Category: Sam Omatseye

  • How now, Pitobi?

    How now, Pitobi?

    Pitobi must feel like a champion, just because he does not like the Lagos-Calabar Superhighway. But not so fast, says Works Minister David Umahi, who saw through his ethnic catcalls.

    Umahi asked Pitobi to reconcile his past with his noise. As Anambra State governor, he said he would demolish structures without compensation. He is a hypocrite and a shameless one at that for saying that Umahi is costing people livelihoods when the people are mostly happy to submit their properties. Landmark is not even the biggest loser. The person came out last week with a cheerful face and cooperation in public.

    Meanwhile, some TV  hosts who attacked Umahi forgot to comment on Obi’s pharisaic hustling and quake for attention. He should learn from present Anambra State Governor, Charles Soludo, the boom of Anambra orchestra. Within nine months, he built 287 kilometres of roads, more than what Pitobi did in eight years. And there is no issue about lack of compensation with Soludo. Just last week, Reno Omokri exposed him that he spent $30 million to build a brewery so Anambrarians could get inebriated and lose bearing while he built not a single classroom in eight years. Soludo has already recruited over five thousand teachers. How many did you recruit, Pitobi?

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    If he is afraid of Lagos-Calabar Superhighway like some of its critics, I can only say like the Americans, “be very afraid.” He can’t stop it. He loves peddling figures about jobs lost. Has he calculated how many jobs will be gained? He does not know what is called disruptive thinking. He is a trader and knows only profit and loss, like his Abuja supermarket started when he was governor. He loathes imaginative overhaul of affairs. People like him could never do roads that can change business fundamentally. He never did one in Anambra. He has an analog mindset in a digital era. He is saying we should only build the existing ones. He is not fair to Umahi. Did he not see Umahi berating the contractor on East-West Road? Does that look like neglect? Has he not enumerated roads absorbing his attention and plans? Is work not at the finishing stages on Lagos-Ibadan Expressway? Pitobi should clip his lips. He is claiming ethnic neutrality? Did he not play the ethnic and religious cards last year? Did it work? Of course, he rallied ethnic hegemons, but not enough. He invoked pastors, but no victory anointed. Now, he is wearing kaftan and breaking Muslim fasts. He is an irreconcilable difference in one person. He cannot reconcile himself with himself. He is Muslim today, and pastor tomorrow.

  • Who cares

    Who cares

    What better time for the rich to stumble than when the economy tumbles. The reason is easy. Because the poor might tremble with rage. The divide between the rich and poor tends to crack wide open, and fissures of bile might spill onto the streets in the forms of riots and revolutionary turmoil.

    The rich do not want it. The poor do not deserve it. Wise governments avoid it. Revolutions of that sort have never helped the fortunes of the downtrodden. Order, with all its imperfections, helps the poor more than a retreat to anarchy.

    The British society knows this better than any advanced country. Hence, since its Glorious Revolution of 1688, there has never erupted any social upheaval, unlike the United States or Italy or Spain. The French sparked many tumults before and after the 1789 Revolution and it is still fragile today. It was because of its tendency to excitement and wars that Pierre de Coubertin, father of the modern Olympics, projected sports in the modern era to dissuade the street from kaboom of guns and coups to the hurrahs of games. Enter soccer, cricket, athletics, et al, as competitive and organized sports. Old-time gladiators were back, without the lions, bulls, clubs and blood spills.

    Sports is a big tool. The other is food. Food must come first, and then games. According to Roman Poet Juvenal, “Give them (the people) bread and circus, and they will never revolt.” Juvenal knew about bread, and every wise leader, indeed a family head, who craves peace and order must pacify the dinner table. If you go to bed hungry, you will growl from your bed against the light of dawn

    It is not however enough to give them food and sports. After all, Roman emperor Commodus provided both but died from a lover’s vial. You must do it with compassion and purpose. That is what today calls for, and no governor is doing it better than the Lagos State Governor, the BOS of Lagos, Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

    Just last week, he launched Eko Cares, a string of programmes highlighted by a drive to feed 500,000 families. In the menu are rice, garri, elubo, etc.  He is not handing out a cynical loaf as if to oafs. His is not the indifferent rich man and the longsuffering Lazarus. He is doing it with a clear-headed understanding of the different dimensions of need. One of such sterling moments was when he lined up what is now known as Ounje Eko – Lagos food. Some had thought it was a recipe for chaos. We saw the Customs example where a quest to kill hunger killed souls. Queues and greed replaced order and decency. It was a failure of organization plus the people’s contempt for civility. It recalls the scriptures when David wrote, “the destruction of the poor is their poverty.” Another translation renders it, “Poverty ruins the poor.” The poor were given a low-hanging fruit. They hanged instead.

