Category: ARINZE IGBOELI

  • Ekwunife and Soludo’s voyeurism

    Ekwunife and Soludo’s voyeurism

    In the arena of Nigerian politics, where theatrical displays and verbal jousting are considered par for the course, there exists an unwritten code that separates legitimate political discourse from the unseemly. Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State appears to have crossed this line with his peculiar and increasingly uncomfortable fixation on Senator Uche Ekwunife, the Deputy Governor candidate for the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    What emanates from my governor  is not political strategy but something far more disturbing—a voyeuristic obsession that reveals more about the observer than the observed.The spectacle of a sitting Governor, who should be ostensibly focused on governance and development, repeatedly turning his attention to dissecting, diminishing, and attempting to delegitimize a female political opponent raises fundamental questions about leadership, professionalism, and the quality of our democratic discourse.

    Soludo’s fixation on Ekwunife has become so pronounced that it borders on the pathological—a Governor who seems more preoccupied with one woman’s political aspirations than with the manifold challenges facing his state.This obsession becomes even more troubling when viewed through the lens of Soludo’s academic credentials and supposed intellectual sophistication.

    Here is a man who apparently has walked the corridors of international finance, who has lectured in prestigious universities, and who has advised governments on economic policy. Yet, when faced with a formidable female political opponent, he has chosen to descend into the gutter, trading his alleged intellectual capital for cheap political point-scoring. The question that begs asking is: why would an academic of Soludo’s supposed stature engage in such profane political theater?

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    The answer might lie in recognition—a grudging acknowledgment that Senator Ekwunife represents everything his administration is not or apparently lacks. Her political curriculum vitae reads like a masterclass in public service excellence. From her distinguished career in the private sector to her impactful tenure in both chambers of the National Assembly, where she championed numerous legislative initiatives and consistently delivered democratic dividends to her constituents, Ekwunife embodies the kind of competent, results-oriented leadership that Anambra desperately needs. Her track record in both the public and private sectors should indeed “scare the jitters” out of Soludo and his cheerleaders, for it presents a stark contrast to his own governance style.

    Faced with this formidable opponent, Soludo has resorted to the lowest common denominator of political warfare. His attempt to portray Ekwunife as a certificate forger represents perhaps the most desperate and unfounded attack in recent Anambra political history. Without evidence, without substantiation, and without regard for the damage such baseless accusations might inflict on our democratic processes, the Governor chose to impugn the integrity of a woman whose educational credentials and professional achievements are matters of public record.

    This reckless accusation not only failed to diminish Ekwunife’s stature but succeeded brilliantly in exposing the paucity of Soludo’s own political arsenal.

    Even more shocking was Soludo’s declaration that Ekwunife cannot be Governor of Anambra State because, despite hailing from Igbo Ukwu, she is married to a man from Nri. In the 21st century, when the world is systematically dismantling barriers and embracing inclusivity, Governor Soludo, with his supposed national and global exposure, has chosen to behave like a political dinosaur. His position that a woman, by virtue of her marriage, forfeits her right to aspire to govern her home state represents not just archaic thinking but a fundamental assault on the principles of gender equality and women’s rights.This retrograde stance raises critical questions about the silence of feminist organizations and female activists who should be screaming “blue murder” at such blatant discrimination. Where are the voices that have championed women’s political participation? Where are the organizations that have fought tirelessly for gender inclusivity in governance? Their silence in the face of such overt misogyny is as troubling as the original statement itself, for Soludo’s position essentially argues that marriage transforms a woman from a full citizen with political rights into some form of political helot, forever bound by the geographical origins of her spouse rather than the distinction of competence.The irony of this position becomes even more pronounced when one considers that Ekwunife’s marriage, rather than diminishing her connection to Anambra, has actually deepened her understanding of the state’s diverse communities and challenges. Her dual perspective as both an Igbo Ukwu indigene and an Nri resident should be viewed as an asset, providing her with broader insights into the needs and aspirations of different constituencies within the state.

