Category: Monday

  • Wigwe and our bank of tears

    Wigwe and our bank of tears

    Those who picked Las Vegas for the Super Bowl thought they were deciding a sports fiesta for Americans, but they were crafting a date for a tragedy for a family and mourning of Nigerians. Herbert Wigwe, who I met only once – ironically at a sports event – at the Lagos Marathon years ago, was only expecting euphoria in the city of gambles. But fate had a cruel plot. The man with wife and son died in an echo of another familiar American tragedy when basketball genius and court impresario Kobe Brant crashed with

    Read Also: JUST IN: Uzodimma expresses shock over Wigwe, Ogunbanjo’s deaths

    his own daughter. Death should stop this twist. Maybe if they chose New Orleans or some other place, the chopper may not meet headwinds and feisty rains, and his visit to America’s greatest day of sports would be a non-event. It is the non-event we seek, of family hugs and laughs and dinner. That is a good boring. Not the grim reaper’s excitement of a crash and a headline.

  • How now, Amotekun?

    How now, Amotekun?

    What is it with Amotekun? Are the bandits demystifying the beast of the west. The cat with a brutal snarl? Is it losing the poetic foreboding of its hide? Bandits swooped  on a bus last Sunday and ferreted away   passengers and gunned down the driver. For cynical mercy, they  spared a  little girl. It rankles my faith in

    Read Also: Ondo Amotekun moves to rescue kidnapped passengers in Kogi

    corps of formidable defenders. Are they understaffed now, or not mobilized enough? The worst thing that can happen to a force like that is lose its voltage of fear on the enemy. That must not happen.

  • Hunters or criminals in disguise?

    Hunters or criminals in disguise?

    A number of events last week, appear to have unearthed a new dimension to the escalating insecurity in the country. They have to do with the challenge of truckloads of people who claim to be hunters but whose manner of entry into some communities in south has continued to raise serious apprehension.

    This is by no means, the first time trailer loads of people with no clearly defined mission would be intercepted in parts of the south. In such recorded suspicious situations, those arrested were profiled with the innocent ones allowed to go. But some others who had suspicious motives were made to face further interrogation.

    Ironically, the same trend is re-enacting, albeit in a very dangerous manner. Nothing bears this more eloquently than the arrest of 149 suspected criminals posing as hunters by the Ondo State Security Network Agency (Amotekun).  The suspects who were inside trucks from very far parts of the country were arrested in three local governments of the state. At the time of their arrest, they claimed to be hunters even as they were found with different weapons concealed inside their luggage kept in the trucks.

     State commander of Amotekun, Adetunji Adeleye said a majority of those people who claimed to be hunters were arrested around the black spots in the local governments with rampant robbery and kidnapping incidents. 

    Before the Ondo incident, a social crusader, Chinonso Uba (Nonso Nkwa) had in a widely circulated video, raised alarm that a truck from the north was suspiciously dropping off some people at the fringes of one local government area within the Imo State capital territory, Owerri.

     He was miffed by the mission of those people as each was accompanied by a dog. He wondered what the mission of the people was in a state that does not boost of serious forests and has no reputation for hunting.

    Uba’s suspicion was further raised by the fact that the strangers and their dogs were dropped off by the truck at a shanty where some northerners’ warehouse condemned iron; wondering the type of hunting expedition they are into without any knowledge of the forests in the state.

    Not long after Uba’s alert, an independently circulated video showing a group of people with their dogs being profiled by the security agencies began to circulate in the social media space.

    Given the similarities the trending video bore with Uba’s account, the impression was created that it was the Imo scene he complained about.  But credible information indicated that it was a different but closely related situation altogether.

    It was an earlier arrest and profiling of people who arrived Delta State in a similar suspicious fashion but with assorted weapons ostensibly for the same hunting expedition. Available snapshots from the Delta State police command indicated that they were profiled, found to be genuine hunters and set free.

    That may as well be. But the Delta police command’s clearance left many searing questions unanswered. Their hurried clearance cannot really bring a closure to the puzzles raised by the manner of arrival of the suspects, the weapons found in their possession and the type of hunting they are into.

    The clearance was too simplistic and hasty when all the facts of the matter are considered. Not with the increasing multi-dimensional insecurity and the cover of the forests in complicating the situation. Not with the increasing inability of the security agencies to smoke out the rampaging criminals taking advantage of the bushes and forests to levy war on the rest of us.

    About last December, a welder very familiar with this writer had informed him that while working at a site somewhere in the outskirts of Owerri, he saw about 30 strange men of all sizes with local dogs of all descriptions combing the forests. Since he had lived in the north and speaks the Hausa language very fluently, he asked them in Hausa, my friends are these dogs for sale? They ignored him but one of them turned back, looked at him without uttering a word.

    When Uba came up with the alert in one of the popular radio stations in Owerri, the same man told me that ‘Nonso Nkwa’ has come public with that story he told me earlier. But since Uba’s account happened on February 1, it is clear that the so-called hunting has been going on without anybody raising an eyebrow.

