crowther’s place in history.

    Welby said: “We in the Church of England need to say sorry that someone was properly and rightly consecrated Bishop and then betrayed and let down and undermined. It was wrong.”  He also said in his sermon that Crowther, a victim of racism, had “evangelised so effectively,” and “led his missionary diocese brilliantly,” but “was in the end falsely accused and had to resign, not long before his death.”  Crowther died of a stroke in Lagos in 1891, which was possibly connected with his desolation. “We are sorry for his suffering at the hands of Anglicans in this country,” Welby said.

     There is no doubt about his extraordinary evangelistic role in the early years of Christianity in Nigeria.  Not for nothing is he regarded as the father of Anglicanism in Nigeria.  “Today, well over 70 million Christians in Nigeria are his spiritual heirs,” Welby said in tribute to his pioneering efforts.

    It is commendable that Bishop Nwokolo, who is Igbo, displayed objectivity by noting that Crowther deserved to be celebrated, and the celebration should not be affected by his Yoruba roots. He said: “Yes, he was a Yoruba man, but what he did for us cannot be counted. So, we are going to show the world that something happened here many years ago.”

    His life captured the imagination of Nigerian writer and filmmaker Biyi Bandele, who completed his novel Yorùbá Boy Running, which charts Crowther’s “miraculous journey” to prominence, just before he died in August 2022, aged 54.

    The novel is described as “a many-voiced, kaleidoscopic portrait of an extraordinary man,” According to the blurb, “From the heart-stopping drama of Àjàyí’s last day of freedom to the farcical intrigue of the Òsogùn court; from a meeting with Queen Victoria; to his consecration as the first African Bishop of the Anglican Church, his journey, like all great odysseys, circles back to where he began.”  The book has an introduction from Nobelist Wole Soyinka, who calls Bandele “a unique, all-responsive talent.” It will be released in the UK in July; and in the US in September.

    However, the great man’s home town, Osoogun, needs to be developed, and should be an important tourist site. Interestingly, the so-called Crowther monument site in the town was listed by the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) as one of the country’s 100 most important monuments during the centenary celebration of Nigeria’s amalgamation in 2014.  The site includes the spot he and other captives were kept tied to a giant tree before they were sold into slavery, and ruins of a place said to have been his home.

    The town continues to show signs of extreme neglect.  It is a place of history, and deserves to be given attention by the authorities. Ultimately, it is a dishonour to Crowther that Osoogun remains unreflective of his greatness.

  • Of Southern Governors’ Forum

    Of Southern Governors’ Forum

    After three years of inactivity, the Southern Governors Forum, SGF met last week in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital. Its highlight was the election of host governor, Dapo Abiodun as chairman of the forum with his Anambra State counterpart, Chukwuma Soludo as deputy.

    No communiqué was issued at the end. But, its new chairman was to explain that the meeting had consensus on a five-point agenda. These were in the areas of security, infrastructure, food security and agriculture, transportation and devolution of powers.

    Critical details of the agenda will entail socio-economic development of the southern zone under the aegis of the ‘Southern States Development Agenda’. Abiodun said the governors are in full support of state policing and that the zone is resolute in establishing a regional security outfit. They also want more powers for the exploitation and exploration of resources within their domain including Value Added Tax, VAT.

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    The governors are also keen in regional integration through infrastructure-a multi-modal transport infrastructure to connect the region by road, air, rail and water to ease movement. Some of these goals align substantially with the objectives of the first meeting of the Southern Governors’ Summit in 2000.

    Then, the forum had emerged to coordinate the fight for resource control especially, the fight against the onshore/offshore dichotomy. The frontiers of their initial campaign equally extended to devolution of powers, fiscal federalism and state police. But opposition from northern governors seemed to have put a wedge on the activities of the forum as the governors could not meet between 2005-2017.

    What appeared a renewed and more serious engagement of southern governors thereafter was the meeting in Asaba, Delta State in May 2021 during which far-reaching decisions were taken. Dubbed the Asaba Accord, the meeting which held in the wake of heightened insecurity across the country, came up with a 12-point agenda.

