The Nation Newspaper

Category: ARINZE IGBOELI

  • Professor Gaius Igboeli (1939-2024)

    Professor Gaius Igboeli (1939-2024)

    My hopes are with the Dead; anon

    My place with them will be,

    And I with them shall travel on

    Through all Futurity;

    Yet leaving here a name, I trust,

    That will not perish in the dust.

    The Scholar by Robert Southey

    If I have always admired scholars and professors, Professor Gaius Igboeli would naturally serve as the lightening rod for such enthusiasm. Others such as Professor Wole Soyinka, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, Professor Babs Fafunwa, the late Chu Okongwu, Professor Godwin Oshodin, Professor Okonufua, Professor Stella Okunna, Sam Aluko, Patrick Wilmot , Bala Usman  and a host of others endeared me the more to the world of academics and has made me an advocate for better working conditions for members of the academia who I believe have all it takes to rid this country of the numerous challenges besotting its trajectory as a global power.

    Uncle Gaius, whom we fondly called ‘Prof’ was born into the family of late Catechist Joseph Igboeli and was the last of his sons. Gaius we were told showed a love for academics at an early stage. As a child, Gaius would spend hours poring over books in the village library, fascinated by the worlds that lay within their pages. He thus excelled in school, impressing his teachers with his intelligence and drive. Despite the financial struggles his family faced, Gaius never wavered in his commitment to his education.

    This keen interest in learning was encouraged by his parents and Gaius from primary school was to pursue his academic success in Government College Umuahia , a school presently dubbed as the Eton of Nigeria. In GCU, Gaius not only excelled in his subjects, he was also an avid sportsman dominating the sports of football, Hockey (In which he was colored ) and Cricket, another sport he dominated so well that he was the Captain of the cricket team of Government College Umuahia.

    After completing his secondary education, Gaius earned a scholarship to attend the prestigious University of Ibadan, where he proved his mettle by bagging a First Class Honours in Agriculture, an impressive first in the Faculty and that area of study. Upon graduating, he was to further his studies in the prestigious Cornell University, Ithaca New York where he bagged a PhD in Animal Genetics.

    At Cornell, Gaius delved deeply into his academic work, exploring the intersections between animal husbandry, biology and scientific dimensions of that field with an interest in improving the science to the benefit of the newly independent nations of Africa. He pursued a brief stint in Zambia, but was to later return to Nigeria where he took up a lecturing job with the University of Nigeria Nsukka.

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    As an academician, Gauis’s Igboeli’s trajectory was one of many firsts. Within years he had risen to become a professor of Agriculture, establishing himself as an authority in that field and a number of conjoining areas. A number of his works were regularly cited by scholars at home and abroad and he was a regular guest of sister universities where he spoke on ground breaking discoveries in the field of Animal Science as well as agriculture. By 1980 he was appointed as the first Vice Chancellor for the Federal University of Agriculture Makurdi, where he also made a name for himself as a brilliant and astute administrator. He was to later return to UNN where he again became Deputy Vice Chancellor Administration. On retirement, the Anglican Community in Anambra needing a firm hand in shaping the future of its newly established university, St Paul’s University in Awka beckoned on Professor Gaius to steer the ship, an assignment he discharged meritoriously.

    Despite his busy schedule, Gaius always made time for his family both nuclear and external. He was a devoted husband and father, cherishing the moments he spent with his wife and children. Gaius was also a beloved mentor to his numerous students, guiding them with wisdom and compassion as they navigated the challenges of academia and life. To say he was a family man is not enough, Gaius Igboeli was a communal leader even though he never aspired for any kind of leadership, yet he was always accessible and his achievements can be seen in the lives of numerous persons from Abagana, Anambra and Nigeria as a whole.

    In addition to his academic work, Gaius was a prolific writer and reader. I recall my numerous discussions with him where he would query a number of  my political leanings. His thinking was characterized by its clarity, rigor, and humanity, capturing the essence of complex ideas in simple and accessible language. Despite his numerous achievements and immense popularity, Prof was never given to the ostentatious and naturally impressed us with his lifestyle.

    In penning this tribute, I cannot claim to have captured half of Prof’s feats in life, like a colossus he irrefragably stood taller than his peers, he was just not only brilliant but he exhibited a robust value system that is lacking in the system today.

    I pay tribute to this soft talking giant, I will surely miss talking to him and seeking his opinion on a number of matters. To his lovely wife, Dr Claribel Igboeli and his wonderful children, I join in grieving but also celebrating a life well spent,  in service to mankind, country and God!

    Note to.my readers: I will continue last week’s series Musings On These Men Of God next week.

  • Musings on these Men of God (1)

    Musings on these Men of God (1)

    Before their fire and brimstone congregants reach for their broadsides, let it be known that I am also a Christian of Pentecostal Faith but I am also a humanist and thus not given to the dogmatic that appears to hold sway on religion in Nigeria and several parts of Africa.

    So before they start with their “Touch not my anointed!“ an excuse taken by many of these congregants to stupidly confer on these men of God a certain right to be infallible as well as possess a larger than life image on earth, they ought to know that this old man penning this piece has always being a non conformist right from his days as a primary school pupil, mine was a Catholic Primary School and it was not uncommon to see the teachers and Reverend Sisters refer to me as the “devil” for merely speaking during a hymn recital or opening my eyes during prayers. I guess such stubbornness followed me into the university and thus pushed me to question intelligently certain aspects of the faith, more especially the hypocrisy of some of these so called men of God whether they be Muslim or Christian.

