Category: Monday

  • Missing genitals, witchcraft!

    Missing genitals, witchcraft!

    What could be responsible for the rising wave of allegations on the disappearance of male genital organs and witchcraft across the country? That is the burning question our policy makers will have to find answers to and very urgently too.

    Perhaps, the way this puzzle is untied will chart the path to effective solutions to festering weird belief systems that have continued to put the lives of innocent citizens at mortal risk. The issue assumed aggravated dimension recently that the Federal Capital Territory FCT Police Command had to warn against the sharing of false information on alleged disappearance of male genial organs in Abuja.

    The warning was sequel to mounting mob attacks on innocent citizens over alleged culpability in causing the disappearance of male genital organs. In one of such incidents, one Rokeeb Saheed had accused one Lucky Josiah of causing his male organ to disappear. An irate mob descended on Josiah and was about to kill him before he was rescued by the police.

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    After medical examination, the police said Saheed’s organ was found to be in order even as Josiah was treated of the injuries he sustained. But for the intervention of the police, he would have been a dead person over spurious and wicked allegation.

    It was a different story for another male adult in the Gwagwalada area of the FCT who was similarly accused. He was not that lucky. He lost his life as a result of the injuries inflicted on him by the surging mob.

    Though the police made attempts to save his life, hospital authorities confirmed him dead when he was taken there for treatment. There has been a litany of such false alarms and accusations in and around the FCT in recent times.

    Yet, Abuja is not alone in this. The Delta police command just arrested an 18-year old boy for raising false alarm accusing an elderly woman of causing the disappearance of his genital organ. According to the boy, his genital organ disappeared when the woman inside a tricycle touched him.

    The accusation prompted a mob to descend on the poor woman beating her to pulp and stripping her naked before rescue came from the law enforcement agencies. On examination, it was discovered that nothing was wrong with the boy’s genital organ.

    The police captured the sad scenario thus: “He just lied against the poor woman, a mother, a daughter and a wife. Now the video of her being beaten and stripped naked is all over the place”.

    The police are hunting for all those seen in the circulating video for them to face the books. But the harm has already been done. Any respite for the poor woman? What of the rising fad in circulating videos of calamities and sufferings of fellow citizens even when what was direly required at such occasions was help for the victims?

    Elsewhere, we are inundated with allegations of witchcraft and associated superstitious beliefs and practices. A mentally challenged woman accused of witchcraft in Ibadan was rescued by the Oyo State government, rehabilitated and sent back to her home.

    But in Adamawa State, three women were stripped naked and beaten on allegation of witchcraft. Two of the women were killed in the encounter that saw to the arrest of three policemen for their ignoble role that led to the extrajudicial killing of the women. That is how degenerate the situation has become.

    These are just isolated instances of the cascading weird accusations and the jungle justice that trail them across the country. Even as the law enforcement agencies continue to warn against such odious beliefs and practices, they fester because the gullible public believes in their existence. 

    Ignorance, fear, poverty and disease combine to hold our people hostage to the mundane and the abhorrent. But that is not all. Even among the educated and well positioned in the society, you still find people clinging tenaciously to these fetish and stone-age leanings. Preachers of diverse religious faiths do not help matters either. Their messages, often laden with contents that instil fear on their members, reinforce belief in these noxious practices. It is little surprising such tendencies have refused to wither away.

    Sadly, the innocent ones are at the receiving end of this madness. Apart from the intervention of law enforcement agencies when innocent citizens are wrongly accused and attacked, little has come from the government circles by way of engaging the public and interrogating such weird beliefs and practices.

    Since these tendencies have refused to fade in the face of increasing contact with modernity, the government has to come up with sensitization programs through seminars and conferences to interrogate the subject matter. It has become imperative to engage these issues to disabuse the minds of the gullible public that they only exist in the imaginations of those who believe in them.

    The most recent attempt at such intellectual engagement came through an international conference on witchcraft organized by the Prof. B.I.C. Ijomah Centre for Policy Studies and Research, University of Nigeria Nsukka UNN. It had its original theme as, “Witchcraft: Meanings, factors and practices”.

    But as soon as this theme was unveiled, the Nigerian factor crept in. Protests arose from some Christian groups and students regarding the purpose the conference was meant to serve. Allegations were freely bandied that it was going to be a gathering of witches and wizards; an attempt to promote evil.

    The promoters were compelled by the UNN management to change the topic or have the conference cancelled. They had to settle for “Dimensions of human behaviour”, as the new theme. But it took a toll on the keynote speaker who refused to be part of the new topic.

    The Director-General of the Centre, Prof. Egodi Uchendu was so piqued by these misplaced attacks that she lamented how an ordinary academic engagement was twisted out of context to create confusion.

    She captured the contradictions: “Surprisingly some persons erroneously concluded that only witches can discuss witchcraft. We are not witches. We are professors and scholars intrigued by the phenomenon of witchcraft. Our conference is mere academic discussion where we shall review journals and information gathered over the years on the subject matter”.