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    But Ounje Eko did not go the way of chaos. It has been so successful and so desired that Governor Sanwo-Olu has decided to continue with it. Nor did the Soup Bowl programme err in its quest to feed between one thousand and one thousand five hundred citizens.

    The Sunday market may seem strange to many city dwellers. But it casts back to the history of markets in Nigerian villages. Markets were not everyday phenoms. Market days happened once a week or month. It was not a day just to buy and sell. It was a mini festival. It was a fare to display wares and wears, to eat exotic meals and discover them, for nubile teens and ingenues to flaunt their maiden beauty and musclebound boys to gawp and woo.

    BOS’ Sunday market is a Lagos iteration of that tradition. It is to save the rich and middle class. it pares 25 percent of the prices. Testimonies abound.

    But this is part of a wider intervention in these hard times. In Juvenal’s time, transportation was not an integral part of daily budgets. Peasants, like my late grandmother, reveled in the reach and dabs of their treks. Today, we have to pay to go to work.  His emphasis on completing the trains, blue and red, show that when you feed, you also move. To move has been a feature of the modern persona. The Nobel Prize winner Olga Tokarczuk wrote in her novel Flight, that “Barbarians don’t travel.”

    Now, workers pay less to the bus and to ferry by boat. The trains remind one of the British trains in its early days in the 19th century of commuting in England. Prime Minister William Gladstone made sure they paid a penny less a mile, in what the people called parliamentary trains. Today, it is one of the hallmarks of mobile Britain. I call it ‘penny train.’

    Governor Sanwo-Olu extends the package to health with free child delivery and a squad making the rounds to administer free tests for today’s culprits: Diabetes, blood pressure and eye disease. For education, teachers enjoy subsidized transport, and workers can work for four days without compromising efficiency. The governor already has anticipated wage increase. He said with a mild boast that no one earns less than N70,000 in his government.

    This is our early conversion to a welfare state. It is not codified in law or in system in the country. On a national scale, we are seeing snippets of it with the palliatives, reorganized school feeding, school loans project, consumer credit scheme, etc.

    The British started it with its bill of rights. Other countries, including the Scandinavia, have perfected it. It takes a society with a settled minimum prosperity to guarantee it, but it requires, above all, a will and a leap of faith.

    Capitalism is brutal, and it is a tyrant to the poor. Marx envisioned socialism, and thinkers and poets worried as well. Oliver Goldsmith lamented that, “Ill fares the land/To hastening ills a prey/ when wealth accumulates and men decay.” British best ever playwright after Shakespeare, George Bernard Shaw, expounded on the topic later in his famous essay, “How Wealth accumulates and men decay.”

    Wise men saved capitalism by caring for the poor. There has never been a better system, in spite of the ululation of the Marxist who are now today’s screaming dinosaurs.

    Other states may not have Governor Sanwo-Olu’s wherewithal, but they may do well to step up their games. Some have.

  • For Okuama to return

    For Okuama to return

    The story of the poor and vanishing Okuama people will not leave our radar. It is because we are dealing with two sets of injustices. One is against the 17 soldiers who died, whatever their infractions in the local politics. The president and commander in chief has immortalized them with national honours and their families secured guarantees of federal government care, scholarships and provision.

    The second are the suffering innocents in Okuama village. We cannot believe that the mothers, old women, and children were part of the conspiracy to kill the soldiers. I therefore align with the Governor when he set up a committee to resettle people in an IDP camp as succour for the innocents. Governor of Delta State, Rt. Hon. Sherrif Oborevwori said of the army: “They have been very supportive and they have kept to their promise that innocent people will not be victimised. I want to assure the people of Okuama there is no point running away from your community.” He also said President Bola Tinubu cares for the innocents.