     These included, a resolution banning open grazing by cattle and movement of cattle by foot in southern Nigeria while urging the federal government to support willing states to develop alternative and modern livestock management systems.

    They also agreed that the progress of the nation required bold steps to restructure the Nigerian federation; devolution of powers leading to the evolution of state police. Review of revenue allocation formula in favour of the sub-national units and deepening of federalism were equally part of the agenda.

    The then president was urged to convoke a national conference as a matter of urgency, address the nation on the challenges of insecurity and restore the confidence of the people in government. The desideratum of fostering cooperation among southern states, commitment to the unity of Nigeria on the basis of justice, fairness, equity and peaceful co-existence were also prominently highlighted.

    Given the allure of the Asaba Accord, the governors had a follow-up meeting in Lagos in July, 2021, reaffirming their Asaba decisions with a timeline of September 1, 2021 for the promulgation of anti-open grazing law in all member states.

    The forum unanimously agreed that the presidency of Nigeria should be rotated between Southern and Northern Nigeria and that the next president of Nigeria should emerge from the southern region. They were apparently responding to the dynamics of the politics of the time given altercations over the region to produce the next president of the country.

    Perhaps, the resolution on power rotation to southern Nigeria in the last general elections was one crucial issue that exposed lack of unanimity of purpose and cooperation among forum members. Though the forum had fought for power shift to the south in line with the rotation principle, some of the governors openly worked against that principle when the chips were down.

    While former Delta State governor, Ifeanyi Okowa settled for the vice presidential slot in the Peoples Democratic Party that flouted the zoning principle, Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State bought presidential nomination forms for a northern candidate of his choice. This did not speak well of the forum. It led to suspicion and mistrust that nearly incapacitated the forum thereafter.

    The Abeokuta meeting is symbolic for retrieving the forum from the abyss into which it was headed on account of political differences and sabotage from forum members. It strikes as admission of the critical roles members can play polling ideas and resources together for the common good of their peoples. 

    But even with the sentiments expressed by Abiodun, extreme caution must be exercised to avoid the mistakes of the past. It is good a thing the governors have again raised hopes on southern cooperation and the economy of scale it entails.

    Their resolution to collectively get some of the contentious issues of our federal order addressed so that even development and the progress of the country can progress unhindered is in order. The road to achieving all this is not going to be smooth but the task is not entirely insurmountable.

    It requires immense sacrifice, trust, cooperation, honesty and hard work from southern governors to eliminate all obstacles that stultify efforts to give this country a pride of place within the comity of nations.

    But it is not just enough to come up with copious resolutions that are not worth more than the paper in which they were written. Much of the previous resolutions especially on southern cooperation and development have remained within the realm of resolutions as no practical measures appear to have been taken to bring them to fruition.

    The ban on open grazing and movement of cattle by foot in the southern region, though popular with the people in view of the insecurity that is associated with that endeavour, has not progressed in the required direction.

    Though governors of such states as Edo, Delta, Abia and Cross River among others have signed the anti-open grazing law, its enforcement has left much to be desired. Not only have some states shown curious reluctance to promulgate that law, open grazing including the movement of cattle by foot have been going on unhindered.

    It is not surprising that kidnapping for ransom and associated criminalities have festered even as the current food shortages resulting in high prices are in part, outcomes of the inability of farmers to cultivate due to insecure farm lands. 

    Perhaps, the inability of members of the forum to enforce the ban on open grazing and movement of cattle by foot is due to lack of capacity to police the zone. Though the Southwest and Southeast governors floated the Amotekun and Ebubeagu security outfits respectively, nothing is known of the response of the South-south to that challenge.

    Even then, whereas Amotekun has been operating credibly and accountable for their actions; Ebubeagu has remained largely amorphous, plagued by accusations of being behind some of the killings in the Southeast. Nobody seems to know how their members were recruited and trained.

     These are issues to contend with as the forum considers the establishment of a regional security outfit. The road to it is not going to be that smooth. It is also good a thing the forum seeks regional integration through transport infrastructure to connect the region by road, air rail and waterways. The economy of scale these will engender will boost development in the region.