    That is the dilemma some states in the south are currently entangled in. There are obvious questions to be resolved by this emerging brand of hunting. If the authorities in Delta did not address the pertinent questions thrown up by hunting narrative and had to release the suspects in that manner, that should be their kettle of fish. The good thing is that questions are now being raised in Ondo and Imo on the criminal motive of the touted hunters.

    There are issues with where the supposed hunters were coming from, their number and mode of arrival. There should be explanations for the weapons they carry and what manner of hunting they intend doing; the timeframe of that activity. We also needed to know how they got information about those forests before setting out for the long journey. And many more!

    And as Adeleye queried, if they are genuine hunters why not come open? Why hide the weapons they ferried from far-flung parts of the country to Ondo? And why would they have to come from the northern parts of the country or outside our shores to hunt in an Ondo village forest they have no knowledge of?

    There is also the propriety of not reporting either to the security agencies or the traditional rulers in whose domain the forests are domiciled. You just cannot invade someone’s backyard ostensibly for hunting without seeking permission. There is everything wrong with that. 

    If they were genuine hunters, they should have made consultations to know the limits of their endeavour. Certain forest reserves require permits and registration before entry. None of these conditions were met by the supposed hunters. Yet, they had the temerity to invade forests and bushes in cultures alien to them.

    It is not just about the right and freedom of movement. Neither is it about the right of any Nigerian to choose where to live and do business. Such rights have their limits. They stop where those of the owners of the forests begin.

    These forests and bushes belong to people and communities. You cannot possibly invade them without permission or consultation with the locals. Even then, the touted hunters may not even be Nigerians to speak of rights and freedom to do business anywhere.

    Read Also: How police, hunters, Amotekun rescued five pupils, teachers, kidnapped in Ekiti

    As in the case of the herdsmen, we have since been told that many of the criminal elements amongst them are foreigners. That they speak a language common to most people in the north and shared by Nigerian neighbours does not make them citizens. Nobody is there to profile this dimension. And that is the danger.

    What will the scenario look like if truckloads of southerners with arms and ammunitions are ferried and dumped in Sokoto or Yobe states ostensibly on a hunting expedition at these uncertain times? And are there no longer restrictions on arms and ammunition bearing by unauthorized persons?

    There is little doubt that the emerging development is a potent danger to lives and properties. It is a possible recruiting ground for the banditry and kidnapping that has left a greater chunk of this country at the mercy of all manner of criminals. It is surprising the authorities are treating this dimension with kid gloves even in the face of their helplessness in maintaining law and order.

    The Ondo State Amotekun commander said they have strong reasons to believe that the touted hunters are the people who turn to kidnappers and armed robbers at night especially at the bad portions of the roads. He is not far from the truth. The arrest of most of the suspects at the bad spots within the local governments of the state gives further credence to this.

    It is a matter of grave concern that the security agencies are not according priority attention to this possible dimension to the festering insecurity. That could be part of the reasons insecurity is defying solution. How the so-called hunters travelled from the far north with arms and ammunitions undetected at the litany of checkpoints remains a puzzle.

    Amotekun deserves commendation. Chinonso Uba also needs to be commended for his courage in alerting the citizenry on possible threats to lives and properties. It is incumbent on state governments working with the traditional rulers to ensure that communities monitor events in the bushes and forests around them. With events from some other parts of the country, it strikes as a mortal risk to allow forests in the south to be occupied by a band of invaders under questionable hue. This brand of hunting must stop.

  • Materialism and Methodist Church Nigeria

    Materialism and Methodist Church Nigeria

    A materialistic church is a contradiction in terms because a church is expected to be non-materialistic. “The love of money is the root of all evil,” says the Bible.  Reports of money-driven deeds by the Methodist Church Nigeria (MCN) concerning the Methodist Boys’ High School (MBHS), Lagos, are a cause for concern.

    Interestingly, following viral reports that the MCN had, on January 29, employed thugs to enforce its moves to build extraneous structures on the school grounds at Sinari Daranijo Street, Victoria Island, Lagos, The Rt. Rev. Dr Babatunde Abiodun Taiwo, Secretary of Conference and Secretary, Incorporated Trustees of Methodist Church Nigeria, issued a “Pastoral Letter” on February 8, addressed to “The People called Methodists.”  The defensive statement defined the position of the MCN on the controversy. But ironically, it also exposed the underbelly of the defenders. 

    In the communication titled “The facts concerning Methodist Boys’ High School Lagos,” the MCN said the MBHS Lagos Old Boys’ National Association had “alleged untruthfully that the Church brought thugs onto a land that it owns and is in possession of.”

    The MCN also said: “On account of the false witness against the Church by certain gentlemen, (said to be speaking for the Old Boys Association of MBHS), gaining currency in the public space, and tarnishing the image of the body of Christ, the Incorporated Trustees of Methodist Church Nigeria met at an Emergency Meeting on February 3,2024, to re-examine and assure itself of the true state of affairs concerning the ownership and use of Methodist Boys’ High School, Lagos to ensure the public does not get drawn by untruths, reaffirm the dignity and uprightness of the Church, and assist the traducers of the Church to know the truth, and repent of their errors.”