    The frustration of Uchendu illustrates very poignantly the daunting challenge in getting the citizenry part ways with extant prejudices that sustain such superstitious beliefs as the disappearance of male genitals, witchcraft and ritual killings for money. If a purely academic engagement could be so mischievously misinterpreted within a university setting, it remains to be imagined the herculean task in convincing the citizenry that these weird beliefs and practices do not approximate reality.

     Nonetheless, the conference held even as the views of experts on the subject matter were quite revealing and instructive. In his paper titled, “The wealthy are no witches: towards an epistemology and ideology of witchcraft among the Igbo of Nigeria”, Prof. Damian Opata argued that the way witchcraft was propagated and believed here had continued to kill the development of knowledge on the subject matter.

    Lamenting the deployment by pastors and seers of foreign religions of perceived attacks by witches and wizards to put fear on their congregation, he said witches exist in the minds of those who believe in it and does not exist for those who do not believe in it.

     Peter Jazzy Eze, head of department of Sociology and Anthropology, UNN in his paper, “Which Witch? What anthropology knows of the adult Bugbear”, argued that witchcraft did not exist but only existed in the minds of those who believe in it.

    For him, science and technology have overtaken superstitious beliefs in witchcraft while urging Africans to drop such beliefs and embrace science and technology that have practical and verifiable applications. These were some of the insights thrown up by the conference that would have been lost had that intellectual gathering been aborted.

    But the controversy is a measure of the difficulty in changing stereotypes on superstitious beliefs and practices despite their defects in scientific verification. It is a measure of the country’s level of progress in modernity that people still take quick resort to self-help and mob action to avenge accusations they do not have slight proof for.

    The government has a daunting task changing the narrative through sustainable economic development and technological progress.

  • Adeleke’s altruism

    Adeleke’s altruism

    As the Governor, I’ve taken a principled stance on the Security vote. Since taking office, I’ve directed that it should be allocated to benefit the state, not my office. This reflects the sacrifices I’m making as a leader, and I encourage others to follow this example.”

    Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke posted this striking communication on social media at 2:54pm on October 5.  He elaborated on the post during his interactive session with the people of the state in the capital, Osogbo, on the same day. 

    “As a leader who is leading by example,” he was quoted as saying, “I have sacrificed the entire sum of my security vote (about N600m monthly) from the inception of my administration since November 2022. I have dedicated this monthly fund to the development and progress of Osun State.”  He added that he preferred to use the security vote for such purposes “rather than keep it to myself like others before me.”

    His words, if factual, are food for thought. His action, if real, demonstrates a rare altruism in high office by a governor in Nigeria. It is unclear how he ensures security if he spends the “entire” security vote on “development and progress.” Perhaps his claim is a bit hyperbolic. But the substance of his statement is significant, and deserves commendation.    

     Historically, so-called security votes at the governorship level in Nigeria have been linked with corruption. Indeed, a former governor of Kano State, Musa Kwankwaso, once described security votes as “another way of stealing public funds.”

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    In March 2022, for instance, officials of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arrested the immediate past governor of Anambra State, Willie Obiano, “for alleged misappropriation of public funds, including N5bn Sure-P and N37bn security vote which was withdrawn in cash.”

    Also, in a letter to then President Muhammadu Buhari, in January 2022, Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) highlighted a report by Transparency International (TI) indicating that “most of the funds appropriated as security votes are spent on political activities, mismanaged or simply stolen. It is estimated that security votes add up to over N241.2bn every year.”

    The group urged Buhari to instruct the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to “jointly track and monitor spending of security votes” by the 36 state governors.

    Paradoxically, security votes connected with governors in Nigeria are usually not used for security purposes. In 2020, for instance, a former governor of Abia State from 2007 to 2015, Senator Theodore Orji, who was under investigation at the time, told the EFCC how he spent N38.8bn security votes in eight years for other purposes, showing that security votes do not mean what they should mean. The former governor was reported saying he received N370m monthly as a security vote in 2007, and N410m monthly from 2008 to 2015.

    Orji said he shared much of the N38bn with members of the Abia State House of Assembly, his security informants and traditional rulers. He claimed to have also given part of the money to military units, the police, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and security agencies as what he called statutory allocations.

    In a breakdown of who got what, the former governor said he gave state legislators N5. 760bn, at N60m per month, in the eight years, and also claimed to have paid N75m monthly to security informants in 15 of the 17 local government areas of the state within the same period.

    He was also reported saying the so-called informants pocketed about N7.200bn from 2007 to 2015, and some of the security agencies received N2m per month. But he failed to provide a comprehensive list of all the beneficiaries of the largesse.  

    Governor Adeleke’s claim on the use of his security vote prompts questions on how other governors are using their own security votes. National Publicity Secretary of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) Ken Robinson lamented in an interview: “What the security vote has become is money that cannot be queried, that cannot be audited and money that cannot be asked how you are spending it.” This is unacceptable because it encourages non-accountability and corruption.

