Category: Monday

  • Payback politics

    Payback politics

    After the February 25 presidential election, and the victory of president-elect Asiwaju Bola Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), there are political debts to be paid.  

    Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai issued a reminder to that effect when he addressed party supporters in Zaria, saying Tinubu should endorse Abbas Tajudeen, the Iyan Zazzau, for the position of Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives.

    Tajudeen, representing Zaria Federal Constituency, is the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Land Transport. He has been re-elected, and El-Rufai wants him to be Speaker in the 10th National Assembly.

    The governor said: “We thank God that our member of the House of Representatives from Zaria, the Iyan Zazzau has won the election.” He told the gathering that he planned to “see Asiwaju in respect of the Speaker.”

    “The most important thing I will request from him, if at all I contributed to his success in the election, the only payback is for the Iyan Zazzau to become Speaker,” he added.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had announced that Tinubu won the election with 8,794,726 votes. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Atiku Abubakar, who had 6, 984,520 votes, and the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Peter Obi, who got 6,101,533 votes, are challenging the election result.  

    Tinubu won 12 states (Benue, Borno, Ekiti, Jigawa, Kogi, Kwara, Niger,  Ogun, Ondo, Oyo, Rivers, Zamfara) and came second in 19 states (Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Bauchi, Cross River, Ebonyi, Edo, Gombe, Imo, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Lagos, Nasarawa, Osun, Plateau, Sokoto, Taraba, Yobe).

    From the results, El-Rufai’s support did not win Tinubu Kaduna State. It is unclear how the governor arrived at the conclusion that his contribution to Tinubu’s victory in the presidential election qualified him to request the president-elect’s endorsement of Tajudeen.  It is puzzling that he presents the request with a sense of entitlement.

    If he feels entitled, what should be expected from the governors of the states Tinubu won? Did they do more to support Tinubu’s candidacy? What do they want as payback from the president-elect?  

    At a meeting with the party’s senators-elect and House of Representatives members-elect, APC National Chairman Abdullahi Adamu was reported saying, “The news media and especially the social media are full of speculations of some of you jostling for leadership positions in the National Assembly. This is not unusual. People have the right to struggle for positions of leadership for which they believe they are eminently qualified. 

    “But we, in the National Working Committee of the party, are not comfortable with the tone adopted by those who seek those offices. Those offices are not tribal or sectional rights and must not be so portrayed.”  

    This shows that the party is faced with a problem, and needs to deal with entitled members who believe it is their turn to occupy leadership positions in the National Assembly.

    Adamu added that “whatever sharing formula the party and the president-elect arrives at will be fair, just, equitable and satisfy the majority of our members.” It remains to be seen if the party’s formula will satisfy members who have an entitlement mentality.   

    Reports said a faction of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, the apex Igbo socio-cultural association, called for a “national healing process” after Tinubu emerged as president-elect.  Its Secretary-General, Mazi Okechukwu Isiguzoro, in a statement, said “he should ensure that Nigerians, especially Ndigbo, are accommodated in the distribution of public amenities and provide an enabling environment for businesses to thrive in the country.” 

    The group also called for “the formation of Government of National Unity (GNU),” saying, “These are the ingredients that will soothe frayed nerves and restore peace across the country.”

    It is strange that the group is seeking special treatment for Igbo people, and a so-called government of national unity. This is another instance of entitlement mentality.

    Tinubu said: “There has been talk of a government of national unity. My aim is higher than that. I seek a government of national competence. In selecting my government, I shall not be weighed down by considerations extraneous to ability and performance. The day for political gamesmanship is long gone.

    “I shall assemble competent men and women and young people from across Nigeria to build a safer, more prosperous, and just Nigeria. There shall be young people. Women shall be prominent. Whether your faith leads you to pray in a church or mosque will not determine your place in government. Character and competence will.”

    This suggests the president-elect recognises that only the people should feel entitled. Nigerians want a better society, and the majority of the voters voted for the presidential candidate they believed could make things better in the country.   

    Poverty, for instance, is a big issue. The national Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in November 2022 showed that poor governance provides enabling conditions for multidimensional poverty, which is beyond monetary poverty. It underlined the importance of good governance in the country’s pursuit of a better society.  

    The report said 133 million Nigerians were multidimensionally poor. This figure represents 63 percent of the country’s population of more than 200 million. Three out of five Nigerians live in poverty, according to the report.

    Poor governance in the country is attributable to multidimensional authorities, and tackling poverty demands action from the federal, state and local governments. It can be said, ironically, that poverty in the country is governance-driven. So, anti-poverty solutions must be governance-driven.

    The United Nations (UN) defines extreme poverty as “a condition characterised by severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information. It depends not only on income but also on access to services.”

     This definition captures not only monetary poverty but also multidimensional poverty, and how “deprivations in basic amenities” can be a means of assessing poverty.

    After Tinubu’s election, it’s payback time. It is understandable that there are people in his camp who expect to be paid back for their efforts to get him elected. But beyond this, better times under Tinubu will be the ultimate payback for millions of Nigerians.

  • Either Gbadebo or Chinedu

    Either Gbadebo or Chinedu

    If a democrat, the fellow running for Lagos governor on LP ticket should act like one – in his tongue, in acts and genealogy. That is accounting.

    As the campaign runs its final course, he should tell us if his tongue is twisted. Let us know if he cannot speak the language, or if his accent casts doubt on his authenticity. Or is he afraid to utter the Yoruba Language? I have seen some of his Yoruba clips. In these days of deepfake, he may deny it. But let us have an authentic utterance from Gbadebo.

    He should tell us why he waltzed into a setting and basked into a zest of sing-song in non-Yoruba language. Yet he has failed so far to showcase any campaign event where they wafted the language of Kaaro ojire. If he does that now, though, it will fall flat as an anticlimax of afterthought. He never did the right thing at the right time when the rites of campaigns offered him the site. So, he will not have a chance to prove himself right.

    I will be upending his right to identify him by his name if I call him Chinedu for the reason that he does not address himself in public by that name. That name, though genuine, must be a valued identity of his. But he elects to go by the name of Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, and that is his own name by choice and birth. Is Chinedu a name by stealth, too? He used it in 2019. Why has he edited it now? Is it because he ran in a part of town where Chinedu inspired a war chant for his candidacy? Is it that he now is not proud of his mother’s heritage, or that he is too proud of it to smear it? Or is he being a Yoruba from the backdoor?

    A fiery tone crests the internet. How much of this is true? We have not seen any spirited rebuttal? Is it that his silence is consent or defiance, or even a puffy, sullen and voiceless insolence?

    Has he, in fact, privileged Chinedu over Gbadebo? Is he at one with the fact that Yoruba and Igbo are not at one over him in Lagos? Why does he not defuse the tension, and tell those who want to hoist anger against the host tribe that he comes in peace? Or is he one of those who believe that Lagos is no man’s land? Is he now at war with the people who share his first name? is Chinedu at war with Gbadebo? How is he allotting the armoury and army divisions over the division of the name? And is he partial to those who share his quiet or unobtrusive name? is Chinedu his stealth bomber? I should want Gbadebo and Chinedu to exchange roses, not thistles. Unless he concedes that he is under both powers. Is Gbadebo looking at Chinedu as a traitor, and vice versa? If true, why impose his inner storm on others?

    I saw the video of him walking into an event, and the song was not in proper English or pidgin English or Yoruba or Hausa, but in Igbo. Nothing wrong with that. Any candidate can do that. But he has to balance it with another flavour to reflect our ethnic diversity. I have not seen him in an exclusively Yoruba rally, or a foray into the hefty Hausa-Fulani parts of the town.

    He should have a conversation in Yoruba and make it plain that he speaks the language as fluently as anyone. If it is true that you cannot speak it so fluently, you can confess to that shortcoming and give a human explanation that it is not your fault. You can show us that it is because your mother did not teach you and she made it impossible by your upbringing. That can explain why you are so handicapped. They may however wonder how you would relate to the folks at Mushin or Epe or Ikorodu?