    The matter is a delicate one, especially because we are dealing with a grieving army. The army, though, has to get to the bottom of a fact that troubles me. Who brought down the village? Every building, hut, school, including what looks like a palace in their humble terms, was razed down. That was army revenge? But there is no room for that in a democracy or even civilized community. The army denied this in spite of the videos.

    They have not explained to us who did it and why. Justice never succeeds as revenge. To show that there was method to the rage, why did they leave the only church building unhurt. It was the only innocent in the village. They did not touch the anointed. They were ready to hurt the hapless people, but they did not want the trouble of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). It should concern CAN. But CAN crawls with timid souls. The poor people of Okuama are now left to scramble for their God.

    They have crude oil that eludes them, so they have no silver or gold for CAN. And no cathedral magnificence. Otherwise, CAN would whimper. But their lips are clasped. Whoever razed the village was afraid of the holy of holies. But they wanted the people to belt out psalms and battle demons, like Elijah, in forests of a thousand demons.

    Whoever committed the bonfires did not want to murder the cathedral, apologies to T.S. Eliot. We don’t know if there was a murder in the cathedral. Now who will worship in the church? Stones, clay splinters, remnant smokes? Even the area of dispute is less than a hundred yards.

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    There was also the arrest of the King of Ewu Kingdom. If he had a hand in the murders, this essayist is not about to plead for any monarch. But the military did not wrestle with Gumi even though he nestled with militants.

    Good thing that the President intervened on the pleas of the Governor and other concerned persons, according to sources.

    Okuama, according to someone in the region, is smaller than its name. It reminds one of Abraham Lincoln’s comment on sighting Harriet Beecher Stowe, the author of the anti-slavery novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, that tore apart American conscience during the Civil War. The 16th president quipped, “Are you the little woman who wrote the book that started this great war?” There is also the proverb about a dog being killed because of its bad name.

    What is important for all the longsuffering villagers is for them to resettle and return to their boring lives. I believe that the committee, headed by Abraham Ogbodo, former editor of The Guardian newspaper and one of the vocal advocates for peace in the village, is the beginning of the way home. Governor Oborevwori’s quiet, mature and methodical approach is a better route to peace and justice, rather than catcalls from some quarters for him to show bad temper. As he said, the area was peaceful until recently.

    “I have come to see how the innocent people of this community can be reintegrated with the cooperation of the military,” said the Governor when he paid a visit.

  • Age of discontent

    Age of discontent

    American writer Edith Wharton jolted her generation with her eighth novel, The Age of Innocence. The novel may bear resonance today as defiled souls wear cassocks of innocence. The American novelist tracks a society in transition, where old and new collide. The writer laments the delusion of a man who despises the old era that will not leave and the new one that winks and beckons. The past does not work but the future does not come. Since the society despaired between plunder and promise, Wharton should have called her story, The Age of Discontent.

    Today we are seeing some of them. Those who do not want the Lagos-Calabar Highway because they want to flip it to Calabar-Lagos Highway. Those who want the naira back on its back like a dying cockroach. Who want subsidy back. Who want the Central Bank outside the market. Hoarders who keep food from kitchens. Shylocks who have turned the exchange rate into a bogeyman. Paymasters of terror who make the society too giddy to govern.

    This is nothing new in moments of change. Okonkwo committed suicide in Umuofia. Gorbachev railed into a storm with Glasnost and Perestroika in the Soviet Union. Catholics fell out of grace after the Glorious Revolution in England. Napoleon exploited the scene as the Ancient  Regime fled the French Revolution. Warrant chiefs became the white man’s favorite in Igboland as colonialism subdued a republican ethos.

    Some of such characters are colourful in their conservative brio. Okonkwo hanged because the new order kept hanging on. James II fell from power to his sister Mary and William of Orange because he loved his own version of Christianity. Soyinka’s Elesin Oba morphed into epicurean indulgence. These have character. They are authentic. Perhaps that’s why Okonkwo is more popular than Ezeulu, a realistic character, in Arrow of God, a better accomplished book than Things Fall Apart.

    Characters like Okonkwo and Elesin Oba know what they want. In Milton’s Paradise Lost, Satan declares, “All good to me is lost.” Or the hawk in Ted Hughes’ poem, Hawk Roosting who snorts, “I kill where I please because it is all mine/ there is no sophistry in my body.”