    So a man of God like Pastor Enenche needs no introduction. A household name in the business of the gospel, Enenche has been in the news sometimes for not so good reasons and while I may not want to judge his ilk because of the fact that they are still human beings of flesh and blood, the fact that these men of God carry themselves like God himself makes me livid with anger. Recall how he hemmed and hawed before and during 2023 elections, declaring that God wanted and had willed a particular candidate, of “Yes Daddy” fame as the next President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? The likes of Enenche became so partisan and when the so called will of God failed to manifest, Christianity became the butt of jokes with many asking which God had actually spoken to Enenche!

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    This time on, it was the open embarrassment of a particular lady, Vera Anyim who had gone on to testify about God’s goodness and her graduation as a Law graduate with a “B.Sc” in Law from the National Open University. In the course of giving such a testimony, this man of God publicly humiliated the lady by questioning her testimony and outrightly ruled her testimony to be fake!

    The video which sparked a massive shitstorm eventually led to a number of investigations which helped determine that the poor lady who’s only sin was to give hope to those like her as well as give glory to God as being the first graduate in her family was actually a graduate and was telling the truth!

    Enenche like I said is human like us but his reaction to the testimony and subsequent actions prompted this article. Now, in the aftermath of the findings which proved that Vera was indeed a graduate, one would have expected Enenche to have openly apologized to the lady but no, the man of God perhaps clothed in his imagined infallibility got the spokesperson of Dunamis Church to write what could pass for a self exculpatory missive rather than note that its leader had erred. When Nigerians all over condemned such arrogance, Enenche then arranged for a photo ops session with his wife and Vera, before doing an apology, a few days after the letter!

    What happened to the gentleness and meekness expected from such a shepherd of Christ ? Even if the lady was telling lies should that have been the way to have gone about it? Even if there is a hundred percent aversion to dishonesty or mediocrity in his church as Enenche tried to later explain, isn’t it surprising to see a pastor behaving more like a drill sergeant, whereas Christ never exhibited such a behavior as we see in his encounters even with the worst of sinners!

    Yes, as an actor friend of mine cited on my Facebook page , we must condemn the mediocrity which our educational system has somewhat bequeathed on us but then this was supposed to be in the House of God and if I as a humanist can understand that stage fright, poor background, one’s environment as well as learning adaptabilities may have had their effects on the poor lady then how much more a man of God?

    For Pastor Chris Oyakhilome , we too know that he needs no introduction, his brand of evangelism, jerry curled hair and his preachings have made him one of Africa’s most popular televangelists. But then he has always been seen to dabble from the pulpit unto matters that may naturally not be his calling or which he has little or no expertise. Take for example when the pandemic of Coronavirus was ravaging the country, the likes of Pastor Chris began spinning conspiracy theories about the virus and it’s connection to the introduction of the 5G technology. When I attacked such a notion on my Facebook handle, a number of his fanatical followers rose to defend such an insinuation until I pointed out that a country like Lesotho which had at that time introduced 5G but was yet to have any incidence of the virus whereas a country like Nigeria which was yet to introduce such a technology standard for cellular networks had reported numerous incidents of the virus.

    This time around, Oyakhilome has settled for the malaria vaccine which according to the British Broadcasting Corporation , BBC has resulted in a 13 percent drop in the deaths of children of eligible age.

  • Chukwuemeka Ezeife: 1930-2023

    Chukwuemeka Ezeife: 1930-2023

    He had the image of an Eastern Magi! His flowing white beard sought to stand him out from the class of 92/93 governors who found themselves as helmsmen in their states during Ibrahim Babaginda’s forward and backward democratic experiment. Chukwuemeka Ezeife has just seen off the mercurial Nnamdi Eriobuna of the National Republican Convention in the 1992 elections becoming the only SDP Governor in the SouthEast Region.

    The self educated and Harvard trained economist was from then set to become a household name in Nigerian politics, a progressive to the core, he was to later part ways with his progressive peers in what looked like a Southern rally or reply to the merger of certain progressives in the South with their peers in the North which then lead to the formation of the All Progressives Congress, APC. This did not however diminish Ezeife as a core progressive.

    Born on the 20th of November, 1939, Ezeife was to have his primary education in his hometown of Igbo Ukwu before serving as a medical and then spare parts dealer. An lucky encounter with a Northerner was to expose him to the option of taking correspondence courses from which he was to acquire a his O levels and was to gain admission into the prestigious University College Ibadan where he studied and graduated with a degree in economics.

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    A stint in the  brewing industry gave him an understanding of the corporate world but young Ezeife was eager to take on the world and chance saw him as an employee of the Ministry for Economic Development seconded him to countries like Japan and then the Inited States, Cambridge Massachusetts to be precise and then to Harvard University where he bagged an M.Sc and a PhD in economics, Ezeife who was a few years ago had nearly given up on acquiring an education was now a colossus in a field that boasted of a few Africans as at that time.

    Returning to Nigeria, immediately after the civil war, Ezeife was again absorbed into the Ministry of Economic Development where he sparred with fellow economists such as Professor Sam Aluko, Chu Okongwu , Olu Falae, Pius Okigbo and Ayo Oyelu on a range of economic problems troubling the nation then.

    By 1984, he had risen to become a permanent secretary in that ministry before resigning and going into politics where he miraculously nicked the SDP ticket against the odds stacked against him and then went on to defeat the NRC.

    His tenure as governor is often referred to as dreamy! An intellectual like Ezeife attempted to fix the state’s problems from his economic textbooks, as a social democrat he was readily at home with the Keynesian economic model: such as state regulation of market forces and full employment, however other social democratic objectives of Ezeife  such as expansion of the welfare state and public ownership as governor were not Keynesian in nature.