    If that is the case, then make the point that it is not important to know the language in order to govern, and that your English and Igbo are good enough for governance. The people will then ask  why you hid that inability until the issue bubbled into a frenzy.

    It would become hard, if not impossible though, for you to say you are competing with a person, like Babajide Sanwo-Olu (The BOS of Lagos), or even Jandor whose Lagos bona fides cannot be contested.

    The next step would have been for you to counsel the people of your mother’s heritage that this is not a campaign against your father’s heritage. You are yet to act like the governor who has called for calm and eschewed the rhetoric and fury around Lagos about one tribe seeking to unseat the other. You should have told the Chinedu of your soul that such stuff is not of a civilized lot. But Rhodes-Vivour has done no such thing.

    Rather, he has encouraged a malignancy in the form of a whispering campaign. But that was at the beginning. It no longer whispers but brawls on the street. It deafens with a register of words and phrases and even images that recall a time in history when this same city was overshadowed with the spectre of war and death. We cannot even forget, not long ago, when a royal caution about the Atlantic Ocean filled the city with portent and protests.

    Rhodes-Vivour has acted like one who wants to stalk a city in silence, like a predator on the sly. No one can blame him for who he loves to marry, who delivered him at birth, or a riven parenthood. But he has to account whether he exploits either or both to rip a community apart. It’s not whether someone split his blood ancestry. It is whether it can spill blood.

    His tweet about celebrating Biafra day also went viral. Did he do it? Few answers. He should confess and say whether he is an IPOB faithful. Or is it just another election slander? Some have said the LP’s presidential candidate picked him because of the same controversial credentials. Is that so? He has kept mum even when it concerns his mom.

    The people will have to compare him with the governor who has stirred the state in peace, handled the COVID-19 matter with great aplomb and statecraft, is giving us a train, has given us the biggest rice mill in the region, apart from an array of housing, healthcare facilities and infrastructure displays. Above all, he has been a carapace of harmony in a nation ravaged with fear and bandits.

    In his play of divided selves, The Tempest, Shakespeare asserts that, “the strongest oaths are straw to the fire in the blood.” Which of the oaths is in the bonfire? Chinedu or Gbadebo?

    The first job of a candidate is to account for his past and present. The LP candidate has done neither. He wants to bend the present to worship his past.

    Rebels of democracy

    Can we ponder the paradox that the PDP and LP are calling Buhari, their favorite anti-democrat, to do a Machiavellian thing for them: annul the presidential polls? Now, they want to upturn democracy and are calling for the former soldier’s help. The same elements atop PDP and LP were spectators at best and collaborators during the topsy-turvy days of June 12. They morphed into partisans of Abacha’s party before the tyrant expired. Hence, they coalesced to form the PDP. Once annul, always annul.

    The man who led and gave his treasure and limbs to restore June 12 and democracy was Bola Tinubu, now president-elect. This is not the only irony. When the certificates of return were handed out last week, they did not say it was rigged. But it was the same thumbs, polling units, flesh and blood, Nigerians, BVAS, the same time that they voted for Tinubu and the lawmakers. Flashing a grin, the LP man had a photo-op with Ireti Kingibe with her certificate. His over 60 percent showing in Abuja could not be phony. These rebels of democracy have not called for those annulments. One annulment is better than another? They know how to make their own rules and ruse. When it works for them, it is the rule. When they fail, it is a ruse.

    Obama and southeast vote

    Some commentators are justifying the Southeast bloc vote for the LP man. It should not merit  my  response if they did not call in Obama’s deluge of black votes. This is a misguided reading of history. The blacks supported him because of centuries-old legacy of slavery, and he was able to ignite a nation, whites especially, full of blood guilt. Nigeria has no such guilt with the east. Hence IPOB sentiment has not transcended the east. I cannot see how we can justify a bloc vote and call for national unity in the same breath when other regions, including where the LP man won outside the southeast like Nasarawa, reflected a diversity of enthusiasm. The LP man garnered votes there because of the conspiracy of the church, but his first impulse of support came from the IPOB group who switched loyalty once the LP candidacy took off. The logic that other Igbos have run and did not get such following is a poor way to justify bigotry. Rather, it unveiled the maelstrom of hate of the moment. In Obama’s time, it showed a nation coming to terms with it’s malevolence. Even at that, the whites reacted with the Rise of Trump and the alt-Right. There are always consequences for banding together.

    If Obama reflected the American zeitgeist, the LP man jolted a religious movement with a dangerous portent. It mirrors a faith graying at the temple.

  • Election extension

    Election extension

    It’s a familiar drama. It’s not over till it’s over.  The major losers in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election are seeking judicial intervention to overturn the winner’s victory. This means big business and big money for some of the country’s big-time lawyers who will be involved in the legal battle on both sides.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had announced that the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu, won the election with 8,794,726 votes.   The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Atiku Abubakar, who had 6, 984,520 votes, and the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Peter Obi, who got 6,101,533 votes, are challenging the election result.

    The PDP’s vice-presidential candidate, Ifeanyi Okowa, described the election as “a sham,” saying it was “never free and fair.” Atiku asked his legal team, comprising 19 Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs), to “establish the claim of illegality in the February 25 presidential election and reclaim the mandate of the Nigerian people.”

    The LP’s National Secretary, Umar Farouk, was reported saying “We have more than 20 SANs that are willing to participate and offer their services for the renewal and emergence of a new Nigeria…we have started ‘trekking’ to the court.”

    The APC’s National Legal Adviser, Ahmad El-Marzuq, said in a statement that the party had appointed a legal team consisting of 12 SANs, who were chosen based on their “requisite expertise and experience.” He urged party members to support the team “in its effort to defend the will and mandate of the people.”  

    But the APC Presidential Campaign Council’s Director of Media and Publicity, Bayo Onanuga, was reported saying “what we have in the public arena is just a partial list. Altogether, I think there are about 50 of them in all.”

    Strangely, one of the APC’s listed lawyers, Pius A. Akubo (SAN), issued a statement, saying he “had no prior knowledge of the said appointment,” and had “not received any official communication on the subject matter hitherto.” He added that he “was taken by surprise to hear of the said appointment via social media.” “In the circumstance, and for personal reasons, I hereby decline the said appointment,” he announced.

    According to reports before Akubo’s rejection of the role, a total of 89 SANs will be involved in the legal battle on both sides. This number is baffling. Why do the losers need the number of SANs said to be in their legal teams? Why does the president-elect need the number of SANs said to be in his legal team?  Do the numbers matter?

    Interestingly, the chief spokesman of the Tinubu-Shettima Presidential Campaign Council, Festus Keyamo, was reported saying, “It is not a competition. “I am a lawyer and can tell you specifically that the numbers don’t matter. It is all about the quality of evidence.”

    If numbers don’t matter, why is the number of SANs involved in the legal battle reported to be nearly 100? Given that they are SANs, it can be reasonably expected that their charges will reflect their high status in the legal profession. In other words, their services won’t come cheap.

    Who will pay these lawyers? Will the burden of payment be on the concerned politicians or their parties, or both? If the politicians will solely pay the lawyers’ fees, it raises questions about their financial power.

    Under the Electoral Act 2022, the maximum election spending permissible for a presidential candidate is N5bn. The electoral act defines election spending as “expenses incurred by a political party within the period from the date notice is given by the commission to conduct an election up to and including the polling day in respect of the particular election.”

    But post-election spending on election disputes is unlimited.  So, a presidential candidate/political party can spend more than what is allowable for an election on disputes after the election.   

    It is unclear how much the services of the SANs hired to represent Atiku, Obi and Tinubu will cost the politicians or their parties, or both.  Since there is no formal ceiling, it can be said that the sky is the limit.