     The other set are those who are hypocrites about change. They pretend they want a better society, and they recoil when they see a light in the tunnel. They are not Ted Hughes’ hawk. They are chameleons. They blend with the shrubbery of the times.

    There are two such people. The first are the guys who are bellyaching over the Lagos-Calabar Highway. They are flailing because it is a good thing. They are afraid they misjudged the president. Or they are scared what they feared is about to come to pass. They are afraid of the whispering prophecy in their hearts during the campaigns., that Tinubu is a better breed than their candidate. Like Job, their fear has come upon them. But they would not admit in public. It is called the fear of gratitude. As Greek historian Tacitus writes, “gratitude is a burden and revenge a pleasure.”

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    They may have to live with the project as a fait accompli. Get ready for a long ride.

    But the man who epitomizes the spirit is former Kaduna State Governor, Malam Nasir El Rufai, who wanted attention to himself. He paid a visit to the Borno State Governor, and he uttered a phrase of adulation. He said Zulum is the best governor in Nigeria. For all the gifts of the Borno chief executive, and he deserves all the praises he gets, the former Kaduna helmsman was not interested in praising him. He was weaponizing eulogy as revenge. He wanted his foes and critics in the other camp of his own camp to hear his words and grieve for undermining them. But more potently, he did not know that he was throwing dirt at himself. Some would say, from the recent revelations about financial dealings on his watch, that he did not want attention on his dark profile. He presented a sunny exterior for another chief executive so we can forget about his own sins.

    He also said that fuel subsidy is back, and for ostensible authenticity, he gave a figure: eight trillion naira.  He is borrowing from the Nazi propagandist Goebbels. He was asked a question, though, by petroleum minister of state, Heineken Lokpobri. Where is your proof? The little man from Kaduna has not said little in reply. He has said nothing.

    The man is now assailed with “proof crises,” but he is not proof from any of them. In the first proof crisis, he has been asked to explain how he spent the state funds. He left a debt of $587 million and N85 billion for his friend and successor Governor Uba Sani. He said it was to renew urban Kaduna. He drew all the money in 2021. Yet when Governor Sani climbed the saddle, contractors came with a certificate to claim N115 billion for work not done. A month before leaving office, El Rufai took a loan of N20 billion and tied it to the Internally Generated Revenue. He took a $26 million loan to change agriculture, but no one is seeing evidence. He secured a moratorium on all these loans so he did not have to pay until he left office. There is more.

    I wrote a magazine piece on it, and sent questions for him to answer. The man kept mum. Now, he has the gumption to cry over fuel subsidy, a cry of wolf. The State House of Assembly has instituted a probe into his times, and he has not said a word about how and why he tinkered with the tax payer’s money?

    When proof is brought before him, he says nothing. When he says something that needs proof, he also says nothing. For a man of prattle, he has exercised an embarrassed restraint. He is acting like a crocodile with a locked jaw. He prowls but cannot growl, so he cannot bite.

    All he wanted to do with the fuel subsidy issue is stir discontent in the land. He wanted to wake up the Tinubu enemies who have gradually receded into a grumble or a silence of agony. At best, they stutter like Atiku, who should be facing FCT Minister Nyeson Wike, who has clobbered him twice now. First, in the presidential poll; Second, in securing the acting chairman Umar Damagun.

    When President Tinubu declared that fuel subsidy was gone, what did he do with the money? He spent it on the states. For the first time, the monthly allocations have leapt to trillions of naira. It has continued. If he stopped, we might have said the money was returned to pay subsidy. The month of march, for instance, had N1.1 trillion distributed among states and federal government.

    Men like El Rufai should learn to live in a republic of facts, not speculation. More seriously, not a democracy of mischief. President Tinubu has been saying it for those who want to listen that corruption is fighting back. He was referring partly to the subsidy vermin who fed fat in the past. It makes the lazy rich drone. Abebe Selassie, director of IMF African Department echoed this point. Hear him: ““And the reason why we counsel against such generalized subsidies is very simple. It tends to be highly regressive, meaning the benefits of such fuel subsidies tend to accrue to the rich and not to the poor people.”

    The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) has said that there is no such thing as return of subsidy. Those who want to believe it are wondering why we do not have the queues and why we have fuel. These are the people that the man from Kaduna want to give voice. If El Rufai is decomposing into a rage and discontent, he has no right to stir the polity with a lie. He may be eyeing 2027, but he has questions to answer about 2015 to 2023. He should leave NNPC alone.