    There is a need to rethink security votes at all levels of government in the country towards preventing abuse of useful security resources.  Who determines the security votes in the individual states? What are the considerations? Are the security votes meant for the personal security of governors or for the security of the states they govern? This particular question leads to an examination of Nigeria’s odd practice of federalism, under which the states are disallowed from having their own police, for example. The centralisation of security enforcement at the federal level is ultimately counter-productive.    

     Tackling Nigeria’s serious and diverse security challenges requires not only federal effort but also state-level and regional interventions. Individual states should devise arrangements to ensure security in their territories. The introduction of regional security organisations funded by state governments in the southwest and southeast regions of the country is commendable. It may well be that if security votes were spent on security at all levels of government in the country, the current terrifying level of nationwide insecurity would not exist.

    Governor Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is a politician who has a reputation for exhibitionistic public dancing. But he has gone beyond entertainment by setting a good example on the matter of security votes. He said enough to suggest that the “security votes” fraud is still in vogue among people in power in the country today as an easy path to wealth acquired fraudulently.

    Is it possible that there are other governors following Adeleke’s path who are unknown because they have not publicly stated what they do with their security votes?  Let them remove their masks for recognition. 

    If Adeleke is a lone traveller on this path of exemplary gubernatorial altruism, others should learn from him. The lesson: Security vote should not be a fraudulent scheme. It is nobler to spend discretionary security votes in the interest of the people, and with a sense of transparency and accountability.

  • Bible cousins at war

    Bible cousins at war

    For some, it is about the Bible. For others, it is a fly in Allah’s holy ointment. America, like the tortoise in African folktales, is in the story.  It’s harm and Hamas. Iran snarls eerily behind flying rockets. Putin gloats. Netanyahu is thirsty with firepower. Children and women squeak and die in Gaza. Jewish Kibbutz wails and rages. For almost all, it is like an evocation of novelist Bessie Head’s novel: a question of power.

    What we are witnessing is barbarism in the name of God. Hamas stands for a perverted view of its God. Israel exploits a religious prophesy, and even a right, to do the wrong thing. This is what happens in a dysfunctional family, especially in a malice of cousins.

    In jokes, some may say it was Abraham’s portent of lust, when he yielded to Sarah’s tease. A puff of passion yielded one out of two in the first instance. Then later another one came out of a different two, father Abraham being the constant. The result? Isaac and Ishmael battle through the ages.

    But the story is more potent than that. Jews were in the land and left. First time they went into exile. Prophecies said they would return, and they did. Then they fell out of favour, and scattered abroad again.

    They always see themselves, more than any in history, as the race of destiny. Hence today, some Christians anoint Israel, who crucified Christ and forswears him even today, as part of their holy commonwealth. Many have never seen any wrong when Israel jackboots Palestine like apartheid South Africa. Not that the story is one-sided. When cousins fight, there is often enough blame both ways. America supports Israel for strategic reasons, faith being just an adjunct. It is their bulwark in a volatile region.

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    For Christians, it is the land of miracles, where Jesus turned water into wine, exuded the charm of the humble, whipped desecrators of the temple, whipped up brotherly love, died at Golgotha, trekked the Via Dolorosa, rose the third day. Also, where Moses parted the Red Sea. Elijah did not see death. Paul had the great conversion.  Stephen saw God.

    So, it must be the people who are now bombing Gaza, letting high rises collapse on kids and parents. It is hard to tell them that Judaism is no Christianity, and when Jesus even anticipated the Jews returning, he wanted them to be Christians first. Remember his words, “O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not! Behold, your house is left unto you desolate. For I say unto you, Ye shall not see me henceforth, till ye shall say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.”

    Jerusalem indeed fell afterwards in A.D. 70. And they wandered the earth until the 20th century with what is known as the Balfour Declaration when the British eked out states after the First World War from the Ottoman Empire. It was called a Mandate. John Balfour, British foreign minister, spearheaded the campaign for their return to the homeland. Theodore Herzl started the Zionist movement in the 19th century.

    The state of Israel was born in 1948, and some see it as the first time an exiled race would return home twice. Now, did the return make them beloved? Jesus said they would not see him until they say “blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.” Today they are not fulfilling this. But pastors and Christian commentators say they have to stick to them until that happens. Paul, an Israelite, told them “Your blood be upon your head;…from henceforth I will go unto the gentiles,” after preaching to their unheeding souls.

    But faith sometimes blinds some Christians to a more nuanced narrative of the region. For a fact, the Jews left the land, but the land belongs to them. They left it for centuries and others occupied Palestine and built generations of sentiment, of traditions and memories there. That makes it senseless to sweep the Arabs away.

    Yet, a Peel Commission in 1936 gave the Arabs an opportunity to share the territory in a two-state solution. The Arabs have turned down the proposals six times. The closest was under President Bill Clinton with Yasser Arafat and Ehud Barak. Prime minister Barak conceded many things to the Palestinians and said on television that it was going to be the best chance for eternal peace in the region. Clinton pressured Arafat, and for the first time, the world had the impression of a begging Israel. Arafat turned from coy to coward. He was not a leader. He said no. A few days later, the hawk Ariel Sharon provoked the Arabs by walking into their Jerusalem mosque and gave birth to the second intifada. The Arabs lack a leader of Ghandhi’s or Mandela’s charisma, who would rather lead the people than otherwise.