    This adds another dimension to Nigeria’s money politics. Money is a possible influential factor not only before and during elections; it can be a potent post-election force, determining the status and number of lawyers engaged by politicians for election disputes.

    The legal battle means that the presidential election, considered to be lost and won, has been extended. The extension of the election means that it is unfinished business until resolved by judicial authorities.

    It remains to be seen how those challenging the presidential election result will prove that the contest was rigged. Former INEC chairman Prof. Mahmud Jega argued in an article: “Allegations that APC rigged the election also fall flat because it lost the biggest states, namely Lagos, Kaduna, Kano and Katsina, even though all of them have APC state governors, all of whom are staunchly loyal to Tinubu.”

     He also argued: “In terms of vote banks, what is Imo, Edo or Adamawa to these states? Why should anyone go rigging elections in some small states when he could rig up figures in the biggest ones and win by a large margin?

    “If they could help it, why should ten APC governors, APC National Chairman and Director General of the APC campaign suffer the embarrassment of failing to deliver their states? Why should Tinubu himself suffer the embarrassment of failing to win outright in Lagos, long alleged to be his political fiefdom?”

     These are reasoned arguments. But there are counter-arguments. So, in a way, the outcome of the electoral contest, which should be determined by votes, has been reduced to a clash of opinions to be resolved judicially.  

    When then President Goodluck Jonathan conceded defeat after the 2015 presidential election, without a protest, it was unprecedented in the country’s electoral history. At an event in Abuja two years later, he elaborated on why he took that path. “I conceded defeat without a fight because I wanted to set a standard for our democracy, going forward,” he said.

    “My aim then was to change the narrative and prove that election-related litigations should no longer define Nigeria’s democracy. People must not always go to court and obtain judgments before elections in Nigeria are declared complete.

    “I thought that it wouldn’t be out of place if we got to that stage where those who lost elections will be able to congratulate those who won.”

    The legal battle means that the 2023 presidential election, considered lost and won, has been extended. The extension of the election means that it is unfinished business until resolved by judicial authorities.

  • A policy gone awry

    A policy gone awry

    The current fate of the Naira redesign and cashless policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), has again brought to the fore all that is wrong with policy planning and implementation on these shores.

    Designed with a two-pronged objective, its target was in part, to replace the old N200, N500 and N1000 notes with new ones at the end of January 31. The other component which targets the reduction of the cash in circulation, pegged weekly cash withdrawals to N500, 000 and N5million for individual and corporate organizations respectively.

     Both were to take effect by the set deadline at which time the CBN would have circulated enough of the new currencies for normal economic and commercial activities to go on unhindered.

     In the eyes of our policy makers; it was meant to help the CBN design and implement better monetary policy objectives, take control of the currency in circulation, address the hoarding of the Naira outside the banking system and check the increasing counterfeiting of the high denominations of the Naira notes.

    Though these are high-minded objectives, the implementation of the policy miserably faltered from day one as the CBN was unable to make the new Naira notes sufficiently available to the commercial banks such that acute scarcity ensued even as both the old and the new currencies circulated concurrently. This brought excruciating hardship to the citizens who could hardly access the new currencies as the deadline approached.

    Things were further compounded as people made to deposit the old currencies at their disposal even as the new Naira notes were nowhere to be found. The CBN was forced into extending the deadline to February 10, on account of the volatile situation the matter presented. It was a potentially explosive scenario that could rupture.

    But the impending general elections seemed to have contributed to the elasticity of the peoples’ patience. Many bought into some of the arguments canvassed by the authorities to justify the hardship imposed on the citizenry by the uncoordinated and not well programmed policy. Some reasoned, if that was the only way to punish politicians for the monies they allegedly stashed away, the end would have justified the means. But it turned out a misplaced optimism as events unfolded later.

    At another level, there arose allegations that commercial bank officials were colluding with some unscrupulous Nigerians to corner the new currencies and sabotage the new policy. Some governors who went to court to challenge the CBN directive got a reprieve when the apex court granted an interim injunction on February 8, ordering the old notes to remain legal tender until the conclusion of the case.

    But in what appeared a disobedience of the apex court’s ruling, President Buhari in a national broadcast only approved the continuous circulation and use of the old N200 notes up till April. That directive provided no succour to a citizenry that had been forced to be buying Naira at ridiculously reduced rates due to the scandalously unavailability of cash in the system.

    Buhari’s directive on the recirculation of the N200 naira old notes did not make any perceptible improvement on the dire situation and the untold hardship the citizens were passing through. It provided no succour. This should not be surprising as the N200 naira old notes are said to represent only about 9.2 per cent of the entire currency in circulation.

    Those who got to the banks after the president’s directive in the hope of getting cash, went back home disappointed. Nobody seemed to know what the challenges are or when the situation will improve. The amount of the new currency the CBN injected into circulation was not also available, as speculations had a field day. But the ordinary people were at the receiving end.

    Trust Nigerians! Mindless exploitation both in terms of the discounted buying of the Naira with Naira and high charges by Point of Sales POS operators became the new normal. The poor telecommunications infrastructure helped in no small measure in compounding the woes of the people as electronic money transfers turned a nightmare. Money transfers were deducted from accounts and held for days and weeks even when such transfers were recorded as unsuccessful. People were virtually at the mercy of the incompetence of the banking system.

    Nobody seemed to be certain on the way out and when the mess will ease out. But what appeared a reprieve came when the Supreme Court finally gave judgment on the suit by the governors. In its ruling, the apex court nullified the government’s Naira redesign and cashless policy for contravening the 1999 constitution.

    It held that the procedure adopted by the federal government in effecting the policy was wrong and lampooned Buhari for disobeying the court order when on February 16, he directed that only the N200 old notes should remain in circulation. The apex court ruled that the N200, N500 and N1000 Naira old notes should continue to circulate with the new notes till December 31.

    The apex court succinctly captured the mess that had become of the policy when it described the president’s action as ‘a sign of failure of the constitution; a threat to democratic governance and a drift towards autocracy’.

    But the ruling of the Supreme Court was soon equally entangled in another web of uncertainty. Nothing has since come from the CBN reinforcing its commitment to the implementation of the order of the apex court. In the absence of any directive from the CBN, most of the depositors’ banks remain in confusion as to what directive to obey-the one from Buhari or the Supreme Court?

    A few banks reportedly commenced the payment of customers with the old N1, 000 notes. But their customers were reluctant to accept them because traders, transporters and even petrol stations were rejecting them thus reinforcing the confusion that ensued since the new policy.  As I write, it is more than a week the apex court gave the ruling and nothing positive has come from the CBN.

    Meanwhile, the situation is getting more hopeless by the day as the new Naira notes appear to have gone into oblivion. What is really going on if one may ask? Why are our policy makers unduly punishing the ordinary people who had hitherto been facing existential threats on account of mounting economic, social and political challenges brought about by the actions and inactions of the same leadership?

    It speaks a lot of the kind of leadership we have in this country that a key policy objective as the Naira redesign and cashless policy has been allowed to be embroiled in utter confusion such that the initial aims are about to be defeated.

    How do we now design and implement better monetary policy objectives in the circumstance; take control of the currency in circulation, address hoarding and check the counterfeiting of the high denominations of the Naira? This question arises given the ruling of the apex court that the old currencies should circulate concurrently with the new one till the end of the year.

    Though the apex count may have been moved by the hopelessness of the situation to issue the order, its overall effect will be to reverse whatever gains the CBN would have made by the policy. It is akin to returning to the point we were before the introduction of the policy.

    That immediately throws up the question as to what the country has achieved by putting the entire citizenry through the harrowing and life threatening situation presented by the policy.  Why did we have to embark upon such a policy if at the end of the day, we have to revert to the status quo?  Why did we have to put the poor citizens through all these harrowing experiences resulting in the stifling of business and commercial activities? It is a shameful situation that should have led to the resignation of all those who contributed to this mess.