    All these lofty ideas may come to naught in the face of the gravely lopsided federal structure and schedule of functions. Without devolution with greater powers assigned to the sub-national units, regional integration through infrastructure such that the forum envisages will be hard to achieve.

    But as the governors seek cooperation for the benefit of their constituents, those for whom these benefits are meant, must be made to key into the process. There is so much mistrust and ill-feelings among the peoples of southern Nigeria accentuated by the rhetoric of the last elections that the governors must work hard to diffuse.

    It will serve no useful purpose living in denial of it because the cooperation and bonding together of potential beneficiaries is a sine qua non for reasonable success. One key issue that will continue to divide the south which has to be decisively and realistically addressed is the rotation of the presidency of the country among the three zones of the south.

    Just as there is agreement for rotation between the north and the south, southern governors must work out the modality for effectuating this among the three zones of the south. With orderly rotation, the acrimony, ill-feelings and sabotage fuelled by domination and inequity will be obviated. The forum stands better for it.

  • The Visitors

    The Visitors

    Atiku Abubakar looks at himself in the mirror and sees a chess player.

     He may not be a certain politician who did so when he was governor and belted out a song of self-praise, to wit: “I am ugly but I am governor and the most powerful man in this state.” I spare the world his name and state.

     He, at least, exercised a sense of self-scrutiny and physical realism to chasten himself.

    Atiku lacks such self-deprecating humility.

    But he, of all days, chose a season of holy ferment to play a politics of visitation.

    As philosopher David Hume noted: “The corruption of the best produces the worst.”

    One can muse on visits and their imports.

    We know of arrivals of pesky in-laws and cold handshakes and placid smiles.

     The famous movie, Look who’s coming for Dinner with Sidney Poitier reverses that sentiment.

    The visit of coup plotters, like Buhari had when he was head of state.

     A handshake of grudges like the one between Yasser Arafat and Ehud Barak that betokened blood and death. Between Hitler and Neville Chamberlain, after which Hitler mocked: “Our enemies are tiny little worms. I saw them the other day at Munich.” Or the bearhug of Russian diplomat Andrei Gromyko in the embers of the Cold War. Richard Nixon rebuffed Brezhnev’s hugs. He preferred handshakes. Or the handshake between Tinubu and Atiku during the 2023 election campaign at a chance meeting where both had few words to exchange.

    Tinubu turned it into a fashion moment adjusting something on his rivals. Sometimes visits are sneaky, like Odysseus, who returned from the Trojan War to see a flock of men trying to take his wife, Penelope.  Atiku was not the only visitor.  Nasir El-Rufai also came calling, a few days before he decided to go to court to challenge an avalanche of corruption charges. But beware of visits under the cover of God. We had the visits of the three wise men at the birth of Christ, and it is still a liturgical controversy today whether they are of God or of the enemy.

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     In his famous poem, T.S. Eliot calls it a “hard journey” in his Journey of the Magi. So, what are we to make of that visit. Shehu Sani put it in context. He described it as a “façade” and “surreptitiously a new attempt to build a strong northern alliance using ex-President Buhari as a rallying point to challenge and evict President Tinubu’s government in 2027.”

    He did not end his note without a prophecy. He said the “project will eventually kiss the dust.”

    He says they want to exploit Buhari’s folksy charm in the north and rally his mass following. Hence, I say the man has no sense of a real chess player.

     He wanted to play on the optics of a handshake to cast himself as a provocateur of the talakawa. He has invoked, without knowing it, a story of tribal prejudice during the 2023 election campaign.