    He remarkably recorded a number of achievements in his less than 15 months in a state that had just been newly created and was basically lacking in a number of amenities . He attempted to tackle Anambra’s infrastructural dearth, health care challenges and industrial growth using such models while he also championed the “Think Home” initiative, a forerunner to the massive investments the state boasts of today.

    Another major feature of the Ezeife administration was his ability to get the Federal Government under the then leadership of General Ibrahim Babaginda to assume ownership of ASUTECH and Anambra State Polytechnic which were then rechristened Nnamdi Azikiwe University and Federal Polytechnic Oko respectively.

    When June 12 was annulled, the likes of Ezeife teamed up with progressives all over the country to demand the restoration of the mandate to Chief MKO Abiola, while a number of SDP leaders sold out on the struggle, Ezeife stood alongside other patriots who looked Abacha in the face and told him to do his worst!

    Ezeife was to later team up with these same progressives to form the Alliance for Democracy, AD in the 4th Republic, becoming a presidential candidate on its platform, he however narrowly lost to his bosom friend  Olu Falae but blamed the loss on the actions of the likes of Chief Polycarp Nwite.

    By 2003,  he again vied to be the presidential candidate of the United Nigeria People’s Party , UNPP but lost the ticket to the first civilian governor of old Anambra State, Chief Jim Nwobodo.

    Even with his retirement from partisan politics, Ezeife continued to be an active advocate for democracy and good governance, calling for transparency, accountability, and the rule of law in government.

    He also remained an avid advocate for the  the rights and welfare of the Nigerian people, particularly those he deemed as oppressed by the Nigerian state. Little wonder his support for former President Goodluck Jonathan and his opposition to the Buhari administration.

    Renowned for his eloquence, erudition and sharp wit, Ezeife was both a journalist’s and a scholars delight. I had the privilege of listening to him speak to a number of young men about the political history of Nigeria and man was I impressed !

    Popularly known as Okwadike, Ezeife will be remembered for his unflinching dedication to the development of Nigeria and his advocacy for democracy and good governance. Through his leadership, vision, and commitment to serving the people of Anambra State and Nigeria as a whole, Ezeife  did leave an indelible mark on the country’s history. His life and times a testament to the power of leadership, integrity, and a deep sense of duty to the welfare of all Nigerians.

    Nigeria Will Succeed!

  • A task that must be done

    A task that must be done

    Nigerians conversant with the history of the civil war will always be at home with the title of this piece, which was part of the maxim of the Nigerian Military leader, General  Yakubu Gowon in his desire to keep the then seceding Eastern Region within the Nigerian fold. “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done”

    This time around this task will not be done in the battlefields of Garkem, Eha Amufu , Obollo Afor or Abagana.  It won’t be a set of amphibious assaults  on the waters surrounding Bonny and other sister  islands, nay, it will be fought in the battlefields of the minds of the Nigerian child- in the classrooms.

    I have always been an advocate for public education, since it is cheaper and more accessible than what is obtained in private schools. It is my vision that one day students from say Nawfia Boys or Atunrase would compete with students from a number of private schools and even outdo such students. I am for the narrative that public schools should not be finishing schools for area boys and lowly artisans no, our public schools should be finishing schools for policy makers, captains of industries and what have you. We can’t talk about wanting to offer every child a chance in life and yet fail to give those in public schools a chance at getting a proper primary or secondary education.

    I was thus thrilled when The Minister of Education, Prof. Maman Tahir, revealed during a  quarterly citizens and stakeholders engagement that this administration has a plan to give public education an uplift via it’s 13 pillars of the education sector roadmap.

    While it is to early to be optimistic, I am happy that for once an administration understands that the challenges of education in Nigeria can be fixed and is walking the talk.

    Alongside the 13 pillars, the ministry has also developed a four-year strategic plan captioned ‘Education for Renewed Hope: Nigeria Education Sector Roadmap’ 2024 -2027.

    Delivering quality public education in Nigeria is a critical and complex task that requires a multi-faceted approach involving various stakeholders, including the government, educators, parents, and the community. Nigeria faces numerous challenges in its public education system, including inadequate funding, poor infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers, and outdated curricula. However, with the right strategies and concerted efforts, it is possible to improve the quality of education for all students in the country.

    One of the key areas that need to be addressed to deliver quality public education in Nigeria is adequate funding. The government must prioritize education in its budget and allocate sufficient resources to ensure that schools have the necessary infrastructure, materials, and personnel to provide quality education. Adequate funding can help address issues such as overcrowded classrooms, lack of textbooks and teaching materials, and poor school facilities that hinder learning outcomes.

    Another critical aspect of delivering quality public education in Nigeria is teacher training and professional development. Teachers are the most essential component of the education system, and investing in their training and development is crucial to improving the quality of education. The government should implement comprehensive teacher training programs that equip teachers with the necessary skills and knowledge to effectively teach students and create a conducive learning environment.

    Furthermore, reducing class sizes can significantly impact the quality of education in Nigeria. Research has shown that smaller class sizes lead to better academic outcomes for students as teachers can provide more individualized attention and support to each student. Reducing class sizes in public schools can help address the issue of overcrowded classrooms improve the quality of teaching and learning.

    In addition to improving teacher training and reducing class sizes, enhancing school infrastructure is essential to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. Many public schools in the country lack basic facilities such as classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and safe drinking water. Investing in school infrastructure, such as building new classrooms, providing modern facilities, and ensuring the safety and security of students, can create a conducive learning environment and improve educational outcomes.