    There is the urgent need for the leadership to rise up to these contradictions. The pervading air of confusion and uncertainty on the policy is a time bomb. Things have continued to get out of hands with the ordinary people unable to access essentials of life due to the unavailability of cash.  For a cash economy as ours, the consequences of allowing the situation to linger further could be very dire. But who is listening?

  • A man of faith

    A man of faith

    What Asiwaju Bola Tinubu – the president-elect – just pulled off is a miracle but the merchants of miracles in our midst are not shouting hallelujah. They are still querulous. Rather than see a divine halo in the man’s march to his hallowed dream, they were trying to choreograph the divine poise.

    They did not see his seesaw of obstacles and how he scaled one after the other. And, also, how gifts fell on his lap. First, it was in his party, the APC. Once the 2019 polls were over, some elements in Aso Rock as well as opponents in the party ganged up. First step, sack Adams Oshiomhole as chairman. He was seen as Asiwaju Tinubu’s man in the party’s inner sanctum. They did, and then one of the coupists, Akpan Udo-Edehe, announced that they wanted a consensus candidate. In other words, a not-Tinubu as flagbearer for president. It was even decreed that no court suit should ensue. Udo-Edehe limped in his run for APC ticket in Akwa Ibom. He sulked into NNPP.

    That was not enough for self-confidence.  All eyes focused on the primaries. First, they advanced the idea of an open one. Then they balked. Tinubu had a way with the crowds. The sweepstakes may creep out of their hands into the Jagaban’s web. After all, he was the chief proponent of open primaries. So, let’s make it delegate-driven. It buzzed until they saw again trap falls of disaster. The only feline path to tear him apart was to get the president to appoint a successor in the mould of how Abdullahi Adamu emerged as party chairman. It did not happen from Buhari’s end.

    Then, they came with a magic. They wanted a narrow count that disenfranchised lawmakers and many party leaders. Their frustration was that a primary had to happen. Before that, they orchestrated a machine of lies. He did not go to Chicago.  A media outfit called Chicago State University to wrest a denial. Rather the school said he was not just a student but a distinguished one. They brought drug hobgoblin even after a U.S. government’s denial. They said he was not fit enough. He beat all contestants hopping from state to state. He even beat his chest over his peripatetic prowess when he met Niger State delegates. His opponents were waiting for him to faint and fly out in a medical craft. Nature failed their malice.

    On primary day, some party men rallied behind Senate president as the anointed pick. But it floundered. In fact, some Villa elements wanted Buhari to change his mind at the last moment. One of them asked the service chiefs to see Buhari for a last-minute order. One of the chiefs insisted the president already gave them a go-ahead to conduct a fair primary. But a cabal insider insisted all three should see him. They did. They met an irritated boss who asked them to proceed to the stadium to conduct a fair poll.

    He did not only win but handily, flummoxing all those who predicted his Nunc dimittis. He had before then enriched our political language with Emilokan. Some called it outburst. But it busted the cabal. As the campaign wore on, he became a source of immense derision. They mocked his body fluid, his height, his walk, his sitting, his standing, his words, his accent, his language, his faith, his paternity and maternity, his roots. But they were mocking his maker. And God said, God is mocked. If he had lost, a newspaper was waiting to appropriate O lule for him. But they wouldn’t employ it for their dazed candidate.

    Weeks to the polls, they saw an inevitability, and they devised a new obstacle. Fuel and cash. They would blame his party for putting Nigerians through the crucible. Tinubu will pay for them. The elements in the villa were accused but they had no shame. They persisted. Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar loved the cynical play because they expected the scarcity to knock out the Jagaban. We experienced in Tinubu on this matter what political scientists call loyal opposition, when he spoke under warrior Lisabi’s shadow in Abeokuta about those who wanted him to fail. El Rufai elaborated later.

    But in the divine strain must be seen a few factors. One, the APC northern governors, who were this essayist’s personal pick for persons of the year in 2022, insisted the next president must come from the south. Two, Obi came in as a gift by wiping out Atiku’s southern entitlements in Lagos, Southeast and south-south. Three, Wike and the G-5 factor. The forces were aligning. For the LP man even the APC did not hide the permutation that he was a gift for Tinubu. Yet, PDP and Labour Party in their mutual obstinacy united for Tinubu.  Kwankwaso, the Kano landlord, also left PDP. They broke into three. How could pieces make mincemeat of a whole? The APC left them alone according to the words of Napoleon: “Never interrupt your enemies when they are making a mistake.”

    The Obidient movement was like Asahel in the scripture who, like Fela’s joro jaro joro, ran but looked neither left nor right with no weapon and plunged straight into a sword. It is a movement without eyes or ears but legs of a flailing antelope. Like flies following the sweet scent of death in a corpse, they buzzed into their own electoral oblivion.

    Buoyed by false prophets and ethnic bigotry, it believed it could force a victory on a diverse nation. They forget that southwest and North coalition gave Buhari his victory. They didn’t have that heft. Christians and southeast alone is a narrow coalition. If the Atiku votes up north of Muslims with the southwest were in contention with the Obidients, a shellacking would have drowned Labour. Having shaved Atiku in the southeast and southsouth, Atiku relied only on the north for big numbers. Obi’s cynical move gave us no ideology. If it did, it romped in a narrow radius.

    The United States has a religious and white coalition. But it falls short. They align with business with the concept of low taxes and small government. Nixon enunciated the Christian and cultural nexus into what he called the southern strategy. It is exhibited in the G’s: God, gays and guns.

    The prophets hoodwinked their followers, acting like God’s spokesmen. I asked on TVC Breakfast Show, if that were the case, what happened with Father Hyacinth Alia of Benue State who supported APC and triumphed for Tinubu? Did it mean the holy spirit was at war with itself? God forbid. As Jeremiah wrote, they were speaking from their imaginations. He said, “A wonderful and terrible thing is committed in the land. The prophets prophesy falsely and the priests bear rule by their means. And my people love to have it so.”

    Men like that are a disgrace to the word of God. They are spiritual hustlers who want to fill their halls and build gigantic buildings as though the truth of God relies on marble palaces made with hands. Just as we no longer rely on physical circumcision but the foreskin of the heart, the love of God is in the heart, not in the ululations of false prophets. Their entrance does not bring light, but lights-out. For all who prophesied, Paul said, “though there be prophecies, they shall fail.” And of course, their tongues shall cease.

    The Bible says let the wheat and tares dwell together, not duel together. When the polls results started trickling in, the Obidients were exulting because they were cherry-picking areas where they were doing well. The polls were credible then. They forgot the big picture. They were happy to hear that Lagos fell, that a sort of partial domino fall was dawning: Buhari lost Katsina, Ayade lost in Cross River, Lalong in Plateau, Adamu in Nasarawa, El Rufai in Kaduna, et al. Translation: a credible proceeding. Twenty governors lost their states. But when Obidients lost the full count, they say no sir, it was rigged. Of course, it was no perfect poll. A man like hoary Obasanjo was sulking like an anarchist. The problem with the Obidients is that where they lost, they didn’t lose. Where they won, they didn’t win enough. Maybe they want to win 150 percent of southeastern states.

    As for some of my eastern brethren, they thought it was all right that a Tinubu had zero percent in one state and one percent in two states there. They have to understand that democracy is about building bridges and not erecting bubbles of bluster.

    It is the sort of puffy air they are bringing to Lagos. A territorial braggadocio does not make peace in another person’s patrimony. Many of them work here in peace, but a swagger of proprietary assertion by a good number of them does not make for peace.