    He stirred up the “our own is our own” mantra after he told the Arewa Council that the north should vote for their son. He forgets two things. One, that he cannot re-evoke the PDP primary strategy where he turned the north into a political horse trading. He took over Tambuwal’s vote and entrenched himself as the northern candidate. Two, his visit to Buhari reignites the allegation that the former president’s cabal were working for Atiku. That fueled the Nasir El Rufai’s rhetoric to confirm Tinubu’s camp’s charge that some elements in Buhari government wanted to sabotage his party’s candidacy. Does this visit not whip up that charge? Buhari will have, of course, to prove again that he is a party man, not an ethnic man. In the last polls, he had to brandish his voter’s card just to advertise his loyalty. Of course, Buhari will be forced to do same this time if the Atiku men want to play up the ethnic card. Atiku only remembers the north when he wants their vote. The point has ben made over and over as to what he has done to help the north as a big man of influence and wealth. His Adamawa State is one of the worst in development indices. The north has never done well. Atiku cohabits with southern elite where he makes wealth all the time except when he wants power. He is the most cynical politician of this generation. The second, of course, is El Rufai, who exposed Atiku’s ethno-regional chicaneries last year but he is in bed with him today. In the north, according to all researches including that of Redline and Oxford, most of the states have over 50 percent of citizens living below poverty line. In the northwest, in the last eight years, between 35 and 40 percent and in some states between 50 and 75 percent of its citizens were living below poverty line. These surveys covered between 2014 and 2023. Where was Atiku if not ensconced in his Dubai luxury rampart? For El Rufai, his Kaduna was 55 percent below poverty level when he could have done better with over N400 billion no one can account for. Yet, the Tinubu administration has appointed ministers in the north in the most critical part of their needs. Vice President Kashim Shettima made this assertion in the presence of Chief of Staff Femi Gbajabiamila. Vice President Shettima asserted that for insecurity, President Tinubu appointed two defence ministers from the north, Abubabakar Badaru and Bello Matawalle, Chief of defence staff Gen. Christopher Musa. But there is more. Few have heard of the Paluka initiative, a non-kinetic programme, amounting to hundreds of billions of naira, that focuses on pursuing development in a suite of states like Kano, Kebbi, Jigawa, Bauchi, Sokoto, etc. It is to be pursued by ministers of health, defence, economic planning, housing, agriculture. The ministers of health and agriculture are also from the north. These ministers have done little to serve as the story tellers of their mandates, and should have been the ones to tackle Atiku in his megalomaniac visitations. For instance, why has the agricultural minister not shown how the federal government has devoted about N300 billion so far in that sector in the area of largescale farming, fertilisers, etc.? With his appeal to northern sentiments, Atiku forgets that a narrative of such nature projects the north in what French thinker Michel Foucault sees as prefabricated identities, a people without dynamic or conscience to be corralled at will towards unthinking loyalty.  Writers and thinkers like Zadie Smith and Charles Taylor have mused over how such identities can endanger and problematize civilization. The last election exposed the futility of such automatic fanaticism as the north had hefty votes for the APC candidate. As Shehu Sani asserts, Atiku wants to privilege prejudice over national cohesion.

    He is the most dangerous politician in the country, followed by Peter Obi.

    The Atiku visit reminds one of Friedrich Durrenmatt, one of Europe’s best playwrights’ masterpiece, The Visit,  in which a native and now wealthy lady returns to her town and turns the whole community upside down. Atiku may want to read that play, if he reads.

  • Food master of West

    Food master of West

    The BOS of Lagos made news last week over his 59th birthday, and his picture embossed social media and newspapers. In one, he was surrounded by his family and kids he once described as his bodyguards. A clap for him. But the news that seems to have slipped under the radar was his new assignment: as the food master of the west.
    In a recent meeting of southwest governors, they focused on the food crisis, and charged him to coordinate efforts to make the region flush with food again.
    He will coordinate the agricultural commissioners in the states and lead in mass production. His governor colleagues picked him because of his own showing in the provision of food in Lagos State. Like the subsidized weekly markets and food kicthens, et al.

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    But the west has only recently had to contend with such scarcity because of dependency outside, fueling inflation. It is part of the president’s meeting with governors to start a food drive across the country. The West has always had farms and food, and the BOS of Lagos may invoke the songs we sang in my school, Methodist Primary School, Ibadan. “Iwe kiko lai si Oko ati ada/ koi pe o koi pe o/Ise agbe nise ilewa/ eni ko s’ise a ma jale.” Education without a hoe or a machete/ it’s not complete/ it’s not complete/ Farming is the work of our land/ whoever does not work will end up a thief.” Whether it is pepper, or rice or tomato, or onion, or bleating goats and groaning cows, or the slew of vegetables, they are doable, not only in the Southwest but across the country. In my school days, I accompanied my grandmother Iyaruvie in miles of treks to the farm where everything from pepper to cassava to yams were blooming. We had a huge yam barn in our compound. Governor Sanwo-Olu is upping the ante in the Imota Rice Mills, and that is a model for the rest of the region. As Lagos continues to be a state of example, so should the West be and the rest of the country. With the farms thriving, harvests will overwhelm and subdue food inflation.