    Soludo’s attempts to diminish Ekwunife’s political stature have achieved the exact opposite of their intended effect. Rather than undermining her credibility, they have succeeded in diminishing his own persona and reducing the overall quality of political discourse in Anambra State. Each attack, each baseless accusation, each desperate attempt at character assassination has stripped away another layer of the intellectual veneer that once defined the Soludo brand. The academic who once commanded respect in international financial circles has transformed himself into a political street fighter, and the transformation has been anything but flattering.This devolution raises a more fundamental question about the Soludo administration’s governance priorities.

    Why is a sitting Governor spending so much time and energy focused on a Deputy Governor candidate rather than showcasing his own achievements? Why is the administration not campaigning on its performance record, which is what any serious, achievement-oriented government would naturally do?The answer to this question is both simple and damning: the Soludo administration cannot run on its record because, after four years in office, there is precious little record to run on. The absence of significant developmental milestones, the lack of transformative projects, and the failure to address the fundamental challenges facing Anambra State have left the administration with no choice but to resort to personal attacks and character assassination. When you have nothing to sell, you attempt to destroy the competition—a strategy that reveals more about your own inadequacies than those of your opponents.

    The tragedy of Soludo’s fixation on Ekwunife lies not just in its voyeuristic nature or its contribution to the degradation of political discourse, but in what it represents: the spectacle of a failed administration desperately trying to distract from four years of underachievement by manufacturing controversies around a competent opponent. In choosing this path, Soludo has not only diminished himself but has also disserviced the people of Anambra State, who deserve leaders focused on solutions rather than distractions, on development rather than destruction, and on progress rather than petty political gamesmanship.

  • Garlands for Governor Hope Uzodinma

    Garlands for Governor Hope Uzodinma

    In an era where Nigerian workers across various states grapple with economic hardship and delayed salary payments, amidst other poor working conditions, Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State has emerged as a shining example of what leadership with a human face truly means. His recent approval of a groundbreaking N104,000 minimum wage for Imo State civil servants represents more than just a salary adjustment—it is a powerful statement about the dignity of public service and the transformative potential of good governance in Nigeria.

    Governor Uzodinma’s decision to increase the minimum wage from N76,000 to N104,000 transcends traditional wage adjustments, it is indeed revolutionary. This bold move represents a fundamental shift in how state governments can approach the welfare of their workforce. By setting the new minimum wage significantly above the national standard of N70,000, Uzodinma has demonstrated that Nigerian states can indeed prioritize the economic wellbeing of their citizens without compromising fiscal responsibility.

    This increase is not merely about numbers on a paycheck—it is about ensuring that Imo civil servants can earn a living income that upholds their dignity as state mandarins. For too long, public servants across Nigeria have endured wages that barely meet basic subsistence needs, forcing many into secondary employment , lack of motivation, corruption and financial distress. Uzodinma’s initiative acknowledges that civil servants are the backbone of effective governance and deserve compensation that reflects their vital contribution to state development.

    The governor’s vision extends far beyond the basic minimum wage adjustment. The comprehensive nature of his wage review demonstrates a deep understanding of the diverse needs within the civil service ecosystem. By increasing doctors’ salaries from N215,000 to N503,000, Uzodinma has recognized the critical role healthcare professionals play in ensuring the wellbeing of Imo citizens. This substantial increase can address the brain drain that has plagued Nigeria’s healthcare sector on one hand where qualified medical personnel often seek better opportunities abroad or in the private sector whilst making the state healthcare system more attractive and efficient.

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    Similarly, the increase in teachers’ salaries in tertiary institutions from N119,000 to N222,000 reflects Uzodinma’s commitment to educational excellence. By investing in educators, the governor is investing in the future of Imo State, ensuring that the next generation receives quality education from motivated and fairly compensated teachers. This holistic approach to wage adjustment demonstrates that Uzodinma views governance not as a series of isolated policies but as an interconnected system where each component’s wellbeing affects the whole.

    Governor Uzodinma’s achievement becomes even more remarkable when viewed against the backdrop of Nigeria’s current economic challenges. Across the nation, numerous state governments struggle to meet their basic obligations to workers, with salary arrears mounting and civil servants enduring months without pay. In this context, Uzodinma’s decision to not only pay regularly but to significantly increase wages represents a masterclass in fiscal management and priority setting.