    Curriculum reforms are also necessary to deliver quality public education in Nigeria. The curriculum is an essential component of the education system, and regular updates and revisions are needed to ensure that it remains relevant and effective. The government should implement curriculum reforms that align with modern educational standards and practices, emphasize critical thinking and creativity, and equip students with the skills they need to succeed in a rapidly changing world.

    Furthermore, promoting parental and community involvement in schools is crucial to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. Parents and communities play a vital role in supporting students’ learning and development, and their active participation can enhance the quality of education. The government should encourage parental involvement through initiatives such as parent-teacher associations, community engagement programs, and school-based activities that promote collaboration between schools, parents, and the community.

    Moreover, leveraging technology can also help improve the quality of public education in Nigeria. Technology can enhance teaching and learning, provide access to educational resources and materials, and facilitate communication between students, teachers, and parents. The government should invest in technology infrastructure in schools, provide training to teachers on how to integrate technology into their teaching practices, and ensure that students have access to digital tools and resources to enhance their learning experiences.

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    Furthermore, ensuring teacher accountability and performance evaluation is essential to delivering quality public education in Nigeria. The government should implement systems to monitor and evaluate teachers’ performance, provide feedback and support to help them improve, and hold teachers accountable for their effectiveness in the classroom. Performance-based incentives and recognition programs can also motivate teachers to excel and contribute to improving the quality of education.

    n conclusion, delivering quality public education in Nigeria requires a comprehensive approach that addresses various aspects of the education system, including adequate funding, teacher training, infrastructure improvement, curriculum reforms, parental involvement, technology integration, and teacher accountability. By implementing these strategies and prioritizing education, the government can make significant strides in improving the quality of education for all students in the country. Education is a fundamental right and a key driver of socio-economic development, and ensuring quality public education for all is essential to building a brighter future for Nigeria. Indeed, it is a task that must be done.

    Nigeria Will Succeed !

  • Salute to all our soldiers

    Salute to all our soldiers

    We remember our fallen heroes

    Nigeria remembers you

    You laid your life for a truly just cause

    Nigeria remembers you

    We salute you for all that you have done that Nigeria May be one, strong and united sovereign state,

    Nigeria remembers you

    As a child, this song or sort of infomercial was aired regularly during the nation’s Armed Forces Remembrance Day, a day set aside in our nation to honour and remember our soldiers both retired  and in active service  including our fallen heroes who paid the supreme price for the peace, stability and unity of the nation.

    Even today, the efforts of military men and women in the various theaters of war both past and present, cannot be appreciated enough, even with her numerous shortcomings , such as its interventions in the  nation’s politics and the numerous crimes committed by officers who were supposed to be sworn gentlemen , the Nigerian Armed Forces remains one of the nation‘s  set of pride institutions.

    From its heroic efforts in the first and second world wars, in which the immortality myth of the white man was basically shattered in battles where our troops carried  out exploits more heroic than Alfred Tennyson’s Charge of the Light Brigade to its exploits in Congo Kinshasa(Presently called Congo) and then to her role in the civil war which was allegedly fought to keep the nation one.

    Our heroics continue into the lands of Liberia and Sierra Leone where our soldiers died that peace and democracy might reign in such nations. Today, it is the in fight against terrorism, a situation where many of them have continued to die so that bloody civilians like us may go about our business.

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    Now, it is not only in the bloody business of war and peacekeeping that the jackboots have left legacies. It will be instrumental to note that these Khaki boys much helped propel the nation’s diplomatic overtures. We are reminded of Murtala Mohammed’s Africa has come of age speech which ushered an important epoch in the nation’s diplomatic posturing. Matter of fact, I still argue that the glory days of the nation’s international forays were during our military days spanning from Murtala’ s era to Ibrahim Babaginda’s regime.

    Now just as there are a number of positive legacies left by the military, it also has left on the Nigerian people its legacy of pain, shame and suffering. The two coups of January 15th 1966 and July 29th, 1966 are among such legacies. The pogroms that followed under the supervision of the military and the senseless massacres of civilians that occurred in Asaba, Odu and Zaki Biam respectively will forever remain as stains on its legacy.

    Again, it’s repeated trampling on the rights of Nigerians which saw it arbitrarily send many to its gulags under the most undignified of circumstances as well as its assault on the collective psyche of the Nigerian citizen by engaging in brazen acts such as the attack on Fela’s Kalakuta Republic, the killings of students in Ife, . Events such as the annulment of June 12, the Justice Chukwudifu Oputa Panel and a number of published works have given much elucidation to the military’s role in the suppression of the rights of numerous individuals. The tales of massive corruption and stories of indiscipline, nepotism amidst its lack of professionalism have also undermined the army’s reputation as brutes in the nation’s colours. Kindly note that the institutionalization of corruption was also endemic in the military era.

    Enough said about the double edged legacies, we obviously know that we do not throw away the baby with the bath water and the Nigerian Armed Forces for all its flaws, misdeeds and inactions will indeed continue to have its place in our nation’s history, particularly now that it has been near 24 years since it returned to the barracks and has shunned all temptation to announce to Nigerians those dreaded two letter words “ Fellow Nigerians” interrupted intermittently with the rendition of high charged martial music.

    Now while many seek a professional armed forces, one where meritocracy and professionalism are the order of the day, favorably equipped and serving as a deterrent to any nation thinking of violating any aspects of our sovereignty we must also ask if we have treated these men and women who have slugged it out on the battlefield with the dignity that comes with such service to the nation?