    Since then, rightwing politics has taken root in Israel. With Sharon’s defiance, his baby in hubris also known as Bibi, became prime minister and he has flourished as monster leader. A corrupt, front-guard fundamentalist, Bibi has shown no mercy. He does not call Gaza and West bank Judea and Samaria like Golda Meir. Hamas has covered the internal sins of Netanyahu. Shakespeare knew men like him: “Some rise by sin, and some by virtue fall.”

    This essayist cannot fathom why the Arabs cannot accept concessions to enable a two-state solution. Yet, few know that the situation in Gaza is inhuman. They don’t have a passport, seaport, or airport; no water, electricity. Over 60 percent of the people have no jobs. The children have no future, the elders see their past in their children. It is inhuman, and Israel wonders why an extremist group like Hamas exists?

    The Palestinians seem to live as though victimhood is better than liberation. The same spirit inspired this line from poet Mahmud Darwish, “Don’t ask of me, my love, the love I once had for thee.” They seem to loathe what poet Robert Graves calls “freedom, by faith won.” Yet, Israel enables such a masochist sentiment. The two peoples can’t live together, a life delineated in Mr. Mani, a multi-generational novel by A. B. Yehoshua.

    The present war may wipe out Hamas. It may not wipe out their spirit. Remember, Hezbollah rose from the ashes of a similar onslaught in southern Lebanon. It is a war without end.

  • A bow for BAO

    A bow for BAO

    Very rarely would a man become governor, and what you see is a sense of class without noise, performance without percussions and his folks appreciate his presence, not impresario.

    Ekiti State governor, Biodun A. Oyebanji, also called BAO, is one year in the saddle, and like stream without a splash, he rides the boat of state with many things to beat his chest about. His first doing was to bring the state together, weaving a state of PHDs with a better sort of enlightenment: humility of purpose.  We saw that as he mobilized his state for the party’s presidential candidate now president Bola Tinubu, how he visits projects, makes unexpected cameos at schools, hospitals, parleys elders and predecessors in spite of party loyalties.

    His imprint is bold in different fields. Is it in the civil service where he has granted full autonomy to its revenue service and disbursed housing loans to about two thousand workers, normalized appointments, given car loans and paid N10 billion in pensions? Is it in security with modern technology and men? Or is it 68 percent performance of IGR? Up to 18 major road rehabilitations and constructions are either completed or near so. In education, a lot of reconstruction work is afoot in schools at primary and secondary levels while scholarships and grants are going the way of many a grateful student, including law students. As it is with education, so it is with healthcare.

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    The first year does not tell the whole story of an administration, but it gives a hint of the vision. BAO has enthusiasm, and has shown that charity must begin at home. Playing frugal, he is not spending any money yet on official cars for his office, making do with his predecessor’s.

    Office is about discomfort before outward grandeur. Grandeur already is written into the esteem of the office. BAO enjoys it without the material splendour of new-fangled convoys and furniture. There will be time enough for that. For now, Ekiti has a shepherd that allows his work to congratulate him.

  • Atiku and Obi: certificate miracles

    Atiku and Obi: certificate miracles

    Peter G. Obi gave a press conference to ape his former master Atiku, asking about President Tinubu’s identity. But now, he has to face his own chi as a party spokesman is invoking his dead brother and a dud name. so, who is Peter Obi? The question is thrown back at him. Is he impersonating his brother, as the LP man asks, because of what is the discrepancy in the names on his NYSC and Degree certificates. It may mean nothing or everything, but this is what happens when one wants to be a purist in order to harm others. But how is it that Obi had to be an undergraduate before he qualified to get WAEC?  Same to Atiku, who had a master’s degree without a first. Both are miracle men. We don’t know what to call him. Jokoli, Sadiq or Sidiq. Even if he changed his name, we need proof. He went to Chicago to seek proof. We want one here. As lawyers say, he who comes to equity must come with clean hands, and clean names.

  • Bandits’ abduction of female students

    Bandits’ abduction of female students

    What could be the motive behind the increasing attacks by bandits on female university students in parts of the country?  That is the searing question elevated to the fore by the resurging selective attacks and abduction of female university students in the last two weeks.

    Bandits invaded the private residence of female students of the Federal University, Dutsinma, Katsina State around 2am last Wednesday while shooting indiscriminately to ward off possible resistance. By the time their fire power subsided, five final year female students were abducted and ferried to unknown destination.

    The Katsina State Police Command while confirming the incident said a man suspected to be an informant to the kidnappers was arrested. It is yet unclear the motive of the kidnappers or what they intend to do with the female students. But such selective attacks targeting female students have continued to generate concerns across the country.