    While his counterparts in other states cite revenue constraints and federal allocation dependencies as barriers to worker welfare, Uzodinma has proven that creative governance can overcome these challenges. His administration’s success in boosting internally generated revenue has provided the fiscal foundation for this wage increase, demonstrating that states can reduce their dependence on federal allocations through strategic economic policies and efficient revenue collection.

    Likewise, the  psychological and social impact of Uzodinma’s wage policy extends far beyond the immediate financial relief it provides. For years, civil servants across Nigeria have endured the indignity of wages that fail to reflect their education, experience, and contribution to society.

    By ensuring that civil servants earn a living wage, Governor Uzodinma has restored pride to public service in Imo State. When civil servants can afford decent housing, quality education for their children, and healthcare for their families without financial stress, they can focus entirely on their professional responsibilities. This creates a virtuous cycle where improved worker welfare translates to better service delivery and enhanced public satisfaction with government performance.

    The ripple effects of Uzodinma’s progressive wage policy extend beyond Imo State’s borders. The Nigeria Labour Congress has already called on federal and other state governments to emulate Imo’s example, recognizing the transformative potential of such policies. This external validation underscores the national significance of Uzodinma’s achievement and positions him as a thought leader in Nigerian governance.

    Other governors now face increased pressure from their civil servants and organized labor to justify why they cannot replicate Imo’s success. This healthy competition among states could catalyze a nationwide improvement in worker welfare, potentially breaking the cycle of poverty wages that have characterized public service in Nigeria for decades.

    Beyond the immediate impact on civil servants, Uzodinma’s wage increase will generate significant economic multiplier effects throughout Imo State. When workers have more disposable income, they increase their consumption of goods and services, stimulating local businesses and creating additional employment opportunities. This increased economic activity generates more tax revenue for the state, creating a sustainable cycle of prosperity.

    Local markets, housing sectors, educational institutions, and service providers will all benefit from the increased purchasing power of civil servants. This economic stimulus effect demonstrates that investing in worker welfare is not just a moral imperative but also a sound economic strategy that benefits the entire state.

    Governor Hope Uzodinma’s minimum wage initiative stands as a testament to what is possible when Nigerian leaders prioritize the welfare of their citizens over personal aggrandizement. His administration has proven that the oft-cited excuse of insufficient resources is often a reflection of misplaced priorities rather than genuine fiscal constraints.

    In a political landscape often characterized by unfulfilled promises and policy reversals, Uzodinma’s swift implementation of this wage increase demonstrates his commitment to action over rhetoric. This decisive leadership style has not only improved the lives of Imo civil servants but has also restored faith in the possibility of responsive, caring governance in Nigeria.

    As Nigeria continues to grapple with economic challenges and social tensions, Governor Hope Uzodinma’s example provides a roadmap for how dedicated leadership can make a tangible difference in citizens’ lives. His minimum wage policy is more than a salary adjustment—it is a powerful demonstration that governance in Nigeria can indeed have a human face, prioritizing the dignity and welfare of those who serve the public good. Through this bold initiative, Uzodinma has not only transformed the lives of Imo civil servants but has also set a new standard for compassionate leadership across Nigeria.

  • The decision by RMAFC to review the salaries of political office holders is indeed insensitive!

    The decision by RMAFC to review the salaries of political office holders is indeed insensitive!

    The recent declaration by the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) that Nigeria’s political office holders deserve salary increases represents one of the most tone-deaf and insensitive propositions in the nation’s contemporary political discourse. The commission’s characterization of President Bola Tinubu’s monthly salary of N1.5 million as “a joke” and ministers earning less than N1 million as “grossly underpaid” reveals a staggering disconnect from the harsh realities facing ordinary Nigerians. This proposed pay rise is not merely incredulous—it is an unconscionable affront to the sensibilities and sufferings of millions of citizens struggling through the nation’s tasking times in decades.

    The RMAFC’s justification for this proposed salary review rests on several arguments that, when examined against Nigeria’s current socioeconomic landscape, reveal themselves to be both hollow and hypocritical. The commission’s primary contention that political office holders’ salaries have remained static for 17 years conveniently ignores the astronomical increases in allowances, perks, and unofficial compensation that have ballooned over this same period.