    The LP man was an interesting candidate. He was a man who did not rely on his track record or vision. His followers did not watch him except his old wristwatch. When he lied, it was an act of human grace. When Tinubu erred, it was a big, unforgivable gaffe. His statistical illusions made the LP candidate a wizard. All those who hated Tinubu channeled their anger for the LP man. He did not have to be a saint. They canonised him and gave him the holy scent, including our pastors who loved the holy spirit so much that they did not see what was coming.

    Some writers and commentators went abroad to make claims for which they have no evidence. One of them was writer Chimamanda Adichie who wrote a New York Times piece out of rage rather than method. She turned anecdotes into a pattern, history into tendentious material, bigotry into grace. She probably thought she was writing a novel. But facts, even when fictionalized, have their place. She is often quick to toady up to the west for affirmation. She is entitled to her servitude, but she should not replace research with sentiment. As in her New York Times effusions. She needed to know that we had only a fraction of the polling stations with problems. And every polling station had result sheets signed by party agents at various levels. We need to ascertain whether some people are wailing because they did not have the chance to hack the server. Writing as though her Half of A Yellow Sun, she whipped up a spectre of refugees going to America. No bloodshed here, please.

    The polls may not be perfect; hence the law speaks of substantial compliance, a point the Nigerian Bar Association President noted in his assessment. At long last, we shall accept that elections, like this one, tumble social hierarchies by affirming the royalty of the citizen. In the words of the boisterous American statesman Huey Long, “every man a king but no one wears a crown.” The coronation belongs to the Nigerian people.

    When he said, emilokan, Tinubu turned out to be more prophetic than any prophet in the land. It was an act of faith as novelist Dostoyevsky wrote, “In a realist, faith does not spring from miracle but miracle out of faith.” Tinubu was the man of faith.

  • A plea for peace

    A plea for peace

    It’s all about the wait. It’s not just in the morning, when you deny sleep and turn voting into a missionary assignment. It is even before then, during the barnstorming, the frenzy of travels and dewy eyes of long meetings, the miscues of strategy, the slips and triumphs of rhetoric. The map becomes at once a sort of toy to hug and puzzle to study.

    It is about days to the polls, and the self-doubts and hope. Have I done enough, spoken to the right person? Shall I return to that venue, recalibrate that tactic? It’s about the moment at the poll, where the voter becomes instant fortune teller, reading the minds of the others and wondering, “are they going to vote my candidate?” That fellow with a knotted brow, he looks a little peevish. He can’t vote for my candidate. May his finger print ink over the line. If my candidate loses, how many will taunt me? Do I need a doctor, a medication, a prophylactic against a muscle spasm, a sudden stumble and fall. If he wins, what song will I invoke to jangle their ears who mocked me all year?

    After the vote, we muse over the polling officers as they obliterate ballot papers from errant finger prints. That belongs to that fellow with a cloudy eye. But when the counting begins, you cannot sit and when you stand, you forget when you are sitting again. Whether your candidate wins or loses at your polling area, you are now concerned with elsewhere, like an addict who didn’t get enough drag at that cigar. What is happening in the east, in the recesses of Jigawa, in Wike’s lair? You go to the social media and your WhatsApp plops with good news and then reality shows your guys cherrypicked the results. You still don’t know. You become a muscle of misery. You want to know, win or lose. “Suspense,” wrote poet Robert Burns, “is worse than disappointment.”

    But what the election season has taught us this time may lead to a triumph of commonsense. That must be the goal of the next president. But it was a big boil of lies and divide. We see that religion took a position it should never take in polls. We blame the churches. Because a candidate picks another, we turn the decision into a war of the faiths. We simplify the person. He is a Muslim or he is Christian. He has no other identity. The church sees to that. So when Asiwaju is defined as a Muslim who picks Kashim Shettima, who is a Muslim, we make the man look as though that is all that resides in his soul. And that is because that is what resides in the souls of the bishops and other clerics who tar them to tarnish their names. When Jesus asks his disciples, “who do people say the Son of Man is? They reel out a slew of identities. He is John the Baptist. He is Jeremiah. He is one of the prophets. But they have no patience with his own self-identity, until Peter says it.

    So, no pastor, who calls himself a man of the discerning spirit, consulted the holy ghost to tell them. He must be a demon so long as he is no Christian. Yet, before Tinubu became a candidate, we knew a lot of identities: a son of a trader, an accountant, a Mobil treasurer, a democracy fighter, a one-time American habitue, a governor, initiator of a political movement with the APC, et al. They look at him, and they decide on one story, an arbitrary pigeon-holing. They do same to Shettima, but the man is a former banker who enjoyed triple promotion, a governor, a hero in the fight against Boko Haram, a senator. All they see is his sojourns in a mosque.

    No one has asked either what makes them tick, what powers their fancies. “I am part of all that I have met,” wrote poet Alfred Lord Tennyson. But the church turned the campaigns to Nigeria’s version of the Crusades, a series of blood-churning conflicts that convulsed Europe and immortalized names like Saladin and Peter the Hermit. Here they see it as a war of Christ against Mohammed on a partisan turf, as though that has ever changed the lives of the fellow citizens. They mistake Nigeria for the kingdom of God even though Jesus himself warned that “my kingdom is not of this world. If my kingdom were of this world, then will my servants fight.”

    Yet these unassigned bishops and priests are conjuring a battlefield, stoking holy ghost fires, calling angels in heaven and demons from nether regions to duel where God has not blown a whistle. In the process, they abandon love and call fellow humans mad, a word that does not belong in the life of  a Christian tongue. The same cleric says members of that party also are members in the church. He must be breeding mad people under God? Making asylum with the word?

    The church in the process also worked hate among two major ethnic groups in the south, Yoruba and Igbo. In Lagos, it became a cauldron of distemper among the tribes. One hiding under a party and the other under the opposite name, it became a contest of supremacy that has nothing to do with whose ideas are superior. No grist for debate, no drill of ideas. A grudge match.

    Our democracy should not be about rage, but stating the case, an assembly of viewpoints and the winnowing of the great and the willowing of the stains. What we need now, as we await results  is a plea for peace.

    The BVAS is all we have. The technology has for most part delivered. Some of us had anticipated the repeat of the Osun story, where it failed to reconcile platforms. It seems INEC has learned and we can earn our democratic dividends in peace.

    All those who dispute can do the right thing: Go to court. You don’t need to give the other fellow an uppercut.

  • Critical issues in Saturday’s elections

    Critical issues in Saturday’s elections

    By the time this article is published, the presidential and National Assembly elections would have been conducted. Hopefully also, their outcome would have become public knowledge. And as usual with such contests, the elections would have been lost and won.

    Thus, some of the issues being canvassed here will have to contend with what actually happened in the field on the day of the elections. Given the fluidity of the situation under which this article is written, it is difficult to be precise on the way events will unfold on the day of the elections. That notwithstanding, it is vital to highlight certain critical factors to the elections for ease of assessment of the level of progress made on the democratic chart.

    These issues are not entirely new as they were copiously canvassed before the elections. The way they play out on the day of the elections will serve as a veritable benchmark for assessing the overall preparedness of the relevant agencies of the government to bequeath an election that is substantially free, fair and credible.

    The elections will offer us the opportunity to interrogate all the assurances from the relevant agencies of the government that they have taken adequate care of these anticipated challenges to ensure that the polls hold in an atmosphere devoid of official connivance and malpractices, intimidation and violence. 

     In a matter of this nature, the first focus should be on the electoral umpire-the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC.

    Logistics: the credibility of the elections will inexorably hinge on timely distribution of election materials across the country.

    In the past, we had situations certain electoral districts waited for hours before election materials were made available to such centres. This led to late commencement or even postponement of voting to the following day.  Situations that usually give rise to all manner of accusations of bias against the electoral body must not be allowed to rear up their ugly heads. Timely and contemporaneous distribution of election materials will go at lengths to ensure the credibility and acceptability of the elections. INEC will be facing serious test in this regard.