    Before then, about 21 female students of the Federal University of Technology, Gusau, Zamfara State were similarly abducted by bandits. The terrorists that invaded three female hostels of the university at 2.50am rode on about 50 motorcycles to the scene of the attack.

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    Armed with sophisticated ammunitions, they shot their way indiscriminately into the three hostels and kidnapped the female students they saw there. A source privy to the attack incident said Nigerian troops engaged the bandits during the encounter but the bandits held on and were still able to escape with the kidnapped victims.

    Some students of the same university had last June, protested the high rate of kidnapping of their schoolmates in the Sabon-Gidan and Damba areas of the university town. Elsewhere, attacks on institutions of higher learning and the subsequent abduction of students have been a familiar narrative. 

    A private university located in Kaduna State was in April 20, 2021 similarly attacked with the bandits abducting about 20 students. Some of the students were released after ransom payment while in a twist of fate, three of the unfortunate ones were shot dead by the demented bandits and their bodies dumped in a village close to the university. Two other students died as a result of the attack bringing the casualty rate to five.

    The university was forced by the attack to relocate from its permanent site along Kaduna-Abuja highway to its city campus inside Kaduna metropolis. These are just few instances of the attacks on educational institutions since kidnapping and associated criminalities gained traction on these shores.

    Before this new focus on female university students, there was the selective abduction of 276 female secondary school girls from Chibok, Borno State in April, 2014 which generated considerable global attention. Even with all the efforts made to release some of the abducted girls, estimates still have it that about 90 of them are still missing till date.

    This reign of terror on school girls was also unleashed on Dapchi in Yobe State when terrorists abducted 110 secondary school girls from their dormitory in April 2018 and ferried them away. After 33 days in captivity, 104 of the students were released through what the government described as back-channel efforts and help from friends of the country without paying ransom.

    Sadly, five of the students died of exhaustion while one of them Leah Sharibu was held back for failing to denounce her religion. News made the round a fortnight ago that she had married another Boko Haram commander after dumping a previous one with whom she had two children.

    Those were the harrowing but celebrated encounters of our secondary school children in the hands of kidnappers before the sudden rise in attacks on female university students in the last two weeks. Are we about to witness another round of abuse and dehumanization of our female students? Is it a re-enactment of the previous experience where the girls were married off to bandits’ commanders and made to suffer serious mortal harm even as their whereabouts remain largely illusory several years after? Or is ransom the motive?

    Whatever the case, the experience of female students of Chibok and Dapchi do not leave one in comfort that serious harm will not come the way of the poor students. Some of the school children that passed through that traumatic encounter in the past died in the process of their abduction.

    Others were forcibly married off to leaders of the terrorists even as the whereabouts of many others are yet to be accounted for.  These fears are bound to resonate with the current fate of university students abducted from their hostels in Katsina and Zamfara states.

     As I write, the fate of some of the abducted students remains uncertain. President Tinubu gave the security agencies a marching order to ensure the release of the students. Ironically, the federal government and the Zamfara State governor, Dauda Lawal got embroiled in serious altercation on the rightful approach to the matter.

    Lawal accused officials of the federal government of entering into secret negotiations with the bandits. Though the federal government denied authorizing any secret negotiations with the bandits, Lawal remained adamant. He insisted that a federal delegation met with bandit groups in Birin Magaji, Maradun, Mun Haye and Ajah among others.

    We are confronted with the words of the state governor against the federal government with no means of authenticating them. But the evidence of where the said federal delegation met with the bandits as adduced by Lawal seems to suggest he may have his facts.

    That is however, beside the issue. Perhaps, the value of the altercation can be gleaned from the larger issues of lack of consensus on the proper approaches to the cycle of insecurity it brought to the fore. Zamfara is counting on past experiences. The immediate past regime in that state entered into serial negotiations with bandits including amnesty but all failed woefully.

    Lawal has no confidence in such negotiations and would prefer that the bandits are smoked out from their hiding places. He prefers the kinetic approach given the intransigence and unreliability of agreements entered into by the bandits.

    Katsina State under the administration of Aminu Masari had similar experience. Masari shared the difficulty in entering into agreement with the bandits when he reportedly said that negotiations with the bandits failed because those who entered the agreement with him were murdered in the bush. This he said scarred away others. This should be instructive.

    Masari was compelled by the situation to swear never to enter into any other agreement with the bandits. At some point, he had out of frustration, asked residents to bear arms to defend themselves.

    That was the background Governor Lawal viewed the said attempts by a delegation of the federal government to negotiate with the Zamfara bandits. And his feelings ought to be appreciated.

    But we have gone through this path before. The body language of the last administration to killings in parts of the country did inject some complications into the prosecution of the war. This was manifest in the handling of killings and despoliation of communities by rampaging herdsmen.

    The near air of invincibility of the killer herdsmen and inability of the government to apprehend and bring them to book may have contributed to the situation we have today. There were also attempts in the past to play down the enormity of the worsening security challenge when facts on the ground pointed to the contrary.