  • Is she an Abiola?

    Is she an Abiola?

    Many call her Abiola’s wife, but even members of the Abiola clan have said they don’t know Modupe Onitiri. The media have been too hasty to designate her as the widow of  M.K.O. Abiola. Not enough investigative diligence. When did she marry Abiola. She claims to have a child for him. that may be true. But did she marry him, or was she, like one of the 700 concubines of King Solomon? I am reporting that the last time Abiola saw her was when he last appeared in Court in the throes of the June 12 crisis. She was pregnant then, and a source tells me that Abiola showed concern from a distance because Abacha’s soldiers cordoned him off. He even asked one of his aides to put a careful eye on her. Did that make her a wife or a prospective wife? She was even reported to have sent message to Abiola to read Psalm 51 because she believed Abiola was undergoing trials because of his sins. That psalm is popular for sinners who want God’s forgiveness like David. So, June 12 was a sin? How would she characterize her efforts to subvert the democracy that Abiola shed his blood for?

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    She has turned from a holy prayer warrior to a sinner of the same offence. This presents her as a schizophrenic. She once fought against democracy before she wanted to subvert it. She is not legitimate enough to be called an Abiola. If she married Abiola, we have a right to know. Until that is proven, it is illegal to call herself an Abiola. But Kudirat we knew. She was not only legitimate as a wife, her bona fides for democracy stand high in the waves of Nigerian struggle for human equality. She fought, she defied, she entered the streets, twitted power, advanced the position of her husband, and paid the ultimate price.

    That is not the same with Onitiri, who birthed a nation and fled it. It is like giving birth to a child and abandoning it in the hospital. With her feet, she delegitimised what came out of her womb. How can anything about her bear the name of authenticity? She may have given birth to an Abiola, but that did not confer on her the last name. The glory belongs only to his child.

  • A five-star Act

    A five-star Act

    When the very rich appear in public, it is their aura, not aroma, that proclaims them. Not the cars, not the clothes, not the swagger, not the rustle of cash in their pockets.

    In their clothing, they are fine without finery. They walk with dignity shorn of thumping their feet like public desperadoes. They speak rather than bawl. Smile rather than guffaw. Their cars glide rather than rumble. Their wealth imbues them with proud humility. They don’t seek attention. They don’t flock to people. Rather, they parry attention for being too much.

    It is not that they don’t have vanity. Their earnings, fame and status have smothered their rights to show off. Class and status ooze rather than explode around them. They glow in their own orbits, an immanent glory.

    Nigeria’s top man of money, Aliko Dangote, is such a man. But what sets him apart in this season is his act of charity in a time of scarcity. When the federal government asked that palliatives go to the poor, there was reluctance from the ornate class. Even many governors had to be jolted out of their lack of charity. But the soft-spoken billionaire evinced a million megawatts of love. He was going to distribute a million bags of rice to Nigerians in the 774 local government areas of the country. Target: a million poor families.

    With his Aliko Dangote Foundation, he set out on a mission to help. In Kano, he distributed about a hundred thousand 10 kilograms bags of rice.

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    In Lagos, beside the BOS of Lagos, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, he let go 80,000 bags of rice. His foundation collaborated with the infrastructure of the government. From Ekiti to Zamfara, many households eat because he refused to dine alone in his halo of plenty. Not the Lazarus and rich man scenario. No ulcerous sore oozed under a table of majesty dropping crumbs from a spread where peacocks fed fat and drank in between burps of flatulence.

    Sometimes we distinguish charity and philanthropy, but Dangote’s act is charity within philanthropy, if we define charity as an impulse and philanthropy as corporate. We always imagine the rich in their garish splendour, in fables of car, food, wine, clothes, private jets, et al.

    But a wealthy man who does not think of the society is what in my childhood days in Warri we called “money miss road.” In his novel, The Portrait of a Lady, Henry James describes rich people as those who have enough money to “meet the requirements of their imagination.” Why is it that the federal government revealed that we have a lot of idle billions in Nigerian banks? Especially in dollars. Yet the naira was plummeting and the rich were gloating.