    Today we have ex service men begging for their pensions, their families living from hand to mouth and their only sin was that they gave their time, limbs and sometimes their lives in service to the country. Even now as we speak , what are the conditions of those in active service? Dismal, at the front there are tales that border on poor morale for the soldiers, how these soldiers are denied their operational allowances and live in squalid makeshift arrangements. I even came across a story of how a number of these officers had been denied their entitlements such as their disability compensation and even how civilian patients were given preferential treatment to their military colleagues. So tell me how do we expect these officers to give in their optimal best at these war fronts? Now, if they can be treated this way, imagine what fate awaits them should they die in active service or retire.

    Prior to the incidence of corruption happening to us, we saw examples of military officers who died with near  empty account balances. That is before the entrance of thieving generals and their accomplices. It took a Sani Abacha to build a house for the late widow of General Aguiyi Ironsi, while it took a Bola Ahmed Tinubu to do same for Ayo Fajuyi’s widow? If Nigeria could happen to the legacies of these fine officers, what then should we expect for the poor bloody lads who have no special epaulets on their shoulders?

    The Nigerian service man deserves more for his bravery and his commitment to duty, chivalry and preservation of the nation. One then urges the military authorities and their civilian counterparts to do their utmost best in ensuring that the Nigerian Armed Forces are not only properly equipped but also highly motivated that in their service of today for the assurance of our tomorrow that the gratitude shown by us will reverberate with them and their children for years to come! 

    This article was initially written last year but has been republished in honour of the 17 soldiers killed in Okuama, Delta State.

  • Thoughts on The SouthEast Development Commission Bill

    Thoughts on The SouthEast Development Commission Bill

    Before I delve into the second and final series of this article, let me comment on some of the responses i received from my readers. One accused me of being anti-southeast because I had faulted one of the mandates which was  for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of roads, houses and other infrastructural damages suffered by the region as a result of the effects of the civil war.

    How my citing that such a mandate as incongrous with present day reality should then be translated to me being anti-southeast or anti-igbo bothers me! What is wrong with calling out such an incongruity?

    Another stated that I was rather being pessimistic about whether the bill would be signed into law or not! I merely pointed out that it was not yet uhuru, since the bill was yet to receive presidential assent. Likewise my assertion that owing to.the poor.performance of previous commissions recently set up, there was really nothing to expect from the creation.of the SouthEast Development Commission!

    What is wrong with such an assertion, particularly when it is backed with facts and figures? For example has the NDDC justified it’s receipt of over 15.3 trillion since it’s inception? Comparing such an amount to the level of development registered in the Niger Delta area is heavily dismal and in countries with an inclement tolerance for corruption a number of NDDC officials wouod have been frontline candidates for prison or death by shooting.

    Thus I have no apology for my pessimism, and would rather prefer not having a  SouthEast Development Commission than having one that would line up the pockets of a few persons at the detriment of the region.

    To the meat of this present series, I will dwell on some of the would be challenges of the commission to serve as a template or guide for the incoming commission, that is if the bill will receive Asiwaju’s assent anyway.

    What managerial structure would the SEDC operate with?  It is alleged that the proposed commission should have three executive directors, for Finance and Account, Projects and Corporate Services. It would also have other zones represented on commission, similar to what is obtainable within.other regional bodies such as the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC, and the North East Development Commission, NEDC. Would the leadership of the SEDC  be rotated amongst the states that make up  the region? What would be the structure of tenure, four, five or six years?  On what basis would such a rotation follow? Will it be by virtue of the year such a state was created or by alphabetical order?

    There is also the challenge of funding, no doubting with the perceived marginalisation of the region since the end of the civil war, the SouthEast Region is bogged down with infrastructural, ecological and environmental challenges and should require huge funding from the Federal Government. How will this funding come? What percentage of funds would come from.the FG? Would the component  states also contribute to such funding ?  If yes, what percentage would the component states make to the commission?  Would it emulate the NDDC model of 15 percent of the allocation of the nine states that make up the region and would.companies operating within the region also be made to contribute  to  the SEDC?

    How would a number of projects also.be funded, would the SEDC adopt the PPP model to ensure that it avoids the error of the NDDC and it’s number of abandoned projects littered over the Niger Delta Region?

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    There are also the challenges of monitoring projects approved and ensuring that such projects not only meet the standards required but are also delivered on time. What measures would the commission take to ensure that projects handled by it are projects that would contribute immensely to the resurgence of the region as the commercial nerve centre of the Nation?

    How would the commission also deal with issues of youth restiveness, one that has recently risen owing to the recent fervour for Biafra as well as certain aspects such as unemployment,  underemployment and a declining  values system? Would the efforts of the commission not also be hindered by such militants and crime groups? Would investors courted by the SEDC be willing to invest amidst such turmoil?

    Corruption as I had earlier mentioned remains another factor and I will not dwell much on it here but the commission must be ready to deal with it as a major threat to it’s success.

    As the former Deputy Governor of Anambra State, Dr. Nkem Okeke recently posited at a recent forum, the SEDC would attract a number of goodies to the region, now while I am not as optimistic as he is owing to the Nigerian way of doing things, it is my hope that the SEDC would be different and create an exception in the SouthEast, a model for development and rekindle the hope of the people of the region in a united, free and fair Nigeria.

    Ka Chineke mezuo okwu…

    May Nigeria Succeed!

  • Thoughts on the Southeast Development Commission Bill (1)

    Thoughts on the Southeast Development Commission Bill (1)

    As news of the second passage of the bill establishing the Southeast Development Commission (SEDC) by the 11th Senate came through alongside the hoopla, many of Ala Igbo’s  children such as myself were largely not infused with the ‘Alleluia Joy’ mood owing to two things which I will express much later in this piece.