    In its effort to present the truth, the MCN shot itself in the foot.  The statement said: “In accordance with its Constitution, upon resolution of Conference, and in order to leverage some of its assets Conference wide, it was resolved inter alia to build a befitting block of flats in an idle and dead part of the land – using income therefrom in enhancing and upgrading Methodist Boys’ High School, Lagos; two new planned schools and other needs of the Church.”

    This is the crux of the problem. The MBHS Lagos Old Boys’ National Association is opposed to the use of any part of the school grounds for non-educational purposes. In a previous communication to the MCN, it had described the school as “bereft of infrastructure.”  For instance, an old boy complained: “No hostel for the students. Excess classrooms, in view of low student population, are currently in use as dormitories.”

     The MCN, which boasts about its ownership of the school, should be embarrassed that it is poorly developed. Developing the school should not be tied to using its land to raise money for development purposes. This is counter-productive. Where will such land exploitation stop?

    MCN’s ownership of the school should not mean it has an unchallengeable right to use the school grounds for non-educational purposes, shrinking the space available for the school’s development.  

    It is curious that the MCN described part of the land as “idle and dead,” in order to justify its materialistic move to build luxury flats in the space. The part about using the income to develop the school, among others, sounds like seeking justification for an unjustifiable plan. If the MCN succeeds, this would set an undesirable precedent, allowing it to resort to the use of school grounds for money-oriented schemes.

    It is puzzling that political and education authorities in the state apparently endorsed the MCN’s intention to convert part of the school grounds to a non-educational cash cow. According to the MCN, “application was made by an organ of the Church for (a) change of use of a small portion of the land for the block of flats, (b) proper carve out of the land for that purpose, and (c) building permit for the said block of flats and all were granted, consented to and registered, by the relevant agencies of Lagos State Government, after payment of requisite fees.”

    Why did the relevant state agencies allow the change?  Would the MCN have taken such actions concerning land not located in such an upscale area?

    Read Also: Surplus coming soon, Methodist Church assures

    The battle to preserve the pristine purpose of the school grounds began in 2012 when the then leadership of the MBHS Lagos Old Boys’ National Association met with the then Prelate of the MCN, Dr Sunday Ola Makinde, to resolve the issue.   According to the minutes of the meeting, it was “not conclusive as the issues that were critical to the meeting were not discussed and no disclosure was made of what Methodist Church Nigeria has in mind on part of MBHS LAGOS land.”

    After Makinde’s tenure, his successor, Dr Samuel Chukwuemeka Kanu Uche, who was in office from 2013 to 2022, did not resolve the issue. From all indications, the current Prelate, Dr Oliver Ali Abah, who was elected into office in 2022, is sticking to the controversial plan. 

    The MBHS Lagos Old Boys’ National Association has announced that it is going to court to stop the MCN from pursuing the commercial building project on the school grounds. It remains to be seen what will happen in court.

    Founded in 1878 by the Methodist community, the Methodist Boys’ High School, Lagos, was the second secondary school established in Nigeria. It started on Broad Street, Lagos, its site for over 100 years, before moving to its current location on Victoria Island. Its planned relocation to a 60-hectare parcel of land in Ojoo, Lagos – Badagry Road, allocated to the school by the Lagos State government, did not happen because the government took the land back for the establishment of Lagos State University.

    To partially compensate the school for the reclaimed land, the state government, in 1983, gave it a new 5.7-acre parcel of land located at Victoria Island, Lagos. That is the root of the ongoing conflict between the MBHS Lagos Old Boys’ National Association and the MCN, which seeks to opportunistically and materialistically repurpose part of the school grounds. 

  • Gazelle versus Naija

    Gazelle versus Naija

    This has nothing to do with the slugfest in Ivory Coast, where Nigeria’s Super Eagles seem airborne. With the exploits of gangling Osimhen and the dribbling wizardry of diminutive Simon, we can only hope that the sing-song endures. The team that started like a stutter seems to be hitting its stride like an elocution. Soccer duels tempt miracles and disasters simultaneously. A team headed for victory may moan at the last whistle, like Cape Verde. Victory and survival sometimes are the same thing. As a famous American football coach, Vince Lombardi, once crooned, “Winning is everything.”

    We hope for the same as we face the headwinds of the economy. The gazelle is a beauty and beast. When it races, its footwork dazes the eye. Its speed meshes with grace, especially when a predator lurks. In Nigeria today, the predator are elites hemorrhaging the naira.  The gazelle symbolizes a race to save the naira against our collective suicide as a people. So, this essay is not about the lithe antelope with a fawn coat and white underpart. Few have heard of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) move named after the elegant animal. It is called Gazelle, and it represents a thrust to save the naira and the economy in the face of our collective suicide masterminded by the banking elite, conniving politicians and business elite. But all who can access the dollar are in on this project of self-death from the mechanic to the fashion designer.