     This is not the time for such ambivalence. The rising infractions indicate we are yet to get effective handle to the festering insecurity fast tilting the country to the edge. It finds manifestations in diverse forms across the country. It calls for re-strategizing and re-examination of our approaches. It is time to dig deeper into the remote and immediate factors that compel all manner of non-state actors to take up arms against constituted authorities.

    Even as Governor Lawal has no faith in negotiations with the bandits, the kinetic approach will continue to prove ineffective as long as we fail to understand the factors that compel disobedience to civil authority. The non-kinetic option holds much of the prospects to the resolution of some of these security challenges.

    That is the path the new administration should tread if it hopes to make a quick difference. Security of lives and property is the raison d’être for the existence of governments. This country can ill-afford the cascading cycle of insecurity that has reduced life to the atavism of the state of nature. 

  • Atiku’s rolling stone

    Atiku’s rolling stone

    The United States university where I taught relied on my journalistic pedigree for nine years before asking for my degree. But the authorities did not seek my certificate. They wanted my transcript.

    So Abubakar Atiku should accept my sympathy for his ignorance. As Jesus pleaded, Father, forgive them for they know not what they do. Asking for forgiveness does not always move God. Only repentance.

    In the book of Revelation, John prophesied against Christ’s unrepentant foes at Golgotha. “They that pierced him…shall wail because of him.”

    Atiku, still unrepentant, is already wailing. He wailed all the way to Chicago. Before then, he wailed at the Court of Appeal.  He said President Bola Tinubu did not attend Chicago. He and his fellow traveller in a different bus,  Peter G. Obi.  Obi  just told him he is not his Gee when the Adamawa chieftain wanted to recruit him into a coalition of the aggrieved. So, both keep pining and rumbling forward, grumbling and looking askance at each other across bus windows. They will keep looking askance until such a grudge match will roll the buses into a supreme curse. Like a rolling stone with no moss.

    When the PEPC exposed the apology of his lawyers’ logic, they changed the complaint. They trundled to Chicago State University and an American court. The court said to release the transcript. The transcript said one thing, they saw another. It’s like the Bible quote that they have eyes but they see not. Suddenly, the worry is not that Tinubu was a genuine student. The student passed but with a fake certificate? If it is not blaming the student for going to school, it is also blaming him for being a honour’s student. Blaming him for being brilliant. I have heard SANs, party racoons and self-appointed commentators walk that mendacious path. I have called such lawyers SANS sans honour. Jesus poured woe on lawyers for hiding the key of knowledge. For them and other so-called pundits, I invoke author of War and Peace Leo Tolstoy’s call to “Educate the educated.” They squeak rather than speak and pine rather than opine. They emote and elope from reason. It is the contusion of the cerebellum. They are serfs in Atiku’s orbit. We call for their freedom from his fiefdom of lies and desperate malignancy.   It is, at bottom, an opportunism of the paymaster. The payees are willing. Feuding on behalf of a feudalist.

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    For about 48 hours, they kept mum and combed for mischief. Then voila! They saw female instead of male. A gender change in tribute to the LGBTQ world. They even donned the president with gele. They acted like cultural pariahs. In torturing reality, they shuffled papers, mistaking certificate for transcript.

    With mischief, they turned fact without tact. They would not even applaud our first president to graduate with high honours, a parade of As. The so-called SANs say it was a forgery because the deposition said CSU did not issue the certificate. They saw blood. Television and social media buzzed. But they were deluded. It was like Tantalus in Homer’s Odyssey where a fruit hung and no one could touch it. It is the root of the word tantalise.

    They reflected ignorance. They conflated Nigerian system with that of the US. In Nigeria, we ask for certificates. In the US, like in my own case, they ask for transcript. In Warri, we say in pidgin English, “who no go no know.” They are locals with a yokel mentality. Atiku may be a billionaire, but he still knows nothing. Hence, he was allegedly involved in a case with Congressman William Jefferson now in jail over fraud. Because he was alleged to have a hand in funneling $40 million into the US, Congress passed a law on money laundering. And the Adamawa man whose Nigerianness is still in dispute, even in Cameroun, ran from his American home. He was luckier than his wife who got caught and wailed into jail.

    He and his lawyers know nothing about third party agents. It is capitalism. Middlemen now play in the service industry. Not a few things are outsourced today.

    Atiku and his lawyers have travelled. “Nothing develops intelligence like travel,” wrote novelist Emile Zola. Immanuel Kant never saw the world but became known as the father of modern philosophy with his idea of teleology that gave us Hegel, Max, 20th century revolutions and restraint. It is not about their lack of travel. They left their minds at the airport. Psychologists call it arrested development.

    They accept CSU when it suits them. They toss it when it doesn’t. CSU said, Tinubu was male. His admission letter said same. From the campaigns, they have made him into many incarnations. A woman in Chicago. An 80-plus-year-old. A sick and dying man. A Guinean before an African American. A spirit booed in Europe when he was in Nigeria. An African American, just because he filled a form. All African immigrants were forced to fill African American in forms because there was no African box to tick. It’s better now.