    As the bill suggests, the SEDC is a  federal government agency in Nigeria that will attempt to address the challenges of underdevelopment in the Southeast region of the country, a region that has since the end of the Nigerian/ Biafran War  long suffered from neglect and marginalization, resulting in poor infrastructure, high unemployment rates, and low levels of social services. The establishment of the SEDC was borne out of a desire to address these issues and promote economic development in the region.

    The Southeast region of Nigeria is made up of five states: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo. Despite being rich in natural resources and having a vibrant entrepreneurial spirit, the region has struggled to attract investment and create jobs for its burgeoning population. The lack of good roads, electricity, and other basic infrastructure has hindered the growth of industries and businesses in the region, leading to widespread poverty and underdevelopment.

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    The bill to establish the SEDC was passed sometime in 2018 by the Senator Ahmed Lawan led National Assembly but was denied assent by the then sitting president , Muhammadu Buhari . It was again reintroduced into the 11th Assembly and was passed in the House of Representatives by December 2023 before the Senator Akpabio led Senate passed it recently for a second time.

    For me, the rejoicing will begin with an assent first, otherwise there will really be no reason to celebrate the bill. Now while it is true that one might believe that the chummy relationship between the leadership of the National Assembly and the presidency might make it’s being assented to a done deal, was the relationship between Senator  Ahmed  Lawan and  President Muhammadu Buhari, a  model for Executive/Legislative chumminess, the type sought in nation’s like the United States of America where political leanings have trumped governance hurting the ability of most presidents to deliver on their agenda.

    So if the bill could not excite a Buhari’s assent what is the probability that it would excite that of Asiwaju, at a time when the government is busy trying to implement the Oronsaye report and bring down the number of government agencies.

    Again, the bill seems to contain certain confounding issues in it, particularly in it’s set of responsibilities such as ” To receive and manage funds from the allocation of the Federation account for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of roads, houses and other infrastructural damages suffered by the region as a result of the effects of the civil war, as well as tackle the ecological problems and any other related environmental or developmental challenges faced by the South Eastern states of Nigeria and for related matters, 2024”. 54 years after the Uli Strip was overun by Federal troops while Brigadier Effiong formally surrendered to General Yakubu Gowon, a majority if not all reconstruction and rehabilitation work have long been carried out and concluded not by the Federal Government which payed much lip service to it’s 3Rs, but by the Igbo people themselves in their  ‘Mekaria’ attitude which naturally waits little for government interventions. For example, my grandfather’s house in Abagana was destroyed as it served as the Biafran Headquarters for that sector, my father rebuilt the house in the 80’s as did every Igbo man who survived the war, pray what will now be rehabilitated or reconstructed that has not been carried out in the past?

    I would rather have the first set of responsibilities thrown out except people can either show me for certain, these  roads or infrastructure still suffering from the war’s effects and then focus more on the developmental challenges faced by the zone as we asked the following questions.

    Can the bill if passed into law and the commission established act as a bulwark for the development of the zone’s economic and commercial potentials?

    Will the SouthEast Development Commission drive development into the region which is presently grappling with a dearth of basic infrastructure as well as youth unemployment and unrest? Is it the nation’s solution to the cries of marginalisation bellowed time and time again by it’s people and selfishly brandished by our leaders, particularly when they are not observing table manners?

    A cursory look into the history of past commissions and their dividends or contributions to the development of those areas will help answer in the negative. A good example is the the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC which has despite the billions sunk into it failed to deliver on it’s mandate! The North East Development Commission has taken the same trajectory, now except those who will pilot the affairs of the SouthEast Development Commission be saints, we may yet  get the same shambolism experienced from the initially mentioned commissions.

  • Thoughts on the Oronsaye report

    Thoughts on the Oronsaye report

    The Oronsaye Report, officially known as the Presidential Committee on the Rationalisation and Restructuring of Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions, and Agencies, was a comprehensive review of government agencies and the duplication of functions and roles within them in Nigeria. The report which was aimed at streamlining  government’s operations, the reduction of costs, and improved efficiency. However, since its release in 2012, the implementation of these recommendations has faced several challenges.

    Some of the key recommendations of the report include merging, scrapping, or privatizing some government agencies to streamline operations and cut costs. However, the implementation of the report has been slow and faced with challenges.

    One of the major issues with implementing the Oronsaye Report has been the resistance from government agencies. Many of these agencies have vested interests in maintaining the status quo, as it allows them to continue receiving funding and resources. These agencies often lobby against any attempts to merge or abolish them, citing their unique mandates and the importance of their services. This resistance has made it difficult for the government to follow through on the recommendations of the report.

    Another challenge is the lack of political will to implement the recommendations. Many government agencies have powerful backers within the political class who are unwilling to see them dissolved or merged. In some cases, agencies have been retained for political patronage, with officials using them to reward political allies or secure votes in elections. This has created a situation where implementing the report would mean going against powerful interests, making it politically risky for the government to take action.

    Financial constraints have also posed a challenge to the implementation of the Oronsaye Report. While the report recommended cost-saving measures such as merging agencies and eliminating duplication, the initial costs of restructuring and the potential loss of revenue from abolished agencies have raised concerns about the feasibility of the recommendations. The government has been reluctant to invest in the necessary resources to implement the report, especially in the face of competing priorities and limited funding.