    The NNPC, under Group Managing Director Mele Kyari, has approached the AFREXIM Bank for a crude oil for dollars deal. There have been a lot of jargon in this narrative like SPV and forward sale, et al. It’s modern-day trade by barter. But it is a swap in which we sell our crude oil for $3.3 billion. The bank sources the money from the international market, while our crude oil serves as both collateral and product for sale. The idea is simple. The economy, especially the naira, is in an emergency. Naira is, in the words of Governor Chukwuma Soludo, like a dead horse standing. The gazelle, like the virtue of its feet, is a speedy way to save the naira. We need money to rescue money. We need foreign money as oxygen mask for a gasping naira.

    The irony though is that the NNPC is doing this as a quick fix while we, as a people, are getting quick fixes at the expense of the same naira. It is a paradox also of having what we have to save ourselves but we choose to kill ourselves with it.

    That is why it is collective suicide, or mass suicide. It has been suicide by instalment. Today, we are on the cusp of total collapse. Everyone has contempt for the naira. It is not only the naira we hate but ourselves. We are like the addict who binges without heed to personal danger. It is what the critic Killam says of Okonkwo in Things Fall Apart, or King Oedipus in Sophocles’ play about a person who sees the end but would not stop until it comes. Killam calls it “insistent fatality.”

    I had a dialogue with our excellent finance reporter Collins Nweze, and I wondered what was going on with the value of naira. He said, “about 40 percent of the money in the banks are in dollars,” adding that speculation is the virus of the day – my words. I later had a close to 30 minutes dialogue with a top man in the finance world and he lamented our embarrassment of riches – my words, again.

    It reminded me of the lines in the Book of Revelations, “You say, ‘I am rich; I have grown wealthy and need nothing.’ But you do not realize that you are wretched, pitiful, poor, blind, and naked.”

    That is the profile of our suicide. The mechanic has 50 dollars, he hoards. He is speculating. The bank boss keeps one billion dollars for a politician friend. The trader stops his business because investing it is arduous and slow. He makes a few days hoarding what he makes in a year trading.

    The Bureau De Change are at the mercy of the banking elite, who starve them so demand rises and prices hike. It is clever. Individual nests grow, the collective sighs. This has been going on for decades. It has just reached its head with the naira spiraling down towards about N2,000 to a dollar.

    The new CBN rules – well not new – that compels the banks to release their dollars is a symptom of a decadent banking system. Banks are making trillions in profits in suffocating economy, and we did not ask how? The health of a banking system should relate to the DNA of the economic environment. A bank that thrives on speculation is a vampire. Making trillions of Naira in profit while you are not giving loans to power investments only reveals an unregulated system, a Hobbesian culture of rapine and predation.

    If the vice grip between the political elite and the business -especially banking – elite does not loosen, a rupture beckons. This is the time to hold the bank leaders – directors and managing directors and board denizens – to account. If the government does not, they will hold the government hostage. They already are, but it is going to get worse.

    Decades-long outcries over corruption happened only because of conniving banks. They are the wayfarers of stolen money. Impunity by stealth has waxed into a public howl.

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    NNPC’s Project Gazelle is setting the tone, in spite of the partisan wailings of Atiku. Atiku should tell hoarding Nigerians to open their vaults rather than impugn NNPC’s audacity. Gazelle is speed but it is also grace. The CBN can act with the dispatch of the antelope, a roe’s speed before the row.

    Meanwhile, like addicts on a binge, we look at naira’s death like Emma says in Flaubert’s novel Madame Bovary: “Ah, it is but a little thing, death. I shall sleep and all will be over.” Societies have known to execute themselves while Individuals blame others and absolve themselves. The great writer on crowd psychology, Elias Canetti, made it clear in his Nobel Prize-winning expose, Crowds and Power. Hear him: “It is always the enemy who started it, even if he was not the first to speak out, he was certainly planning it; and if he was not actually planning it, he was thinking it; and if he was not thinking it, he would have thought of it.”

    History has records of mass suicides from Roman Empire resistance like Numantia to the Caribbean colony of Guadeloupe under Napoleon to even Nazi Germany. This happened out of national pride, or sometimes gender pride like women who killed themselves to avoid rape like the Dance of Zalongo in the Greek War of independence when the women of Souli threw themselves over the precipice with their children. It is an evocation of Chaucer’s Dorigen. The best living French writer, Michel Houellebecq, in his troubled novel Atomised, posits that post-Christian Europe is committing suicide for abandoning the creed that crowned her over the world.

    Many of these are suicide for pride. Ours with the naira has no redeeming value. If it is suicide on a binge, does it mean we are incapable of our own distress, apologies to Shakespeare? I don’t think so. As the CBN begins its onslaught, it must remember the speed of the gazelle.

  • Obi abandons altar

    Obi abandons altar

    Peter Obi is becoming everything to everyone, except what he was as candidate: A pilgrim. To the dying, he is a comforter. To the bereaved, he is a mourner. To the book launcher, he is a reader. He is also a party animal in birthdays, funeral after parties, etc. Recently, he became a football fan. As if to challenge President Tinubu to a fan duel for speaking to the Super Eagles before their flight over Angola, Obi materialised in Ivory Coast with his vintage supernova smile.