    The argument that current salaries are inadequate becomes particularly incredulous when one considers the comprehensive compensation packages enjoyed by these officials. Beyond their basic salaries, politicians receive vast allowances, estacodes, constituency project funds, security votes, and countless other perks that dwarf their nominal salaries. As revealed in the analysis, while the President’s official salary may be N1.5 million monthly, the total package with allowances can exceed N100 million. Similarly, senators earn up to N21 million per month when all allowances are factored in, with top lawmakers receiving N500 million for constituency projects alone in the previous year.

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    The commission’s assertion that these officials are “underpaid” compared to their counterparts elsewhere willfully ignores certain factors such as the purchasing power disparities and the economic context within which they operate. In a country where the minimum wage struggles to cover basic necessities, where inflation has rendered the N70,000 minimum wage practically worthless, and where the average Nigerian cannot afford a bag of rice, not to talk of three square meals, the suggestion that politicians earning millions monthly are somehow disadvantaged is not just incredulous—it is insulting.

    This proposed pay increase represents more than policy misjudgment; it constitutes a deliberate assault on the dignity and intelligence of the Nigerian people. At a time when families are forced to cut back on meals, delay medical treatment, and withdraw their children from school due to economic hardship, the political elite’s preoccupation with enhancing their own compensation reveals a callous disregard for public sentiment and social responsibility.

    The timing of this proposal is particularly galling. Nigeria’s economy stands on the precipice, with debt servicing consuming half of all government revenue. Unemployment rates have reached catastrophic levels, driving young Nigerians to seek opportunities abroad in unprecedented numbers. Hospitals remain underfunded, universities barely function as they should, and critical infrastructure remains in deficits. Against this backdrop of national decay and citizen suffering, the RMFAC’s singular focus on personal enrichment exposes a level of moral bankruptcy that would be comical if it weren’t so tragic.

    The contrast between the proposed salary increases and the grudging concession of the N70,000 minimum wage after months of strikes and negotiations highlights the hypocrisy embedded in Nigeria’s governance structure. While workers’ demands for a living wage of N494,000 were dismissed as economically impossible, RMFAC’s “asheju” members apparently believe the national treasury can accommodate  enhanced compensation for our office holders without strain.

    The proposed salary review becomes even more egregious when viewed against the Tinubu administration’s repeated calls for sacrifice and patience from the Nigerian people. The administration has consistently urged citizens to endure present hardships for the promise of future prosperity, asking for understanding regarding painful policy decisions like fuel subsidy removal and currency devaluation. This appeal for collective sacrifice rings hollow when  RMFAC comes up with such an idea, seeking to  exempt these leaders from the austerity they preach.

    The hypocrisy is staggering. While ordinary Nigerians grapple with skyrocketing petrol prices, astronomical electricity tariffs, and crushing inflation, their leaders contemplate increasing their own comfort levels. This selective application of sacrifice—where hardship is for the masses while privilege is preserved for the elite—undermines any moral authority the administration might claim in asking for public endurance and cooperation.

    Historical precedent demonstrates that responsible leadership involves shared sacrifice during national crises. Irish ministers accepted pay cuts of up to 30 percent during the 2008 recession. New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and her cabinet reduced their salaries by 20 percent during the COVID-19 pandemic. Greek public officials absorbed substantial salary reductions during their debt crisis. These examples illustrate that genuine leadership means leading by example, particularly during times of national hardship.

    RMFAC’S ‘s failure to embrace this principle of shared sacrifice not only undermines its credibility but also perpetuates the dangerous disconnect between rulers and the ruled that has historically characterized Nigerian governance. By attempting to insulate political leaders from the economic reality they have helped create, RMFAC only seeks to make Nigerians more embittered with the political class, who knows if the citizenry will be able to bear such extra strain.

    Rather the funds contemplated for political salary increases could address critical national needs that have been neglected for decades. Nigeria’s healthcare system requires massive investment to function effectively, yet politicians prioritize personal compensation over public health infrastructure. The education sector, crippled by years of underfunding and neglect, desperately needs resources to train teachers, equip schools, and ensure access to quality education for all citizens.