    Another issue with implementing the Oronsaye Report is the lack of a clear roadmap and timeline for reform. The report provided recommendations for rationalizing and restructuring government agencies, but it did not outline a detailed plan for how these recommendations would be implemented or when they would be completed. This lack of clarity has made it difficult for stakeholders to understand the process and track progress, leading to uncertainty and confusion about the government’s commitment to the reforms.

    Lastly, the legal and regulatory framework for implementing the recommendations of the Oronsaye Report is inadequate. Many government agencies are governed by legislation that would need to be amended or repealed in order to merge or abolish them. This process is time-consuming and complex, requiring legislative approval and political consensus. Without a clear legal pathway for implementing the recommendations, the government has struggled to make meaningful progress on the report’s reforms.

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    However asides these challenges there are schools of thought that believe that the said report may be incongruous with today’s realities, these thoughts hold that a thorough implementation of the report will not address the main issues such as  the cost of governance as believed some years back.

    Take for example, the report has called for the

    The National Salaries, Income and Wages Commission (NSIWC) is to be subsumed under the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), but why should the Infrastructure Concession and Regulatory Commission  (ICRC) be merged with the Bureau of Public Enterprise and be renamed as Public Enterprises and Infrastructural Concession Commission?

    Why should a super agency like the Pension Transitional Arrangement Directorate (PTAD) with it’s superb acheivments in the area of pensions be  scrapped while its functions will be taken over by the federal ministry of finance?

    I need explanations on why a commission as instrumental to the guaranteeing of our basic rights that is the  National Human Rights Commission  be merged with the Public Complaints Commission?

    Again, why do we think that just merging agencies without plans to rationalize will help reduce costs of governance and aid efficiency in the public service, yes it may reduce the duplication of functions but then we would still be left with that bloatedness which initially informed the major reason for setting up the Oronsaye Committee. Such bloatedness naturally sees workers who aren’t effective in their places of work continue to  drain the state of it’s resources, resources which would have profitably  gone into other areas, sectors or ministries, herein lies the notion that implementing wholly the Oronsaye report is not in tandem with the present times.

    The task therefore before the Senator George Akume  Committee will be to carry out a  surgical implementation of the report , taking into cognizance the need to enhance the effectiveness of the service without reaping for the nation certain consequences that may further destroy the nation’s civil service.

    May Nigeria Succeed!

  • As ECOWAS flunks democracy’s

    As ECOWAS flunks democracy’s

    The recent and erroneous decision by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to lift sanctions on Niger Republic is naturally bound to have a plethora of  far-reaching consequences for the military governed country and the region as a whole.

    Niger has been at the receiving end of a number of sanctions issued by the regional body  since its military forces overthrew the President Mohammed Bazoum administration last year. ECOWAS, which had much asserted it’s authority by enforcing it’s list of sanctions in which it had  hoped  to force the hand of the regime and reinstate the deposed Bazoum to.power took the policy summersault to the chagrin of a number of democracy enthusiasts who believe that there is nothing to gain from rapprochement with the unconstitutional government in Niger.

      While ECOWAS has cited the need for stability and cooperation as it’s justification for  its decision, the move has raised serious concerns about the organization’s commitment to promoting democracy and good governance.

    Let us explore the various consequences of such a  decision to lift sanctions on Niger.

    ECOWAS may have sent the signal to other nations within its sphere of influence that it is ok for countries to jettison the democratic form of governance for other less constitutional alternatives. By lifting sanctions on Niger, ECOWAS is effectively condoning the country’s democratic backsliding and sending a message that member states can flout democratic norms without  any consequences, setting perhaps a return to the dark days of the 70’s ,80’s and 90’s when a number of African nations, most particularly West African states were under the unimpressive regimes of the military boys.

    Then there is the issue of regional stability and security, with Niger located in a region marred by conflict, terrorism, and instability. The junta’s  crackdown on opposition and civil society groups could exacerbate tensions and create  breeding grounds for extremism and violence. ECOWAS’s decision may indirectly help fuel such  discontent and instability in the region, which could inturn have immense spillover effects on neighboring countries.

    ECOWAS via this volte face may have dealt its legitimacy as a regional organisation with the goal of promoting democracy, good governance, and regional integration in West Africa a moral blow, it’s failure to hold these member states accountable may seriously jeopardise it’s standing amongst other regional bodies and world powers. It further risks losing the trust and support of civil society groups, human rights organizations, and democratic advocates in the region undermining much the organization’s ability to effectively address regional challenges and promote peace and stability in West Africa.

    This sets a very  dangerous precedent and basically  undermines efforts to hold governments accountable for their actions. It also weakens the credibility of ECOWAS as a regional organization committed to promoting democracy and good governance.

    Some have even cited that the decision to lift sanctions on Niger could have been based on a number of economic reasons, if this is true then this can then be seen as inadvertently rewarding a government with a questionable human rights record and sending a message that economic interests take precedence over human rights and democratic principles. This could undermine efforts to promote good governance and rule of law in the region, hindering the growth of a number of institutions and downplaying the importance of democratic norms in a region such as ours.

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    While it is a commonly observed that on a number of occasions sanctions barely hurt the ruling classes who are the major targets of such sanctions but the rest of the population, what the West African regional body could have done was to fine-tune the sanctions as well as strengthen to their enforcement of such to deal more blows to the junta making it weaker and much more vulnerable to pressure from the regional body.

    Yes, Democracy’s cynics might thumb their noses at the type of democracy we practice in these climes, insisting that since we barely have democracy in these governments which profess to being a democracy, then the only option is to seek alternatives such as military rule, these persons haven’t sat down to count the costs of human rights abuses and the suppression of liberties lending credence to.that Churchilllian quote which says that ” Democracy is the Worst Form of Government but it is better than any other form of government.