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    The only place he is not showing up now is cathedrals and front rows in church events. The failed philosopher, who has not uttered any philosophical idea other than recommend China as a cure-all, saw that the strategy did not work in the last polls, or that the so-called accusation that Tinubu would foist Islamic agenda on the country was a ruse of a campaign strategy. Old things have passed away. Obi is born again, not of the spirit. The man is trying to recalibrate his image. He is altering his ways by abandoning the altar. In the words of Paul, is he coming to the knowledge of the truth?

  • Ndume’s confession

    Ndume’s confession

    Senator Ali Ndume ate the humble pie after this essayist challenged him last week. He confessed his child is a staff member  of the Central Bank of Nigeria. But it is a half-hearted confession, the sort that Almighty God does not accept. He says, yes, his child works there. But he insists the move to Lagos was an ethnic idea. But he needs to come clean as to how his child landed the job. Did the smaller Ndume apply after a public job advertisement? Did the small Ndume do an interview with others or a written test? What was the process? If Ndume cannot confess to it then we must say that as a senator, he is one of the problems of this country. He needs to confess and say everything. If he wants to be a stickler for purity, he must show his hands as pure as wool.

  • Ransom payment or rescue?

    Ransom payment or rescue?

    Strikingly, two conflicting accounts further highlighted the question of ransom payment to kidnappers in Nigeria, and the question of rescue of kidnappees in the country. These issues came up yet again concerning the recent kidnapping of 23 persons, including five daughters and a niece of a civil servant, Mansur Al-Kadriyar, on January 2, in the Bwari area of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

     Bandits who invaded Al-Kadriyar’s residence, and abducted him and the girls, got away after an exchange of gunfire with the police. They later released him to look for money to get the girls released. They demanded N60m ransom. Impatient to receive the money, they killed one of the girls after about two weeks in captivity, and threatened to kill the others too if the ransom was not paid. The girl’s killing gave a troubling insight into the murderous desperation that drives desperadoes who kidnap for ransom. She was Nabeeha, 21, a final -year Biological Science student at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

    News of the girls’ ordeal on social media triggered a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for their release. The move to raise funds for ransom payment from the public through an online platform was unusual in the history of kidnapping in the country. The pathetic story of the Al-Kadriyar girls encouraged the option. A former minister of communications and digital economy, Isa Pantami, got involved, and said his friend had offered to donate N50m towards their release.    

    Interestingly, a statement by the police gave the impression that ransom payment did not happen before the girls regained freedom. The FCT Police Public Relations Officer, SP Josephine Adeh, said: “Following the relentless advancement of the Federal Capital Territory Police Command Anti-Kidnapping squad in a concerted effort with troops of the Nigerian Army, on the heels of the kidnappers that struck the Zuma 1 area in the Bwari Area Council on January 2, 2024, the FCT police has rescued the victims and reunited them with their families.” She added that “The operatives successfully rescued the victims around Kajuru forest in Kaduna State at about 11:30 pm on Saturday, January 20, 2024.”

    But it turned out that the police misrepresented what happened. The girls’ uncle, Abbas Al-Kadriyar, was reported saying, “We paid a ransom for the release of our girls. A ransom was paid, and the police were not involved.” His account: “The children called me, and I went to pick them up. On my way, I saw soldiers at the junction, and the bush is a very thick bush along the Gurara Dam, so I had to call the attention of the soldiers to follow me to the spot where we could locate our children.

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    “The bandits left them there to call us to come and pick them up. But we paid a ransom, and no police were involved. The children were not rescued by anyone, the soldiers only assisted me in locating where they were and they provided cover for us.”

    The police have not discredited this account from the Al-Kadriyar family.  Ransom payment by the family to get the girls freed contradicts the claim by the police that they were rescued from the kidnappers.

    Sadly, the bandits had killed four abductees, including Nabeeha, before 19 others regained freedom. It is unclear whether others also paid ransom, apart from the girls.

    Minister of Defence Mohammed Badaru condemned the use of crowdfunding to raise money for ransom payment in the country, saying it would “only worsen the situation.” According to him, the approach “is not productive at all and should be discontinued.”

     He said: “On crowdfunding, we all know there’s an existing law against payment of ransom. So, it is very sad for people to go over the internet, radio asking for donations to pay ransom.”

    The Senate had passed the Terrorism (Prevention) Act 2013 (Amendment) Bill, 2022, into law and particularly amended Section 14. The section says: “Anyone who transfers funds, makes payment or colludes with an abductor, kidnapper or terrorist to receive any ransom for the release of any person who has been wrongfully confined, imprisoned or kidnapped is guilty of a felony and is liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment of not less than 15 years.”

    Badaru argued that if people stopped ransom payment, “over time kidnapping will not be profitable,” and kidnappers would be forced to stop the crime. But he admitted that his solution was “not easy.”