    It is where capitalism lost its conscience. A capitalism that disdains the poor is suicidal. It is lumbering towards a storm. Droplets of poison drip into its golden bowl. It was its rabid hour that gave birth to Karl Marx and the Russian revolutions in early part of the 20th century. It was the failure of socialism to recalibrate itself in the world of ideas that allowed capitalism to refresh itself by borrowing from socialism. This resulted in the welfare state. So, in spite of the self-proclamation of the eternity of liberal ideas, capitalists know that for rich men to fatten in peace and follow Thorstein Veblen’s formula of conspicuous consumption, the poor must have enough. If your mouth is busy, you cannot shout of hunger.

    It is a failure of imagination of our rich that they consume with contempt. They take for granted the poor’s lack of organized system. They fail to rebel  well or turn the hierarchy on its head. Some have shaken the system with a bedlam  of rhetoric about revolutions. They have failed, though, because we have too many social impediments to a people’s hour in our history. The youth pockmarked its era with EndSars, a moment of generational pratfall.

    A former governor told me recently that there are quite a few persons in this country with cash who are pining for ideas of what to do with them. When Warren Buffet had such a burden,  he handed a lot to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundations. There is so much poverty and ignorance, and want of ideas is a marker of a breed of dry-eyed and unthinking billionaires.

    The idea of palliatives gave the platform to the rich. Even at that, how many take this advantage? Im moments like this, especially of crisis, the theory of government as a night watchman attracts no success. The job of  government is not just to protect, but to be proactive. This is an activist moment for government. Hence, it dished out grains form reserves and inspired the governors to do so. When the president told governors to “Spend the money. Don’t spend the people,” he was keying into that activist sentiment.

    Dangote has been at this for a while. He feeds 10,000   vulnerable people daily in Kano  with 20,000 family sized loaves of bread. In Lagos, he feeds 12,500 daily with bread. He has partnered with Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation for polio. He has endowed business schools in universities in Kano, Zaria and Ibadan. In Lagos’ hovel of the poor known as Mushin, has benefitted from his  scholarships involving  about 250 indigent children.

    Reports have it that costs of food have started to show signs of coming down. Eggs and rice, for instance. If charity helps a million families feed, it also helps them buy their own. Why? Because plenty of free rice will pare prices and show hoarders and smugglers that there is an alternative to crookedness. This is the market side of charity. This makes Dangote’s charity an example for all those who think that the first thing to do with their wealth is to run for political office. There are other ways to charm a crowd. Forget ego. Try kindness. Here, Dangote models with his five-star act.

  • Mister SPV

    Mister SPV

    Atiku Abubakar is sitting in his Dubai home and throwing tantrums across the desert. He was so glib about a contract he did not understand. He was so moral from a soul tainted with hypocrisy. He lacked geography integrity so much so that he accused a region of something his part of the country was benefiting from.

    He made himself a business and could not distinguish a business decision because he articulated it through the blinkers of bias.

    All of this was explained by works minister Dave Umahi, who put on the caps of an  engineer, accountant, bureaucrat and politician as he made the media rounds to make mincemeat of Atiku’s tirades against the Lagos-Calabar project.

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    Atiku should upbraid his media aides and sundry advisers from embarrassing him in public. But out of a desperation to wear the baroque dress of opposition leader, he shoots from the hip and, consequently, shoots himself in the foot. He speaks like an overexcited kid who wants to get a candy. So, since Minister Umahi has laid the issue of bids to bed, who is Atiku to play priest in contract awards?  He who cannot explain how he sold one of Nigeria’s jewels, Delta Steel Complex for $30 million when it was worth $1.5 billion. Who did he sell it to? He planned to sell our refineries. He is the same fellow who still has a case to answer in the U.S. over his dealings with congressman Jefferson. He will have the moral reason to speak on such matters if he can explain why his wife went to jail and he, the business man, was sipping orange juice in his Abuja mansion.

    He failed in his mathematical calculation of the contract because he did not know that this is a different contract. Is it not the same Atiku who introduced SPV(Special Purpose Vehicle) into Nigerian political speak? The man who justified the back-door approach to public money?