    The unresolved 2009 agreement with the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) represents a particularly glaring example of misplaced priorities. For over a decade, successive administrations have failed to fully implement agreements that would revitalize Nigeria’s university system and end the cycle of strikes that has disrupted academic calendars. The funds being considered for political pay rises could significantly advance the implementation of these agreements, ending the educational uncertainty that has plagued Nigerian students and their families.

    Beyond education and healthcare, Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit requires urgent attention. Roads, power generation, water supply, and telecommunications infrastructure all need substantial investment to support economic growth and improve living standards. The irony is profound: while basic infrastructure crumbles and citizens struggle with unreliable power supply and impassable roads, RMFAC is debating  enhancing their own compensation packages.

    The proposed salary increase fails not just on economic grounds but on fundamental moral principles. In a democracy, public service should represent a commitment to collective welfare, not an opportunity for personal enrichment. When political leaders prioritize their own financial comfort over citizen welfare, they violate the basic social contract that legitimizes their authority.

    The Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission’s proposal for political salary increases represents everything wrong with Nigeria’s governance culture: insensitivity to public suffering, disconnection from economic reality, and prioritization of elite interests over national welfare. This proposal deserves not debate but outright rejection.

    Rather than increasing political salaries, Nigeria needs leaders who understand that true leadership involves sacrifice, particularly during national crises. The resources being contemplated for pay increases should be redirected toward healthcare, education, infrastructure, and the implementation of long-overdue agreements like the 2009 ASUU accord.

    Until the minimum wage reflects economic reality and Nigerian workers can live with dignity, any discussion of enhanced compensation for politicians represents not just poor judgment but a provocative assault on national sensibilities. The time has come for political leaders to demonstrate that they understand the difference between public service and self-service, between leadership and lordship. Only then can they legitimately ask for the patience and sacrifice they have repeatedly demanded from the Nigerian people.

  • Ukachukwu’s vision for Anambra’s Renaissance

    Ukachukwu’s vision for Anambra’s Renaissance

    In the heart of Nigeria’s southeast region, where the Omambala River whispers ancient secrets and the industrial hum of Nnewi and Onitsha  echoes with entrepreneurial dreams, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu stands poised to orchestrate Anambra’s greatest symphony of transformation. As the All Progressives Congress gubernatorial candidate for the November 8th elections, Prince Ukachukwu presents not merely a manifesto, but a covenant of renewal—a sacred promise to weave security, prosperity, and progress into the very fabric of Anambra’s destiny.

    The Foundation Stone: Security as Sanctuary

    “No tree bears fruit in a storm,” Prince Ukachukwu often reminds his audiences, and indeed, his administration’s first pillar rests upon transforming Anambra from a landscape of uncertainty into a sanctuary of safety. Security, in his vision, transcends mere crime prevention—it encompasses economic security, social stability, and the fundamental right of every Anambra citizen to dream without fear.

    The Prince’s security architecture envisions a state where farmers tend their fields without trepidation, where entrepreneurs build empires without intimidation, and where children walk to school as dawn breaks over peaceful communities. Through strategic partnerships with federal security agencies and community-based security networks, Anambra will become the beacon of safety that illuminates the entire southeast.

     Powering Progress: Energy as the Lifeline of Prosperity

    In Prince Ukachukwu’s Anambra, darkness will no longer steal dreams. His power revolution strategy recognizes that electricity is not merely about lighting bulbs—it is about illuminating possibilities. Every kilowatt generated becomes a catalyst for transformation, every power line erected becomes a bridge to prosperity.

    The manifesto envisions an Anambra where industrial machines never sleep, where hospitals operate life-saving equipment around the clock, and where students study under reliable light. Through aggressive power infrastructure development targeted at 318 Megawatts for the state and other strategic energy partnerships, Prince Ukachukwu promises to make load-shedding a relic of the past and uninterrupted power supply the norm of the future.

    The Trinity of Industrial Renaissance: Three Clusters, Infinite Possibilities

    Perhaps no aspect of Prince Ukachukwu’s vision captures the imagination quite like his revolutionary concept of three industrial clusters—each serving as a cathedral of commerce in Anambra’s three senatorial zones. These are not mere economic zones; they are destinies being forged, legacies being written in steel and silicon.