  • …And El-Rufai goes to court

    …And El-Rufai goes to court

    It is interesting that former Kaduna State governor, Nasir EL Rufai, has decided to go to court and he is seeking N1billion for damages. It is good that he has responded to In Touch call for him to break his silence. But rather than account for his alleged infractions, he is giving it to the lawyers. That is not characteristically Nasir, who does not give the glory of his story to others. We are still waiting for him to talk, with typical Nasir bluster.  Silence is out of character, especially when his character is at stake. Again,

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    what of all the others accused who have fled the country? Is he a general without a foot soldier, not even his friend Jimmy Lawal? Why are they fleeing their master? The matter is still on the boil. The EFCC is on the matter. Is the court case a calculation to thwart an official inquiry and possible prosecution? Is it a court case to stop a court case?

  • Use and abuse of power

    Use and abuse of power

    Three governors bear the spotlight in this season of rebellion. The first is the governor of Kano, Abba Kabir Yusuf. This man In Touch calls the demolition governor. Many across the country are emoting, Haba Governor, conflating his middle name with exclamations of horror.

    The other, Sim Fubara. His shortened first name evokes communication but has acted as though his network has lost touch with our democratic fibre of being. Some are wondering whether the man is tempting a Rivers of blood.

    The third governor is Uba Sani, who has turned into a fighter of accountability. His tongue is mute, his mien unfazed, but the people, on the streets and in the fiery chambers of Labour unions, are pelting charges at his predecessor, not him.

    The three men present a lesson in the use and abuse of power. As for Abba or Haba Yusuf, he was elected into office but he has performed his task like a man who captured power. Slim, close to gaunt, he does not readily invoke the image of a bulldozer. But nothing in his public image casts him otherwise.

    His first fear was that he could be “court-martialed” out of power after the ruling of the Court of Appeal. He had bulldozed not a few houses. But he did not deploy his signature demolition squad as yet. He was waiting for the supreme verdict on his legitimacy. Once that was in the bag and the talakawa applauded in street chorus, boys kicking dust bowls of ecstasy humidified with tears of joy, the path was set for the great anarchy.

    He removed Ado Bayero and installed Sanusi. Sanusi exulted over his being exalted. But his was a sort of Pyrrhic victory. Haba Yusuf saw it as a leveler of Ganduje, not an elevation for Sanusi. Now, he had all the powers. Governors often do in this dispensation. Russian best short story writer and playwright, Anton Chekhov wrote in his play, The Cherry Orchard, that a giant should not use his power like a giant. That is when absolute power corrupts.

    He could have removed Sanusi, as I noted in my last offering in this matter, by following the rule of law. What Haba Yusuf has not done is follow the process with patience and rigour. The giant is so in a rush to fell the goat that he stumbles head first before his quarry. He acted like a child who tumbles out of the mother’s lap for scrambling to grab the feeding bottle or who splashes half the milk in the feeding bottle because he is not patient to trap it between his lips.

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    The governor could have quietly nudged his rubberstamp legislature to go through the process of dissolving a law, and gone through the local government requirements before passing the law. He could have followed the court process like an obedient servant. He did not. Now, the courts are playing akwete with him. It is not enough for his commissioner to interpret the federal court verdict about whether it affirms Bayero on the throne. It is not necessary for him to demolish a palace, or for him to order the police. That is what we see with a baby in power. If, in the end, all his efforts are quashed by the courts, and Bayero reinstalled, it may be a reprieve. The governor may restart the process and have the last laugh. He may, by then, have exhausted taxpayer’s money, legislative calories and time for more worthy ventures, all to settle an old score. Meanwhile, the battle of the royals festers, a civil war of thrones, games of wiles and guiles. Rather than govern on the streets, he is warring in the courts.