    Technology: Much of the optimism that the presidential and National Assembly elections will mark a sharp departure from our putrid electoral past is hinged on the deployment of technology for the conduct and transmission of election results. Here, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System BVAS comes into focus. BVAS will ensure that only registered and accredited voters are allowed to vote on the day of the election.

    By this arrangement, much of the electoral malpractices that hitherto took place at the polling units would be eliminated as only validly accredited voters are allowed to vote. The BVAS will come into very serious performance test not only in terms of its functionality but challenges that may be presented by poor network services from the service providers especially in very remote areas of the country.

     The BVAS holds the key to the overall success of the elections. There should be no room for excuses as its outcome could be very dire. INEC did test trials of the functionality of the BVAS in selected areas and came up with a successful verdict. It will obviously send wrong signals to hear that the BVAS deployed to some areas could not be of much help for one reason or the other.

    Insecurity: the challenges posed by insecurity are multidimensional. This is not just a challenge to the INEC but the country’s security architecture. The country is assailed by all manner of insecurity across the country. As we were going to the polls, critical segments of the country still remained under the control of sundry non-state actors.

    There are local governments and districts that political parties could not take their electoral campaigns to on account their volatility. That much was even admitted by a key official of the INEC when he warned that if nothing was done to check the insecurity in certain states, elections may not hold in very significant constituencies such that may lead to inconclusive outcomes and possible constitutional crisis. That prospect is high.

    The security agencies have offered copious assurances on their capacity to guarantee a safe environment for the elections. The facts remains that many of those areas were still largely unsafe on the eve of the elections. Political assassinations, killings and attacks on key candidates were still recorded in some states few days to the polls.

    Presumably, the INEC intends to hold elections in these very volatile constituencies. How it intends to ferry personnel and materials to areas which the political parties were afraid to campaign remains largely curious. In one of such states, a kite was flown that voters would be assembled at the local government headquarters to cast their votes. The idea could not fly but it demonstrated the dire security situation in such areas.

    It will be very interesting to know how INEC was able to navigate this huge security challenge to conduct elections in such constituencies. So both the INEC and the security agencies will be facing serious test on the manner of elections conducted in areas prone to high level of insecurity.

    The security challenge also comes from the dimension of the impartiality of the security agencies. How the security agencies perform their jobs devoid of manifest partiality is also at issue. The security agencies will be tested against the background of their neutrality and impartiality.

    There is equally a new dimension of the security challenge that would be on test on the day of the polls. The quasi security outfits set up by some state governments to complement the efforts of the federal government in combating rising criminality will come into serious public focus.

    Before the elections, allegations were rife that some of the states have secretly been deploying such security units to hound political opponents. They have also been fingered in many of the unresolved killings across some of the states.  Whether they will become willing tools to hound the opposition and manipulate the elections is also in contention.

    The undue influence of money in politics is another source of concern. Part of the justification for the currency redesign and cashless policy of the government was to reduce the influence of money (vote buying) during this particular election. A lot of noise has been made on the propriety of the policy given the hardship it brought to the citizenry.

    The election will show whether the new policy was able to prevent vote buying or politicians invented new avenues to circumvent the policy and continue business as usual. It will be a measure of the preparedness of the political class to part ways with a decadent order that has kept this country down overtime. 

    But more fundamentally, how much progress the country has made in national integration will also come into serious test by the outcome of the polls. With the major candidates of the political parties coming from the three dominant ethnic groups in the country, the continued role of primordial, ethnic and religious sentiments in influencing voting patterns will come into serious assessment. It will be interesting to know which factors played key roles in the pattern of votes secured by the major contenders.

    If it happens that voting pattern followed primordial lines, it would be a big statement on whatever progress this country has recorded in national integration 62 years after independence. That will also give a clue to the enormity of the challenges in forging a common sense of national identity, peace and progress of the country. It comes as a defining election.

  • 240 phony polling units

    240 phony polling units

    Last week’s disclosure by the chairman, Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Mahmood Yakubu that elections will not hold in 240 polling units in 28 states, should not be allowed to escape public scrutiny. Not with the circumstance that brought about that pass.

    The 240 polling units were among the 56,873 additional ones created by the commission in 2021 in what it called ‘expanded voter access to polling units 25 years after the last delimitation exercise in 1996’. The exercise saw an increase in the number of polling units from 119,973 to 176,846. The 56,873 polling units is the difference between the 1996 delimitation figure and the new ones created by the INEC in 2021.

    Having cancelled the 240 artificial polling units, voting will now take place in 176, 606 units across the country according to INEC. INEC cited lack of registered voters, no indication from voters to be relocated to those units and insecurity as reasons for its decision to shut down the 240 polling units.

    The distribution among the 28 states ranged from one polling unit in Edo and Zamfara to two in Bayelsa, 10 in Kano and 12 in Katsina with Imo and Taraba states having 38 and 34 redundant polling units respectively.  Apparently to douse doubts that are bound to arise from the polling units’ delimitation exercise, the commission made available a list of these polling units by name, code number and their location by state, local government and registration areas.

    But that is not all there is to the matter. Of major concern is the criteria adopted in allotting the polling units to the respective states. That is the moot issue inevitably thrown up by the wide disparities in the number of invalid polling units between and amongst some of the states.

    How do we rationalize for instance, the fact that states like Edo and Zamfara posted only one invalid polling unit, while Imo and Taraba had a whopping 38 and 34 polling units respectively with not even a single registered voter neither did anyone indicate interest to be transferred to them? On what projections then were such a high number of polling units assigned to the two states? Or is it being suggested that the two states posted high number of invalid polling units on account of insecurity given that it was the third reason INEC offered for disqualifying the 240 units? How come also that some states had no such redundant polling units at all?

    If insecurity is the reason for the wide disparity in invalid polling units, it would imply Imo and Taraba states are worst hit by the spate of insecurity that assailed various parts of the country in the last couple of years. This conclusion is definitely at variance with the realities of the festering insecurity which has left states as Borno, Yobe, Katsina, Zamfara and Kaduna a ghost of their former selves. By every indication, Imo and Taraba states are not the worst hit by insecurity.

     The point must not be missed that the polling units were created by the INEC in its expanded voter access to polling units. As at 2021 when the commission set about expanding the polling units, insecurity had spread across the country such that it ought to have been properly factored into the exercise.

    This is not to say that the general insecurity in the country is not going to impact negatively on the coming elections. No! That is not the dimension INEC is concerned with now. We are faced with recent polling units created by the INEC but which neither registered any single voter nor did anyone opt to transfer to them.

    What the situation presents is the reality that the projections on which the electoral umpire created those polling units did not conform to any known parameters. Constituency delimitation is usually based on population dynamics-migration, population growth and number of registered voters among others. With an obsolete and contentious census data, it remains to be imagined on what population changes INEC based its delimitation exercise.

    It would have made better sense for the INEC to have undertaken and concluded the voter registration exercise first before embarking on expanded voter access to polling units. The outcome of the exercise would have given it a fair idea of any exponential growth in voting strength which will now be used to determine the number of polling units to be created. Voter registration should have preceded the expansion of access to polling units. 

    A projection that left some states with as much as 34 and 38 polling units without a single registered voter has serious credibility issues to contend with.  It is either a product of educated guess or arbitrary allocations. That is the simplest way to capture the situation irrespective of the patronizing manner INEC chose to present the matter.

    INEC deliberately shied away from using the word delimitation to avoid possible constitutional clash. It had in the past tried to argue that electoral constituency delimitation is different from voter access to polling units. That may seem correct even as the line between the two is a very faint one. Perhaps, that line of argument allowed it to create the additional polling units without constitutional encumbrances.