    So, what should the families of kidnap victims do when kidnappers demand ransom? It is predictable that families would try to save the lives of their members when they are unfortunately kidnapped for ransom by paying the kidnappers. That is the logic of survival.   

    If kidnapping for ransom is thriving because the authorities responsible for security are underperforming, who is to blame?  Ransom payers are not to blame for the crime, but the structures of power that seem powerless against kidnappers. 

    For instance, bandits, kidnappers and other criminals terrorising the FCT and neighbouring states of Kaduna, Nasarawa and Niger are known to be camped in the Kajuru forest, in Kaduna State.  The authorities responsible for security should not continue to demonstrate impotence in the face of clear defiance by such criminals.

    Criminalising ransom payment is ultimately futile. Is it enforceable? For instance, why have the authorities not tried to arrest and prosecute those who contributed money to pay ransom in the case of the Al-Kadriyar sisters?   State incapacity encourages ransom payment in kidnap cases. When the government fails on security, it should not expect the people to forget survival.

    True, not all kidnap cases end in the release of the victims after payment of ransom. Some kidnap victims lose their lives in captivity, despite the payment of ransom. But cases in which the victims are freed after payment of ransom show that it can achieve the desired result.  

    Even the sponsor of the Terrorism Prevention (Amendment) Bill that criminalised ransom payment, Senator Ezenwa Francis Onyewuchi, at the time observed that “government should provide adequate security and strengthen the economy as a matter of urgency, accelerate its poverty alleviation programmes, provide employment opportunities targeting youths who are mostly involved in abductions and kidnappings, strengthen our law enforcement agencies, and provide the necessary support to end the menace of kidnapping.” This may well be the ultimate solution.

  • FCT police and Al-Kadriyar sisters

    FCT police and Al-Kadriyar sisters

    Keen observers of the abduction of the Al-Kadriyar family members among others from the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), must have been pleasantly surprised at the sudden news of the successful rescue of the captives by the police and the army.

    Police authorities had in a statement said, “Following the relentless advancement of the FCT police command anti-kidnapping squad in a concerted effort with troops of the Nigerian Army, on the heels of the kidnappers that struck the Zuma 1 area in the Bwari Area Council on the 2nd of January 2024, the FCT police has rescued the victims and reunited them with their families”.

    It said the operatives successfully rescued the victims around the Kajuru forest in Kaduna State at about 11.30pm on Saturday, January 20. The command eulogized what it called the uplifted security architecture of the FCT that has brewed public confidence while assuring utmost maintenance of peace for all.

    A previous rescue attempt by the police accompanied by an uncle to the Al-Kadriyar sisters had ended fatally as he and two of the policemen involved in the rescue operation were killed in the process. The killings and events that followed the abduction had diminished hopes of any respite through security intervention.

    The risk of any further attack harming the abductees or annoying the bandits to the point of killing more of their captives, made such option less attractive. So when the FCT police command announced the rescue of the captives through coordinated efforts with the army, many wondered how they came about that feat.

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    How did they engage the murderous bandits without a single casualty? Was there any armed confrontation or the forests had been made so hot for the bandits that they had to flee and abandon their captives? What of the issue of ransom especially given the uncompromising stance of the kidnappers? Or did the abductees especially the Kadriyar sisters regain freedom without paying the N100million contentious ransom? Such were the posers thrown up when the police announced the rescue of the victims.

    As searing as these posers were, the police may not be really obliged to explain how they came about that feat. They could easily hide under the discreet nature of security operations to avoid full disclosure. But that would still leave many gaps unfilled in a matter that had attracted considerable national attention.

    But, the public is still entitled to know the circumstance of that rescue operation given the elevated national interest it had generated. Such information is vital to sustain public confidence (which the police alluded to) on the capacity of the security agencies to secure the citizenry.

    Such details never came until the uncles to the Al-Kadriyar sisters who were involved in the negotiations came up with their account of what actually transpired. Curiously, their account untied all the above posers. They turned out assigning a chance role for the army but none for the police in the whole encounter.

    Sheriff Al-Kadriyar, uncle to the girls who was privy to the negotiations and subsequent release of the girls, said the police had no role in their release. According to him, ransom was paid and the girls were dropped off in the forest for the family to go and collect them.

    “There’s nothing like rescue on this matter; we paid ransom-even though I can’t disclose how much for security reasons” he said. Further details on the release of the girls indicated that they were dropped on a particular location in the thick of the forest by the bandits on that Saturday after each of the families involved had paid an agreed sum of ransom three days earlier. One of the girls then called the family giving details of their location.

    Then a group of family members were mobilized to proceed to the location. The area is a very thick forest that scarred the family members. They then sought assistance from a contingent of the Nigerian Army they met on their way to lead them into the forest.

    The army obliged them and successfully guided them into the thick forest where the girls were. They subsequently took them home and united them with their family. That was the account of the release of the Al-Kadriyar sisters and other abductees whose families paid the ransom

    For the Al-Kadriyar family, their account of the incident is merely to clarify issues and not to discredit the police. They were apparently reacting to the wide gaps between the claims by the police and the circumstance of the girls’ release. They may also have been reacting to possible fears of victimization.