    As for Mister SIM, Rivers State is a little different. Fubara was Wike’s boy wonder for his people. The man was not heard and hardly seen when he was on the cusp of power. He was at first on the run from EFCC even though he was running for office. Abraham Lincoln has been quoted without evidence as the author of the quote that if you want to test a man’s true character, give him power. That does not obviate the immortal virtue of those lines. That virtue is lacking in Fubara. He took on power, and he bruised it. As a governor of Rivers State, he has powers that many other governors eye only with envy. He has resources. He has party loyalists. He has stability of tenure. What he lacks is a stability of temperament. Too many goods for his own good.

    Yet, he has thrashed about like a bull in a China shop. He has pulled down a building, passed a budget without authority, anointed a four-man legislature, corralled the house inside the state house, run many court errands without guile, made many juvenile quotes. This is a man who could have followed the legal process with finesse while winning his battles. But he has destroyed the China and hopes for bumper sales. He is making a bazaar without wares.

    The latest is the battle of local governments. He did not need to shout that he was going to probe them. Why not leave that to those whose offices would do it and await the result and appear as though you were just obliging a routine? Why not wait another six months and allow the local government chairmen under the new legislative era to satisfy its time. Six months is no millennia. Its eternity will wear out, and he could set about his own men to take over. He has the power but he does not have the patience. A juvenile in an adult task. He is dazed by flattery, girded by hangers-on, serenaded by court jesters, anointed by pseudo elders. A teardrop for him.

    These two men should learn from their Kaduna counterpart. When he was sworn in, he did not complain about his purse string. Rather, he set out uniting a fractured state, seeking ways to pay bills and begin projects. But there was so much he could accomplish with a lean, or evaporated purse. He did not go out to sling a shot at his mouthy predecessor and friend. When labour wanted to duel him, he said he was not a man of violence. This is an irony for a man who is a past master of battles in the trenches as a civil rights, democracy, rule of law activist. He clearly understands the current and pulse of governance.

    He has not bulldozed like Haba, nor upset the apple cart like Sim. He merely presented the matter to what Thomas Jefferson described as “the tribunal of the world.” The house took it up, but he said nothing. Elders have ululated, but he did not stir. Newspapers and televisions houses have irked and ached, but his mien remained the same. He has not gone to court, but the EFCC is on the matter. He did not take the matter to the House, but the house took it up on its own. He did not run to the media, but it is on their menu.

     No one can accuse Governor Sani of insolence. He has insulted no one. No one can accuse him of impunity. He has not violated any law or seems to. Protests convulsed the streets last week over El Rufai’s men showing a bravado of guilt during Sallah. Rather than go sober, they were mouthing the unprintable. Yet, no quote from the man in the saddle. He has employed his powers with finesse and dignity, what the French call savoir faire. Even his friend El Rufai will find nothing to tar Governor Sani, who has not said anything about his predecessor and fellow traveler in the past. He has fired a salvo without a string.

    It tells of how we need to reflect on how we recruit leaders in this country. Fubara and Yusuf are examples of how not to use power.

  • Heroes on famished roads

    Heroes on famished roads

    “This war changes us as we remain the same,” is a poignant line from two-time Booker Prize finalist Chigozie Obioma’s new and third novel, The Road to the Country. It is haunting narrative of Nigeria’s civil war. Reading through it reminds one of a line from the Vietnamese American novelist and author of the Sympathiser, Viet Thanh Nguyen. He wrote, “All wars are fought twice. The first time on the battlefield, the second time in memory.” That line haunted me as Obioma’s novel closes. As the war ends, federal troops force Igbo to chant “One Nigeria.” In his wake, an old woman, in the midst of a broken country of rotten corpses and about a million dead, is defiant. She yells “hail Biafra,” several times. She does not say it to the faces of still belligerent federal soldiers.

    While it is compelling to ask the IPOB folks and their closet sympathisers to read Obioma’s tale about the mangled flesh, deaths and devastation of the 30-month inferno in Biafra, that old woman evinces the death wish in the human soul. History repeats itself, and that is the tragedy. If a person who just witnessed carnage is unbowed, how do you evangelise peace to their children and grandchildren who are eying the nozzle and smoke of the battlefield?