    Atiku would do well to show us his own certificates. His PTDF certificate under OBJ. His customs taxi certificate. Certificate for selling Nigerian companies like Aladja Steel.

    He said he did not betray Tinubu. This is the man he openly called “my brother” at a book launch in 2006. He ran to Tinubu for help from OBJ’s koboko. How could he have become AC’s flagbearer without Tinubu? Who knew him in the party? He lied that he did not want Tinubu as his running mate because he was a Muslim? Was he not behind Abiola and Kingibe?

    Where is the tape of that assertion that it was because of the Muslim-Muslim ticket he rejected him? When did Atiku care about such things? Didn’t he tell Arewa that the north should vote for him because he is Fulani, and shun others, including his Gee and Tinubu, who were not northerners? If not for Tambuwal, he was dud as candidate? Is it not the sort of bigotry we are condemning? He is just afraid of Tinubu.

    But fear has now turned into hate. As Shakespeare wrote, “In time we hate that which we often fear.” People who believe him deserve our pity. Truth intimidates them. They are mob morons. No one is saying Atiku had the votes. They call themselves moralists. They were trumpeters of 25 percent. That’s outdated. Certificate is new. They are not ashamed to evangelise a man who did not get the votes.

    They think they are majority because they make high-decibel noise with lies and delusions. They are like the words of T.S. Eliot: “Human kind cannot bear very much reality.” Since they would not accept the truth, wrote Paul in the Bible, God has given them over to a reprobate mind.

    He reminds me of a school principal in Delta State whose team kept yielding goal after goal in a football match. He picked a sheet of paper in fury to write a protest for poor officiating. Just as he wrote the first sentence, he heard an uproar, and asked, “is it a goal again?” Indeed! That is the story of Atiku’s serial failures, an actor of pirouettes and turnabouts, moving headlong to his last and final fall. He knows there is no way open for him. He knows, at 80 plus, no party would look his way in 2027. The last gasp of a drowning man. Like Okonkwo and Oedipus, Atiku sees the end, but he cannot help himself as he cascades downwards. Following how the scales fell in Tinubu’s favour, he should have seen destiny’s hands. Ebenezer Obey’s line should jolt him. Ayanmo mi latowo oluwa ni – My destiny is in God’s hands.

  • Like Achebe, also Soyinka

    Like Achebe, also Soyinka

    Such an immortal gesture from the Boom of Anambra Orchestra, Charles Soludo, for naming an airport after our eminent bard, Chinua Achebe. The Anambra State governor had a sense of place and timing, and it was a plus for intellectual pursuits over a philistine world and time. Achebe had lamented the Igbo tendency to privilege trade over all else. Governor Soludo bestowed a well-deserved plaudit to a beloved raconteur and cultural icon. I hope the same will go to Soyinka as he turns 90 next year. We should not wait till they go before erecting their monuments. We have no comparable honour for Kongi in Yorubaland. A university, I think, should be named for him. We need national busts and landmarks for the trio, including J.P. Clark. They should not be restricted to their home states. Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan materialised the J.P. Clark centre in the University of Lagos with Professor Hope Eghagha playing a role.

  • Akpabio, lies and democracy

    Akpabio, lies and democracy

    It might have been laughable, if not grave. An online portal reported that Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, opened an office for his wife. It is the sort of nonsense that will continue to inundate the online world until the traditional media, especially the proprietors and Guild of Editors wake up. Posterity will frown at us as we watch the integrity of our profession sullied by a mendacious brood. Today, New York Times has over 10 million paid subscribers. The Wall Street Journal and Washington Post have fewer but nonetheless boast robust millions. We cannot grow because we have left the place to leeches.

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    Senate President Akpabio gets my sympathies. It happened because media managers are asleep. He does not deserve such an embarrassment. We witnessed same in reporting the Kaduna Tribunal verdict when online portals who had no reporters in the court trended online with a farrago of lies. It’s not only the media on trial. It’s democracy.

  • Northern Muslims, Christians and national conference

    Northern Muslims, Christians and national conference

    Southern Kaduna is a parable as to whether we can, as a people or peoples, ever live together as one, or exercise civilised pretence. Or whether we can hug, wine and dine. Or whether we will continue to lock horns and make nights of noons.

    Not long ago, a seminarian became a metaphor of such a quandary. A band of goons invaded a church, but two bare-handed priests abandoned altar civility and tore the other cheek. They repulsed them. Blood in their eyes, the frustrated bandits burned the St. Raphael’s parish rectory in Fadan Kamantan. Inside was Na’aman Danlami, the seminarian. He had entered as a human, Bible-toting, a prayer specimen, a fury for the Holy Ghost. But he came out as human toast; stiff, roasted, blackened, past praying for.

    It is a malevolent reincarnation of T.S. Eliot’s Murder in the Cathedra. He was murdered in his safest place. Something did not just startle where he thought he was safest, to quote writer George Lamming. Something unsettled. He expired in fire and smoke.