    But their intervention filled the yawning gaps left by the claims of the police. The FCT police command should take responsibility for any image deficits from the contradictions arising from their account of the rescue encounter. The Bwari abduction was a matter of intense public interest given the circumstance of it.

    Not only were more than 27 people kidnapped from that council area in one fell swoop, some police men who tried to thwart the abduction lost their lives in the process. The Al-Kadriyar family lost two persons-one in the process of foiling the abduction and the other for failing to meet up with the deadline for the payment of the N60million ransom.

    The kidnappers also killed four of the abducted victims in a very callous manner apparently to drive the point home that they meant business. This was in addition to raising the ransom for the Al-Kadriyars to N100million with a further threat to kill the girls if they failed to meet the next deadline. All these were bound to raise public anxiety on the circumstances of the touted rescue operation by the police and the army.  

    Again, the security authorities have always told whoever cared to listen that their inability to rescue abducted victims even when the location of the kidnappers is known is to minimize collateral damage to the lives of the captives. Somehow, the public has come to appreciate that line of reasoning. So when the police gleefully announced that it had in conjunction with the army rescued the Bwari abductees, there was bound to be public curiosity as to how they came about it. Have our security agencies evolved new strategies to rescue abductees without putting their lives in harms’ way? What of the bandits? How did they neutralize the bandits before the abductees were freed?

    The way these posers are resolved has serious implications for confidence building in the capacity of our security architecture to get a perfect handle to the escalating insecurity. Ironically, public confidence in the capacity of the security agencies which the FCT police command sought to shore up through their claims, turned out in a reverse position. The FCT police should hold themselves responsible for the ensuing image deficit.

    There was neither need for the police to claim a purported feat by its anti-kidnapping squad when none existed. Nor was the public expecting them to perform miracles in the circumstance. Armed confrontation with the bandits was not a viable option as it could harm the abductees.

     We saw how that played out in the abduction of the Abuja-Kaduna train passengers. So nobody was expecting the security agencies to perform magic once the abductees had been taken into the custody of the criminal elements. The ensuing controversy is avoidable.

    What has clearly emerged from the FCT kidnap saga is that ungoverned forests are the greatest challenge to the war against insecurity in this country. Bandits, Kidnappers and all manner of terrorists take cover in the thick of the forests.

    Perhaps, our security agencies have to come to terms with how to penetrate our forests, smoke out the bad elements hibernating there and diminish their power for nuisance. For as long as these forests give them cover, so long shall we be at the mercy of all manner of criminals taking refuge there.

    It is getting increasingly clearer there are powerful individuals behind the cycle of insecurity that has put this country on edge. The Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dele Alake said that much recently in relation to the banditry in that sector. He also spoke of the threats he has been getting since that statement. Who could have been threatening him except the powerful? The level of sophistication, planning and execution that go into banditry, terrorism and kidnapping is way beyond the ordinary. Our security architecture needs credible intelligence to unmask the powerful sponsors of the ravaging insecurity before they make the country ungovernable.

  • Blood oath

    Blood oath

    Let us not quibble. First things first. I want Senator Ali Ndume to come clean. Does he have blood relations, in-laws, children, et al, working in the Central Bank of Nigeria? As lawyers say, those who come to equity must have clean hands. We don’t live in a world of fairytale morality. No one pleads sainthood. Let us, before playing hero, first confess our frailties. And then beg forgiveness.

    Mind you, if it is true, it does not dilute or aggravate his case against Nigeria’s top bank. Hypocrites are known sometimes to propose a righteous line. But be true to yourself before making disciples of others. Or else you are a pharisee. If he is guilty, then the distinguished senator, with his coarse voice and regional and messianic bravado, swaggers with an underarm of cobwebs. It means he spoke on Channels Television with a blood oath, the oath to defend his family’s spoils. He has conflated family with region. He has committed a fallacy of category swap. Family is family. Tribe is tribe. Region is region. Private interest is not the public good. He is making hypocrisy hip and paranoia into a purpose in order to evangelise brotherly hate.

    If he is not guilty, then let us toast the facts. But if he is, he does not belong in the conversation. We should address the logic of his concerns but not his pharisaic impulse. I would say same of Bashir Dalhatu, a former minister posing as a statesman, who turned logic into an absurd play on television. People like him flaunt SAN because of the low bar of assessors who make anyone who reaches the Supreme Court a gem. How many Supreme Court passengers are SANs? Many of them ride the coattails and benevolence of clients who insist on taking their matters to the top court or lawyers whose happy shoulders heave little ones for the ride.

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    Some say FAAN and the CBN should have explained their actions before decision. Now that the explanation has been offered, are they satisfied? No, of course.

    It is the royal sense. The entitled sense. They feel they know how things ought to be done after it has been rightly done. It is not rightly done not because it is right but because they, the right people, have not anointed it. They are the reason the nation is foot heavy, and lumbering into the future.