    Besides these it is important to point out that democracy as a process is hindered every time it is interrupted, making its gains ineligible, can we imagine where Nigeria would have been without the interruptions of 1966,1983 and 1993?

    Niger  which has been repeatedly facing political turmoil in recent years, including a military coup in 2020 that ousted former President Mahamadou Issoufou is an example of the consequences of such interventions, ECOWAS however has chosen to sleep in the same bed with the junta flunking Democracy’s chances in this part of West Africa.

    We should also be ready to engage the likes of Mali,Burkina Faso and Guinea parting them.lighlty on the hands.

    By flouting its own democratic principles and rewarding a government with a questionable human rights record, ECOWAS has undermined its credibility as a regional organization committed to promoting democracy and good governance. This decision sets a dangerous precedent and sends a troubling message to other member states that they can get away with flouting democratic norms without consequence.

    Sad.

  • Deserved or not ?

    Deserved or not ?

    The Nigerian Senate had recently voted in favor of passing a motion of confidence in the country’s service chiefs, that is despite widespread criticism of their handling of the nation’s security challenges. The move by the upper chamber of the National Assembly has sparked a debate among citizens, with many questioning the rationale behind the decision.

    Coming amidst the state escalating insecurity in Nigeria, with various terrorist groups such as Boko Haram, Fulani herdsmen,kidnappers and unknown gun men carrying out deadly attacks on civilians and security personnel across the country, the  service chiefs, comprising the Chief of Defence Staff, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Naval Staff, and Chief of Air Staff, have been tasked with addressing the security threats facing the nation but seem to be wobbling somewhat on the job.

    However, their performance has been heavily criticized, with many accusing them of failing to adequately contain the security challenges facing the country. Plagued by allegations of corruption, incompetence, and poor coordination in their efforts to combat insurgency and violence, these security helmsmen seem to be faring not better than their predecessors.

    So when the Akpabio led Senate, despite these criticisms, decide to express its confidence in the service chiefs, with the majority of Senators  voting in favor of the motion, the Nigerian public seems to be enraged and ask if such a coaxing is indeed deserved?

    Not one to be caught in any crossfires of sort, the Akpabio led leadership has much justified such lofty praise with the narrative that such a pat on the back would serve as a morale booster for the military in their elongated war with terrorism and banditry. I see!

    How a vote of confidence for a wobbling team of service chiefs can in turn raise the  morale of our fighting troops who are reportedly doing their best while our service chiefs seem to be fiddling on the jobs is certainly some harebrained logic spun by these agbada senators who have little or no knowledge about fighting a war! How do you raise the morale of soldiers who are fighting without getting their  pay  on time, how do you raise the morale of these fighting troops on a poor welfare regime? How do you boost the confidence of troops where excellence is sacrificed on the altar of nepotism and political patronage? Such logic surely raises eyebrows among many Nigerians, who would rather believe that the Senate’s decision was based on political considerations rather than a genuine assessment of the performance of the service chiefs. Critics like myself will argue that the Senate’s support for the service chiefs is a reflection of the close relationship between the military and the political elite in Nigeria, each serving the selfish interest of the other.

    The Senate missed much an opportunity to show Nigerians that it is not sitting comfy in it’s red chambers while Nigerians are repeatedly dieing in the arms of rag tag armies and band of bandits, this is in the same Nigeria where once upon a time,  it’s troops worked wonders in the Congo, Tanzania, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Furthermore, the vote of confidence has been viewed as a missed opportunity for the Senate to hold the service chiefs accountable for their failures. Many believe that the Senate should have used the opportunity to demand for better performance and accountability from the military leadership, rather than giving them a vote of confidence without any conditions attached.

    The decision has also reignited calls for the resignation or removal of the service chiefs, with various groups and individuals expressing their dissatisfaction with their performance. Civil society organizations, political parties, and even some members of the Senate have called for the replacement of the service chiefs in order to bring fresh ideas and strategies to combat the security challenges facing the country.

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    The vote of confidence in the service chiefs has also been seen as a reflection of the disconnect between the political elite and the people they are supposed to represent. Many Nigerians feel that the government is out of touch with the realities on the ground, as the security situation in the country continues to deteriorate with no concrete solutions in sight.

    Despite the Senate’s show of support for the service chiefs, the calls for their resignation or removal continue to grow louder. Nigerians are increasingly frustrated with the government’s handling of the security situation, and many are demanding for a change in leadership in order to bring about the desired change.

    The vote of confidence in the service chiefs has also brought to the fore the need for a comprehensive review of the country’s security architecture. Many experts believe that the current system is outdated and ineffective in dealing with the modern security threats facing Nigeria, and have called for a complete overhaul of the security apparatus in order to address the challenges more effectively.

    In conclusion, the Nigerian Senate’s vote of confidence in the service chiefs has generated a lot of debate and controversy, with many questioning the rationale behind the decision. While the Senate has defended its decision as a show of support for the military in their fight against insurgency, many would argue otherwise and would rather have these fellows given marching orders to at least bring down the rate of such attacks on innocent citizens or are shipped out for a set of new service chiefs who would be offered the same treatment should they fail to deliver. Nigeria for God’s sake spends a huge chunk of it’s resources on security, it’s about time such funding is justified.

    For me the vote of confidence on the service chiefs remains another reason why our nation is sick, it’s undeserved as well as is a play to the gallery by the Nigerian Senate, leaving a bitter taste in the mouths of millions of Nigerians who continue to suffer from while our policy makers continue to put every foot wrong. May God Almighty help us…. May Nigeria Succeed