    Perhaps that is the cautionary tale of Obioma’s absorbing offering. Biafra started with fury but not fire.  How do you pursue your own justice without arms? Adichie raised that question in her Half of a Yellow Sun, and yours truly in my own novel, My Name is Okoro.

    But The Road to the Country is the first major story about the battlefield, the soldiers, their interstices of fear and mortar fire, the ducks and raids, the ogre and pathos, even the romance that subdues a voracious war as a devourer of men, women and children.

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    The story starts with guilt, and we follow Kunle, half Yoruba, half Igbo, who goes into Biafra in search of his brother Tunde, on wheelchair because he sent him out of the house many years before the war to follow a ball he kicked to the streets. There Tunde is hit by a car. Kunle wants a happy doing with Nkechi. That never happens, but it is the beginning of Tunde’s handicap and Nkechi’s shift of affection to Tunde.

    The guilt takes Kunle to Biafra. He does not see Tunde before he sees battle and he becomes a Biafran captain. His romance with another Biafran soldier Agnes is haunting. But in all, it is a story of a people who cannot rely on faith alone. It is a tale of ungunned gallantry that leads to an epic collapse and rump of a cause. Biafra fights with unfunded heroics and ill-equipped audacity. They turn ogre into romance and romance into nightmare. We see its moral contradiction, as in when many die of kwashiorkor but Colonel Ojukwu, in his plenty, sends choice drinks to a mercenary officer who would balk in the end.

    Written from the Biafran perspective, it reminds one of Eric Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front about the First World War. Obioma’s style alternates between gore and empathy, daring into mangled flesh in a mangled land, a tale Nigerians need to read to understand how war can make heroes on famished roads.

  • IGP’s grouse about constables’ recruitment

    IGP’s grouse about constables’ recruitment

    Despite last years’ ruling by the Supreme Court affirming the powers of the Police Service Commission, PSC, over the recruitment of police constables for the Nigerian Police Force, NPF, the acrimony between the two institutions is not about to peter out soon.

    Nothing bears this out more eloquently than the reaction of the Inspector General of Police, IGP, Olukayode Egbetokun to the list of successful 10,000 police constables just made public by the PSC.  The PSC had in a statement on July 4 said it received the report of the Police Recruitment Board in which 9,000 candidates were approved for recruitment for general duty with 1,000 candidates recruited for the specialist cadre.

     The PSC also clarified that it ensured justice and fairness in the recruitment exercise by working with guidance from relevant stakeholders, including the NPF, the National Assembly and the Federal Character Commission. This it said, “ensured equity in the spread of successful candidates across the 774 local government areas of the country”.

    It also went at length to show all the processes leading to the conduct of the Computer Based Test by the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board JAMB, interviews, medical screening and conclusion of the exercise, apparently to underscore the integrity and credibility of the exercise.

    But all these did not seem to impress the NPF. The IGP in a statement by the Force Public Relations Officer, Olumuyiwa Adejobi was quick to launch a damning attack on the recruitment process. He bandied several damaging allegations against the processes leading to the recruitment of successful police constables in the 2022/23 exercise.

    Specifically, the NPF alleged that several names of persons purported to be names of successful candidates are those who did not even apply and therefore did not take part in the recruitment exercise. The list is also said to contain names of candidates who failed either the Computer Based Test or the physical screening and worse still, those disqualified after being found medically unfit.

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    That is not all. “Most worrisome is the allegation of financial dealings and corrupt practices leading to the outcome where unqualified and untrainable individuals have been shortlisted”, the IGP further alleged. The IGP clarified that he wrote to the chairman of the PSC citing these irregularities not because he is not aware of the powers of the PSC on such matters, but because he takes the final blame for the performance of these recruits.

    These are very serious and weighty allegations that impugn the credibility and integrity of the recruitment exercise if proven to be true. The PSC was not quick in responding to the grave allegations by the IGP. Its response came days after the Joint Union Congress of the PSC entered the fray calling on President Tinubu to relieve the IGP of his job for allegedly giving out misleading information capable of causing chaos.