    Royals never bow to reason. Technocrats live in an opposite realm. Clash is inevitable. Take, for instance, the point about an overcrowded CBN building. It is now our tower of financial babel. The building marked a little over 2000 persons now domiciles over 4,000. Is that not official suicide? The building will not go down at once. Its structural integrity will suffer gradual violation. A creak here, a crack there. Just last year, such a building collapsed in Garki in Abuja. We have had a few in Lagos. The often-congested lift may lose its hinges, and that recalls the youth corps member who died at General Hospital, Odan, Lagos Island  last year because of routine negligence. CBN workers confess tight work space, and lack of creative berth in a choked air. Imagine the toilets and salmonella looming, or fire hazard. God forbid, the building falls and the same senators and pietists will blame government for ignoring warnings.

    On former CBN chief Lamido Sanusi’s arguments, they have virtually lost their tongues. Sources say, in CBN, it is routine that you could be deployed either geographically or departmentally after five years. Does Dalhatu or Ndume know this? What crime did Lagos commit? Why the hysteria once Lagos is mentioned? Is it not still our commercial capital? All the bank headquarters are there. The payment and communications departments have been gradually moving. For instance, the bank was spending lots of money hiring cameras and staff to Lagos too often to perform functions. They decided it made sense to station staff and equipment in Lagos as well.

    Abuja was not moved to supplant Lagos but to reinforce it. As some others have noted, across the world, countries separate commercial and administrative capitals. For every Washington, give me New York; Beijing for Shanghai, New Delhi for Mumbai, still Ottawa for bustling Toronto, etc. Dalhatu asked why not cite commerce ministry in Aba or Kano. This is called reductive reasoning. CBN is not moving, only a part. As for FAAN, it was former aviation minister – the worst ever in memory anywhere to hold that office – who moved it to Abuja. No one cried when he, a nativist bigot, employed his whole clan as if it is Air Sirika and Tribe. We are inhaling the fart he left behind. FAAN is only going back to default position. Dalhatu says we are now online, so we should work from everywhere. He should have advocated that all should work from their villages, not offices. His neanderthal mind should learn from the west. If he were wise, he would extol the 1,500 hectares of farmland the president launched in his Jigawa State last year, and anticipate with glee the 5,000 hectares in the offing for the north. Is that moving food to the north, or a plan to feed all Nigerians?

    Ndume says CBN should scatter the staff across offices in Abuja. How did he become a lawmaker? Does he understand integrity of operations, and the cost of setting up offices for people across buildings and the danger of compromised confidentialities? He is called the Senate’s Chief whip but somebody needs actual whipping. He and Dalhatu are outlaws as mainstays.

    The only flaw in the CBN and FAAN points is that they have not explained in Naira terms how much it would cost or has cost them to remain in Abuja. That may not sway the royalists who have their children all over the CBN and other choice establishments in Abuja. Those who toil through school lose out job opportunities to the kids of royals who schooled abroad and waltz like princes into the offices. If we take the inventory of the staff, especially those in the managerial cadre of the CBN, we will understand where the likes of Ndume and Dalhatu are coming from. Over to crack reporters. Some have said you should have the right cash to land a job while most of them have the right blood. If you don’t have the right blood, you are bloodied. Novelist Cormac McCarthy daubs it the blood meridian.

    Royalty here refers to entitled politicians. Ndume threatened electoral backlash. Dalhatu boasted the north has numbers and land. That logic admits they have lost the argument.

    They have privatized the contention. The average northerner is only concerned with bread-and-butter matters. Moving FAAN or some patrician children from Abuja does not change the almajiri’s fortunes or horizon. But they are recruiting innocents for their own selfish reasons. It is the subject of Isabel Wilkerson sensational work titled, Caste: The Origins of our Discontent. These holy willies like Dalhatu do not speak to fine men in the north who have outlived this cranky conservatism. Time will tell. I have met many of them that southerners don’t write about.

    In the past, the Kaduna Mafia, as we called it, was subtle. It did not flaunt power in the days of Isa Keita. The late Isa Funtua told me that he was secretary to the so-called mafia and they had retreats lasting days and everyone came with their cars, no drivers, no PAs. Today, the ACF, Afenifere, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, all advertise their parochialisms. We have passed the age of courtesy to an age of confrontation. They have embalmed a cult of hate. Buhari presented the worst of this class. Contrast IBB’s tenure with Buhari. Prominent names like Olagunju and Oyovbaire formed the core of his team. IBB was a despot, a smiling brute, but he tried, until he could not, to be as folksy. However, Ndume and co. are Buhari’s children. It is the consequence of the June 12 struggle. The bile burst out of the sore.

    The ACF is only grasping with hegemonic crisis. The north is not the monolith or monotone it used to be. The street is less a herd and more mercurial. “The old world is dying; the new world is struggling to be born…” wrote Gramsci, the philosopher of hegemony.

    But what is more important is for a few powerful people to understand that our unity is more important than the private fantasies of a few. For instance, a majority of NPA staff members  are from the north, but they are living in Lagos. Any complaints? Let the royals let the technocrats be.