    This Atiku man continues to have nightmares of the president, and I wonder if he ever sleeps a wink in his hysteria to flay the man in Aso Rock. On the figures, he stumbled. Again, he wants the project to start in Calabar because it is starting in Lagos. If it was starting in Calabar, he would have accused the president of trying to forage the region for their ports contract and extend his business reach to Calabar. He would have suggested to begin its work in Lagos and Lekki region which is the fastest growing and richest business district in all of West Africa. What is wrong with the Adamawa chieftain these days?

    I advise him to consult better before consorting with ignorance.

  • Obaseki betrays, again

    Obaseki betrays, again

    Godwin picks Godwins and he might think there is a God in all of it. But the governor of Edo State may go down as the biggest violator of the rule of law in the history of this republic. He kept a legislature like a mouse in the cage. The lawmakers became happy pawns in the hand of the man whose ancestry is known for playing outside the law and noble path of history.

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    He will descend into history as impeaching a deputy the same day the man is accused and swears in his replacement. It is what you call answer before the question.  The same Obaseki,  whose stewardship is such an anticlimax for a man who betrayed his boss and ditched his fellow traitor. If his former deputy Shaibu acted the way he did, it was because Obaseki did not treat him as a human being. If you don’t want a deputy to succeed you as governor, call him aside first and tell him. He didn’t. In politics, reward does not follow sacrifice. Obaseki showed that. First to Adams, and later to Shaibu. His worst victim of betrayal is Edo State. He performed poorly as chief executive. His forbears also betrayed the kingdom.

    This same Obaseki set himself against the palace on artefacts, betraying his king. He may be the first in Nigerian history to betray both state and kingdom.

  • Fleecing Kaduna

    Fleecing Kaduna

    Men like Mallam Nasir el Rufai fit the experiment that added the phrase “Pavlov’s dog” to the lexicon. Ivan Pavlov, a Russian neurologist, rang a bell and fed a dog, and each time the dog heard a bell ring, it salivated. Bell ring was a synonym for drools of joy.

    He demonstrated that the human species can respond in a certain way to external stimuli. The former Kaduna State governor was not born when Pavlov and his dog invented an idea. But if you follow the man who almost became power minister, you will know that he has a Pavlov dog’s feature. He does not salivate for food. He drools for trouble. Trouble is his bone and raw meat in the cage.

    We saw it when he was in BPE and what he called an accidental public servant. When as FCT helmsman it was revealed he gave lands and deals to his family and he reveled in the storm. As a man who turned his back on his first mentor, who was not really worthy of that name. Atiku Abubakar, that is. As traitor to Obj. As turncoat to Yar’Adua, the former president.

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    A man with a quicksand temperament like Mallam, as he is often called, may veer by accident of self-interest into the right cause as he did in the last polling season when he tackled former president Muhammadu Buhari and his cabal up to the Supreme Court for asphyxiating the naira. He is amoral, egotist, and inevitably a hunter. He has no qualms since he loves to quarrel and he is never calm. He loves the art of the manoeuvre, to hop from person to issues and back, the turbulence of a restless soul.

    But such persons develop the delusion of invincibility, like the words of Shakespeare’s character who boasts, “I am Caesar, fear, fear Caesar.” The former Kaduna State helmsman sees himself as an epic invention of fate, like Nietzsche’s superman. They think laws are for all, but they are a special breed exempted by a discriminating providence. But at last, they have to answer some questions. While he may be bellyaching over why no one made him minister, he may have to address the rumblings in Kaduna State when he was its first citizen.

    In an over 5000-word report for the Sunday version of The Nation, I addressed a pile of concerns about how he spent the state’s money. Why did he, barely a month to the end of his tenure, take a loan of N20 billion. Terrible as it was, he tied it to the state’s internally generated revenue. To be fair, he raised the IGR from about N11 billion to about N50 billion a month. So, what did he do with that money, lawmakers and his party members and elders as well as labour unions want to know. He borrowed the N20 billion to pay contractors who performed work under the $350 million loan.

    Now, the man has a certain trait we in the Warri waterside of the Niger Delta call gra gra. Or “bol’ face.” The Yoruba call it ogboju. In his novel Nostromo, Joseph Conrad calls it “an adventurer’s easy morality, the bravado of guilt.” That was why he announced in his farewell speech that he was bequeathing a debt of $587 million dollars and N85 billion. He made it appear he was transparent. But he was only being crafty. He did not say he drew down all the $350 million loan in 2021, whereas the job has not been completed. Not being completed, the contractors confronted the new man in the saddle, Governor Uba Sani with a certificate of completion that el Rufai gave them, and they are demanding N115 billion. That money was part of the $350 million. According to a top lawmaker, the figure is conservative and the money is about N120 billion.