    The union described the allegations of fraud and other unwholesome practices against the PSC and the staff as unfounded, spurious and most irresponsible especially given the very way they were thrown into the public space. They claimed that contrary to the allegations, some elements within the police force attempted to smuggle in over 1,000 names into the recruitment list but failed.

    They shared the same positions with the PSC which in its reaction to the allegations by the IGP, reaffirmed the integrity of the recruitment exercise with a call for President Tinubu’s intervention and resolution of the matter. The IGP was challenged to prove his allegations.

    The starting point for this proof is for the list of successful candidates and that of the police to be subjected to forensic audit using the Computer Based Test results conducted by the Joint Admissions and Matriculations Board JAMB, the PSC demanded.

    So, we are left with allegations qua allegations which seemingly render the matter complex. But we are not entirely helpless.

    The CBT result is supposed to come before physical examination and medical test. If that is the case, while the CBT result will be handy is authenticating all those that duly passed the exams, it is of little value in providing reliable information on the physical and medical eligibility of the candidates.

    There is the third dimension which deals with the broader issues of corruption and financial dealings leading to outcomes where unqualified and untrainable individuals were shortlisted. The latter may be hard to prove but cannot be ruled out given the pervasiveness of the malfeasance in public offices.

    Allegations that individuals who neither applied nor took part in the recruitment exercise made the list of successful candidates are provable and the IGP has to show evidence of them. The same applies to those who failed the CBT, physical screening and medical tests but got appointed. The issue has gotten to the public domain. No attempt should be made to sweep them under the carpet.

    One is not inclined to believe that the NPF could bandy these claims if they do not have the facts correct. That would amount to a serious indictment on that key institution. The credibility of the IGP is at stake. And the only way out is for President Tinubu to order serious investigations into the issues in contention.

    It is important to get at the root of the embarrassing allegations bandied by both agencies of the government because of their larger repercussions on the image of the police force. Ours is a police force that is embroiled in serious credibility and image deficits.

    A few years ago, public mistrust against the police had snowballed into riots of serious magnitude leading to destruction of lives and property. At the end of the riots tagged #EndSARS, the police authorities went back to the drawing board.

    They set out to address the plethora of challenges that plagued that institution, improve its overall image and align its men and officers to the demands of the contemporary environment. The altercation between the IGP and the PSC are sad reminders to that image of the police Nigerians abhor.

    There is the temptation to blame the IGP for not coming to terms with the reality of the Supreme Court ruling and the constitutional provision on recruitment into the police force. That may not be completely ruled out. But that should neither whittle down nor blur the larger issues in respect of unwholesome practices in the recent recruitment of police constables.

    Yes, such recruitments are within the purview of the PSC. But those recruited will work with and be supervised by the IGP. That should presuppose that he should have a role to play in the process irrespective of what the laws say.

    It is possible for the PSC to counter this on the ground that the police institution was fully represented in the recruitment board. That could pass on face value. But it is not all there is to it. There is the need for confidence-building and synergy between the office of the IGP and the PSC. Rigidity to rules or lack of consultation with the IGP directly will prove unhelpful in the circumstance.

    There is insinuation in the reaction of the PSC that the IGP is dragging feet on the commencement of the training of the constables. This could be dangerous. But it is the type of relationship you get in situations where agencies whose jobs are coordinate find themselves embroiled in power play supremacy. The police institution is worse for such stained relationships.

    Perhaps, we may need to go beyond the offices of the IGP and the PSC to locate possible sources of the alleged discrepancies in the list released by the commission. The PSC claimed it worked with the guidelines from stakeholders including the National Assembly and the Federal Character commission.

    One can understand the role of the Federal Character Commission in this assignment but not that of the National Assembly. There is need for clarification on the specific roles played by our lawmakers in this recruitment process. Or was the process politicised as members strove to ensure their constituencies are fully represented?

    Only a high powered investigation can unveil the real source of the allegations by the IGP. But we must save the police institution from undue influences capable of impairing its efficiency.