    The 1999 constitution makes the delimitation of constituencies a joint responsibility of the commission and the National Assembly. Section 73 (1) provides for constituency delimitation at intervals of not less than 10 years. It also provides that the commission may embark on revision and adjustment after a national census, creation of states or by an act of the National Assembly.

    In the absence of any of the above conditions, it is little surprising that INEC’s creation of additional polling units ended up with bloated estimates. But there may be more to it than ordinarily meets the eyes.

    If the experience of the electoral body with the voter registration exercise is anything to go by, the reasons for the high number of invalid polling units will not be difficult to fathom. It cannot be forgotten in a hurry how INEC officials in connivance with some politicians inflated the voters register through fake, fictitious and multiple registrations.

    It took the INEC a rigorous cleaning up of the data using the Automated Biometric Identification System ABIS for more than 2.78 million names to be identified and removed as ineligible registrants. But that was after an alarm had been raised by the United Coalition of Political Parties CUPP.

    That was not all. The commission also identified 23 of its registration officers for sanctions for engaging in multiple registrations. Some of them were recorded to have made more than 40 unsuccessful attempts to upload a single ineligible registrant.

    These facts are being cited because the high number of redundant polling units may not be unconnected with similar devious attempts by unscrupulous officials of the commission in collaboration with their sponsors to compromise the process. But like the case of the fictitious voter registration exercise, they had the sophistication of technology to contend with.

    They had no way of manufacturing voters neither could they transfer fictitious voters to such centres. But for technology, ballot boxes would have been delivered to such inexistent polling units on the day of elections only for them to return after elections with thumb printed ballot papers stuffed in hotel rooms or the houses of influential politicians.

    That was the old order that has presumably gone for good. But old habits die very hard; hence the phenomenon of invalid polling units. INEC should have gone further to furnish details of the subscription rate in the additional polling units it created for balanced assessment of the level of accuracy of the exercise. This demand is vital given that a polling unit should usually have between 500 and 750 registrants.

    It would have been interesting to know how many of the new polling units met this criterion. All the same, it is good a thing INEC is conscious of the high expectations required of it in the coming elections. The country is at a peculiar trajectory. 

    The capacity of the electoral umpire to deliver free, fair and credible elections holds the ace for the unity, peace and progress of the country. Nothing should be done to encumber or circumscribe the inalienable rights of Nigerians to choose their preferred leaders in the coming elections.

  • A tale of two alarmists

    A tale of two alarmists

    Alarmism is unwanted as Nigeria approaches the presidential election scheduled for February 25, which has been described as the country’s most consequential election ever.

    In the political silly season, politicians tend to say things that are far-fetched. But there is no excuse for alarmist utterances. So, it was in order that the State Security Service (SSS) questioned the director of new media, Presidential Campaign Council of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Femi Fani-Kayode, concerning his alarming tweet suggesting a possible coup plot. 

    He had tweeted about “an alleged meeting between the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, Atiku Abubakar, and some military generals.”

     The military denied the allegation, and the PDP presidential campaign council demanded an investigation of the claim.

    After a session with interrogators, Fani-Kayode sang a different tune. It turned out that his tweet was based on an unverified report attributed to an unreliable medium.   “During the course of the discussion,” he said, “I think it is fair for me to mention one or two things. It is self-evident that some of the things that were said were regrettable.

    “Why do I say so? When news comes out, perhaps one should not have simply said it, believed it and accepted it, even if it is true. Perhaps another course could have been taken… Perhaps, let me ask the authority privately, let me find out before I say anything. I think I will concede that sometimes we have to be a little circumspect, especially given that—as they pointed out, the medium that issued out the statement is faceless.

    “We can’t rely on that medium. When I say something on my Twitter, the whole world listens. What I said really sent shock waves, and some people were very hurt. I say it is regrettable and I must say that was a mistake.”

    He was reported saying his judgement was “clouded by the fog of war.” But an election is not war, and should not be viewed as war. The mentality of “election is war” is bad for democracy and should be condemned.  

     Fani-Kayode is, of course, not the only Nigerian politician with such a warped perspective on elections. Indeed, many of the country’s political players are fixated on the abnormal concept of elections as war by other means.

     His apparent remorse regarding his alarmist tweet is a positive sign of his improvement, but it does not necessarily mean that he has dropped his warrior approach to elections. 

    According to him, the SSS is in the process of deciding whether he should be arraigned for his misconduct. This should be a lesson to political alarmists.

    The security agency should also identify and probe the operators of the medium that published the unsubstantiated information which the politician recklessly helped to spread. 

    The governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, added fuel to the fire in a state broadcast on February 16. In his response to “the prolonged fuel shortage and the difficulties occasioned by the so-called “currency redesign” policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria,” he made alarmist claims suggesting strong divisions within the ruling party.

    El-Rufai alleged that the controversial currency redesign policy “was conceived and sold to the President by officials who completely lost out in the Gubernatorial and Presidential Primaries of the APC in June 2022.”  

    According to him, “Once Asiwaju Bola Tinubu emerged as the candidate in June 2022, and subsequently did not pick one of them as his running mate, this currency redesign policy was conceived to ensure that the APC presidential candidate is deprived of what they alleged is a humongous war chest. They also sought to achieve any one or more of following objectives:

     ”Create a nationwide shortage of cash so that citizens are incited to vote against APC candidates across the board resulting in massive losses for the Party in all the elections;

     ”Ensure that the cash crunch is so serious, along with the contrived and enduring fuel shortage existing since September 2022, that the 2023 Elections do not hold at all, leading to an Interim National Government to be led by a retired Army General; 

    “Sustain the climate of shortage of fuel, food and other necessities, leading to mass protests, violence and breakdown of law and order that would provide a fertile foundation for a military take-over.”

    He made these allegations perhaps with conviction, but they were unconvincing because they were uncorroborated.  He should know that such weighty allegations need the weight of evidence for believability.  

    Given his status as governor, he is unlikely to be invited for clarifications by the relevant security agencies. But that does not make his alarmism any less condemnable. 

    Critically, his argument suggests that President Buhari was deceived into endorsing the currency change. But rather than redeem the president, this ultimately discredits him by presenting him as a puppet. Such an argument cannot exculpate the president. El-Rufai’s conspiracy claim is built on double standards, excluding Buhari but blaming the people around him.    

    The president’s spokesperson responded, describing as a “joke” the allegation that there was a plan to install an interim national government. The Senior Special Assistant to the President (Media & Publicity), Garba Shehu, said in a statement that “there is absolutely no truth to the claim that President Muhammadu Buhari is working towards an interim government or even worse, the truncation of democracy – democracy that he has helped to keep alive not only here at home, in West Africa but throughout the continent.”

    He added: “The talk of interim government and truncation of democracy is way off the mark. Those who peddle it stand to gain nothing- nothing at all -but the creation of panic and the incitement of the public against the federal government.”

    Then he dropped a bombshell, saying “It is another dangerous dimension by people who are afraid that they may lose their elections.”  

    This reinforces the observation that the ruling party is going into the elections divided against itself. It remains to be seen whether this won’t affect its performance in the elections.

    Interestingly, the alarmists, in both cases, are members of the APC. The first one made allegations against the PDP; the second made allegations against fellow APC members. Alarmism is not the way to prepare for elections.

  • Again, a Lagos original

    Again, a Lagos original

    He is rich. He is powerful. He has influence. He has changed lives. He transformed a city. Made men and women. Yet he attracts quite a few adversaries. The scriptures say when Isaac roared into success, the Philistines envied him.

    They deny him the right to be human. When he is sick, some wish him dead or eternally crippled. When he is not seen, some conjure his ghost as a dead soul. When he reappears, they won’t even credit him as a revenant, a man who came back from the dead. Rather, they wait for another date with the grave – in their imagination. Through the primaries, he gulped up mileage against his opponents’ little acreage. In the elections season, he bounded from huge crowd to huge crowd with breathtaking regularity. His opponents, including the “youth” among them, waited to take a breath and measure the breadth before the next flight.