    The project was for urban renewal. A source told me that the work yet undone amounts to another N160 billion. So, what did Mallam do with the money?

    Governor Sani held a townhall meeting to lay bare his frustrations. The el Rufai camp says it is all politics. Indeed, it is. They wouldn’t respond to my queries, though. But what sort of politics is it? Is it that the former governor is trying to beguile his people by claiming he is the good guy while the man in the saddle who inherits this is the bad guy?

    There is a lot he has to account for. He has a friend called Jimi Lawal. Jimi Who? A former banker with a familiar pedigree… The same man he wanted to partner when fate tantalized him with power minister. But this man has been accused by members of the new exco of having served as head of economic council with commissioners serving under him and, contrary to law, making the governor endorse its recommendations.

    El Rufai wanted, for his power project, to corral a 215 megawatts plant that Babatunde Raji Fashola SAN spurned as minister. He took a CBN loan of about N8.5 billion, and picked up a used plant from Dubai. Lawal was part of the deal using his special purpose vehicle (SPV) called Skipper, an Indian firm. With only N1 billion investments, Skipper owns 52 percent while Kaduna with over 80 percent of the money has 48 percent. How come? There is still no power from that plant in Kaduna.

    Again, he obtained a $26 million Indian Exim Bank loan to partner with a food firm to build a ranch to trap nomads on about 2,000 acre land. Arla Foods, a European firm, was to milk the cows for dairy products. There is no cow, no nomads, no $26 million, and no Arla. But there is Skipper, a company known for transformer, was also involved here. What of the $51m loan to build a 300-bed hospital now abandoned? The inexcusable thing was that he secured a moratorium on all the loans until he left office.

    So this is the task before Mallam. He has given another Sani, his foe and nemesis, Shehu Sani a reason to gloat. He now says he is vindicated because, as senator, he railed against it. His son, Mohammed Bello, who is a member of the House of Representatives, would not say anything about the questions I asked. Give it to Bello, he lacks the father’s impetuosity and unguard diction. He will be a better politician. For now, he is caught between Governor Uba Sani, who he calls his boss, and his father the former governor.

    But his brother tweeted a nasty line about the governor. Bello restrained him. There is sibling tension, but oedipal harmony bustles between father and sons.

    The last has not been heard about this. From the lawmakers I spoke with, the matter may be escalated into a more formal inquiry, although the governor is restraining them. How long that will last remains to be seen.

    Governor Sani came out when NLC and TUC threatened to down tools. He would none of that. For his part, he says no new vehicles for himself and officials for now. He abolished N800k el Rufai added to political appointees while restoring a N500 million revolving loan for workers first introduced by Governor Ahmed Makarfi.

    We want audacity, not bravado, from el Rufai in answering the queries. Rather than pursue a charade about security report, he should report to his people who he misgoverned about how he managed their money. By the way, what of the N3.5 billion loan he obtained to buy gadgets? Maybe no bandits would have taken students on a desert trek if those gadgets were in state’s armory.

    But he could act like Prophet Samuel in the Bible who laid bare the accounts and asked anyone who had anything to say about any misconduct to say so. He came to equity with a holy hand. Let Mallam do same.

  • A Pastor and Politician

    A Pastor and Politician

    Pastors in politics ought to learn from Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom State. He does not belong to that band of fanatics who weaponize God for division, or for feisty rhetoric of hate.

    Hear him: ““I am a pastor trained to respect people and we must continue to show that all-important character of humility, of compassion and of respect to constituted authority. Even though a PDP, he urges civility in addressing the president.

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    He was addressing defectors from APC, YPP and other parties who moved to his PDP. He let them know that a pastor is an attitude, not a position. It is a burden of immense gratitude to those who have the privilege. The same labour of love he has shown in the shower of palliatives to the needy.

    This is an indictment of some candidates who thought God was a platform for partisan posturing. Governor Umo is not only a model governor, but in doing that he is also a model pastor. The scriptures say, “let your  light so shine before men that they may glorify your father who is in heaven.” Governor Umo’s light is not under the bushel.