    The story is about the church. But it is about something larger. It is about a region crawling with fear and trembling. It is about ethnic tension, Muslim and Christian, political bickering and brick walls, about bad men walking the night. It is about a quest for equality and plunder of scarce resources. It is about cunning and sectarian murder, about cash and cassocks. Above all, it is not a story of Southern Kaduna alone. It is a story of Nigeria. The bonfire of death and fear in that region triggers the question: Should we ever convene a sovereign national conference, or when or how?

    Only recently, the same region exploded in jubilant uproar when Major General C.G. Musa, one of them, was made the top man of the armed forces. They had coalesced their vote against a so-called Muslim-Muslim ticket. The pirouette in spirit came because they now perceive Tinubu as a possible friend. They have voter’s remorse. But then, under this administration they have seen not a few attacks. Now, if it was not the Tinubu administration looking the other way, what was wrong?

    My investigation shows that it is as religious as it is not, and ethnic as it is not. Recently, when armed caches were unearthed, who were arrested? They were not Fulani but people bearing Christian names. One of them was named Napoleon John as gunrunner. His partner? Monday Dunia. But those who burned the seminarian were Fulani by eye-witnesses. Recently, though, eight persons were arrested by the army for killings in the place. Six had clear northern, presumably Fulani names. But two of them were William Barnabas and Adamu Joseph. So what’s going on?

    This writer learned that the matter is more complicated than it seems. While the Fulani do the onslaughts, who is their spy? Some locals believe that villagers on the take collaborate with the goons and tell them who is in town, what place to pillage and when. This is a matter for the secret service to examine.

    According to a source, “some clerics are taking advantage of the mayhem to make capital from both Rome and Saudi Arabia. They elicit donations when churches and mosques get burned and by parading IDPs as being persecuted for their faiths. They also exploit funding from politicians and enthusiastic international donor organisations.” The region has dignified clerics  who rise above such vanities, including the well-known Bishop Hassan Kukah.

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    So, the ill will may not account for all or even the majority of the troubles. But it brings difficulty to the fight against terror, and in identifying the omens among men. Nor is it peculiar to southern Kaduna that persons have taken advantage of the Fulani hordes. Former Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom made a career out of a hate of haters. He made love from a feast of haters. The herders were evil enough, but he exacted a raison d’etre to thrive on it. With dark extravaganza of public funerals of herdsmen victims, he gave life and even respectability to a career of ineptitude as governor. We have seen this in parts of the north.

    The army in recent times has been combing communities for informants and collaborators in Southern Kaduna. That is an effort that should be intensified even as caches are found and arrests made. It is not a day’s job but a long, hard slog.

    We have peaceful locals who are Fulani. But who is to know who is for peace and for trouble, even among the Fulani settlers?

    It is the same sort of suspicion that has pervaded the country. The Yoruba and Igbo in Lagos, the Itsekiri and Ijaw in Delta, sometimes Itsekiri and Urhobo, the Ibibio and Anang, North and south, the Ikwerre and Igbo. It takes intra-ethnic colour, like the Ife and Modakeke.

    But this is expected in today’s world as globalization is creating such tensions. Nations are turning into racial ramparts in Europe and North America. There is even a call to abolish the international protocol on Refugees to allow nations reject migrants swarming their shorelines. It’s what Jesus called “distress of nations and perplexities.”

    It raises a question as to whether democracy is enough for the modern era. Or is it a problem of democrats? For instance, barely five decades ago, Christian natives up north craved the Fulani herdsmen and competed to welcome them to their farms. When they were leaving, they threw parties. They accepted their differences, unlike the assertion by French philosopher Montaigne, who wrote, “We all call barbarous, things that are contrary to our habits.”

    It is an irony today the bad Fulani and bad locals are the ones allegedly causing friction. They make the news and make the bombs. Their guns discriminate against none. As Napoleon said, “to a cannon, all men are equal.”

    In the halcyon days, they never called a national conference. They had what political scientist call a social bargain. They lived with unwritten rules. The British constitution’s beauty lies in the heart, not on the letter. It is the sort of feeling that made Idy Enang, a marketing guru to tell the Ikoyi Club celebrants at the club’s 85th anniversary symposium that he named his daughter Morenike for lack of such translation in his language.

    We had a national conference under Jonathan, but it was an extravaganza of grandstanding and vaporous rhetoric. We need what Aristotle called “civic friendship,” as a prelude to free citizenship. Today, we have Christian and Muslim citizens, Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo citizens. We are yet to have Nigerian citizens. The unwritten civic bargains, as we witnessed in the last elections, are mainly ethno-religious. Such a backdrop can only doom a national conference.

    We are in an age of charismatic leaders who ride populist hysteria. Our leaders can enthrone a new kind of social contract based on justice, the equity of resources and equity of recognition. It will banish kingpins of tribe and faith and announce a sojourn in citizenship. Lee kwan Yu did it so well that when a Chinese leader visited Singapore, the Chinese natives shunned his appeal to race. It is the way to mark a 63rd birthday.