    When he makes a mistake, they raise the stakes of sin and he becomes Satan. When he does a saintly thing, they turn either blind or amnesiac.  When they are around him, they flatter and lick his boots. A minute after they leave his ken, they snarl and huff.

    His traducers are like the characters in the proverb that says, “Haters don’t really hate you, they hate themselves because you are a reflection of what they want to be.”

    Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu knows this. Hence, he has never had an enemy in politics. Rather he has rivals. He can joust, even if he may not always be just. He has had many, some over money charges, often on matters where he is just. Others over drug charges where they thrash about like a ram even though he was long ago declared sin-free by the number one nation in the world in the rule of law: The United States.

    But he has never maligned nor spat malice. Hence, when some of his associates left, he often welcomed them back and elevated them, causing those who are at home to feel left behind. Before him, Jesus had dispensed the parable of the prodigal son who overtook the homeboy. Tinubu has never abandoned a prodigal. He understands the human conscience, the tendency to fall and faint, and he is ready to embrace and give an opportunity for rebirth. I have seen a few bow before him for pardon in private after shooting him with bows and arrows in the public square.

    Few in politics have this gift. They know it is one of his staying privileges and virtues. They hate him and try to tell a story of original lies about this Nigerian original.

    They won’t tell the story that he was the one who fought for this democracy when they were galivanting with soldiers in the military era, when June 12 fumed. They hid in shadows and fear. They say he is rich, so he must be a crook. Yet he fought in the trenches home and abroad, sacrificing his personal treasures for some of those who now tar him with lies. I saw an article in ThisDay on Sunday refer to an episode when Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka narrated how Tinubu begged the bard, because of his global credibility, to sign a paper for him to import Taiwan rice to fund the struggle. The gifted writer obliged. He knew the value of the fruits to dethrone the dark-goggled brute in Aso Rock, and the soldiers paid him back in ruthless kind chasing after him in western countries. They forget he was rich before he mounted the governor perch.

    It will make sense for them to know his many firsts in the republic, some in Nigerian history. They forget that the idea of revolutionizing the electric power architecture, and challenging the monolithic hold of PHCN began under Tinubu when he rattled OBJ as president to free us from the stranglehold of ‘NEPA’ monopoly. It began with Enron, and it has set the dialogue in motion to challenge the constitution.

    They forget he was the John the Baptist of financial engineering. Lagos could not pay its workers because of gnomes on the payroll. He combed out the lies in the accounts like lice in infected hair. He saved the purse. From less than a billion Naira in internally generated revenue, it was humming in the region of N9 billion a month. Today it is about N60 billion. Some say he merely unearthed what was there. I reply, when Jesus pointed the fish area of the river to his followers, was that not genius? Why are others not doing so. Some states earn in one year what Lagos swallows in a month.

    When other  governors said they were sending their men to learn from the Lagos experiment in making money, they were giving a tribute to the genius that made it happen. They hate to go like mendicants to Abuja for bailouts. They want to be like Lagos. Yet, some of them curse their source of blessing.

    His detractors balk at his wealth. They forget that he is often called Robin Hood, the man who takes from the rich and gives to the poor. It derives from his worldview not only as a liberal spender but his background among the poor in Lagos. Segun Ayobolu reminded us in his column of the same attacks on Awo over Maroko lands. The great Nigerian was called a thief. Awo said: “In Nigeria, if a poor man is fighting for the poor, they will claim he is only jealous of the rich and if a rich man is fighting for the poor, they will ask him to first of all go and commit economic suicide and join the poor before he can pursue their cause.” Is that why Jesus said the poor will always be with us?

    This campaign has exposed the hypocrisy of many. When you accuse their candidates of their financial shenanigans, like the one who sold off our properties for nothing as vice president and the one who invested his state money in his family business, they say it is normal. All these with evidence. But when it comes to Tinubu, they say it is different even when they have no proof.

    Some have asserted that financial engineering was Asiwaju’s capital legacy as governor. They may be right. The premise is that the flow of funds engendered the transformational projects in the state. Money is also the mother’s milk of development. But that is only one perspective. He has a background in finance, and as internal auditor in Mobil, he overhauled the purse of the oil mogul. For appreciation, they made him in charge of finances, and he became treasurer.

    I would say his best gift is his imagination. The story of power is one. What of security? While the rest of the nation crawls in fear today, Lagos is a strong tower. Many run there and are safe. He signposted an answer with a security trust fund that secured an architecture for peace. That arrangement has only grown stronger from one successor to another and aped, if imperfectly, in Abuja. This is no great hour in the nation’s security. But Lagos remains a city on the hill.

    Two other points. One, lekki. Jakande pave a road there. Tinubu launched a city – the estates, the free trade zone, the Lekki port and airport, the flyovers, the refinery, et al. As they say of Erasmus and Martin Luther, Jakande laid the egg, Tinubu preserved and hatched out a big bird, but it was not of the plumage Jakande envisioned. Two, Bar Beach. Soludo complained gullies have taken up 40 percent of Anambra like moths. Obi was there when it was going on. He claimed to have spent billions there in budgets. No vision, no action. Forget where the money went. In Lagos, Ikoyi and Victoria Island may have submerged when OBJ’s men were spending N4 billion – like 20 billion today – every year on sand to save water encroachment. It did not work. Tinubu came with a new idea: turn it into a city. Here we are. Eko Atlantic generates more money a month than some states.

    Some say his great gift was the fight for federalist causes for which he used now vice president Yemi Osinbajo to head a team to fight a number of causes, including the allocation of revenues for all states in the nation. Lagos has followed that step, especially when a lawyer, now Trojan of works, Babatunde Raji

    Fashola (SAN), succeeded him. The battle is still on the burner. The BOS of Lagos Babajide Sanwo-Olu and the uproarious Nyesom Wike took on the tax matter last year. We can see his legacy now on the naira crisis as states on their own are taking on Buhari for flouting the Supreme Order and making himself a dictator in a democracy. Forget the facile ululation of intellectual fraudsters like one Chidi Odinkalu and J.B. Daudu, who clutched at straws as salesmen to defend their principals, who are, like Nero, fiddling why Nigerians burn with hunger, and groan. Anyway, playwright Arthur Miller announced the death of salesmen long ago.

    On social issues, he, a Muslim, gave public schools back to the missions. A visionary step that will continue to shield Lagos from the maelstrom of bigotry that obsesses other parts of the country. This essayist reminded the nation that Tinubu, a Muslim, unfurled the Christian tradition of new year service every January in Lagos. In an age when politicians fall into a straitjacket of zealotry, Tinubu is wearing a garment of peace. Those thumping bishops and pastors who now cavil at him once nodded to the same innovation before they stopped hearing the whisper of the holy ghost.

    Others say his best quality is as a leader of leaders. He has given quite a few talents to the country, and I need no roll call here.

    Tinubu’s biography distinguishes between a leader and a manager. Some managers are great, but they can only accomplish set goals. A leader of this sort is a visionary, who turns ideas into a soup of charisma to stamp a profound, if revolutionary change on a generation. That was the difference between Awo and Akintola, between Mandela and Mbeki, Between Churchill and Macmillan, between Washington and Adams, etc. After Charles De Gaulle left office, one of his cabinet ministers said the “story of De Gaulle is in his legend.”

    Since he declared to run for president, Tinubu has been offering himself as a Lagos original. If no one can deny that Lagos is the best–run state in the nation by a mile, then, no one should look askance at an opportunity to rewrite Nigeria on a national scale. Tinubu arises today as David in Bible times arose to the low rung of the demographic of desire: “And everyone that was in distress, and everyone that was in debt, and everyone that was discontented, gathered unto him and he became a captain over them.” This is the closing argument.