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    The Nnewi Engineering and Industrial Cluster will transform the already bustling commercial heart into a manufacturing marvel, where precision meets production and innovation dances with industry. Here, the legendary Igbo entrepreneurial spirit will find its most sophisticated expression.

    The Omambala Agricultural Cluster represents a return to the soil with modern sophistication—where ancient farming wisdom meets cutting-edge agricultural technology. This cluster will be the breadbasket that feeds not just Anambra, but the entire region.

    The Commodities and ICT Cluster emerges as the digital gateway to the future, where bytes and bandwidth create new forms of wealth, and where Anambra’s youth will code their way to continental relevance, a Bangalore of sorts.

    The Green Gold Revolution: Agriculture as Anambra’s New Oil

    “Agriculture will put Anambra on the map,” declares Prince Ukachukwu, and his agricultural revolution strategy reads like poetry written in grain, greens, tubers and prosperity. The commitment to mechanize 30,000 hectares represents more than land development—it symbolizes the transformation of farming from subsistence to significance.

    In this new Anambra, agriculture becomes agribusiness, farmers become entrepreneurs, and rural communities become centers of wealth creation. The uptakers program will ensure that every produce finds its market, every harvest translates to prosperity, and every farmer rises from survival to success. This is agriculture reimagined, farming revolutionized, and rural communities transformed.

     Learning for Liberation: Education as the Great Equalizer

    Prince Ukachukwu’s educational philosophy can be summarized in three words: “Learning for Empowerment.” His manifesto recognizes that in the 21st century, education is not just about acquiring knowledge—it is about acquiring power. Power to create, to innovate, to compete, and to transform.

    The massive investment in vocational and technical education represents a paradigm shift from certificate worship to skill celebration. State-of-the-art facilities will emerge across Anambra, where young hands learn to build the future, where technical skills become the new currency of success, and where every graduate emerges not just educated, but employable and entrepreneurial.

    Free and qualitative education becomes the great equalizer, ensuring that poverty never stands between any Anambra child and their destiny. With recognizable certificates that open doors across the globe, Anambra’s educational system will become the envy of the nation.

    Health as Wealth: The Complete Care Continuum

    Prince Ukachukwu’s health care vision unfolds like a three-tiered fountain of life—primary care forming the foundation, secondary care providing the structure, and tertiary care crowning the system with excellence. The 21 general hospitals scattered across the state will serve as lighthouses of healing, while three reference hospitals will position Anambra as a medical tourism destination.

    This is healthcare reimagined, where prevention meets intervention, where community health workers become warriors against disease, and where every heartbeat in Anambra is protected by world-class medical care. Through strategic investments in facilities, training, professional development, and competitive remuneration, Prince Ukachukwu promises to make quality healthcare not a privilege for the few, but a right for all.

     The Sacred Circle: Empowerment Through Tradition

    In a stroke of innovative governance, Prince Ukachukwu’s manifesto weaves traditional institutions into the fabric of modern administration. Traditional rulers and town unions will not merely be honored guests at government functions—they will be active participants in governance, bridges between the people and government, and guardians of cultural continuity in an age of rapid change.

    This integration represents a renaissance of respect for indigenous wisdom, where the ancient and the modern dance together in perfect harmony, and where governance becomes truly grassroots.

     The Promise of Tomorrow: A Covenant with Prosperity

    As November 8th approaches, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu’s manifesto stands not as a collection of promises, but as a blueprint for transformation. It is a vision where security nurtures prosperity, where power illuminates possibilities, where agriculture feeds aspirations, where education empowers excellence, where healthcare heals hearts, and where tradition guides transformation.

    In choosing Prince Ukachukwu, Anambra chooses not just a governor, but a conductor of its greatest symphony—a maestro who will orchestrate the diverse instruments of development into a harmonious melody of progress. The future beckons, and Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu holds the baton that will lead Anambra into its most glorious dawn.

    •Igboeli Arinze writes from Abagana

  • The street renaming madness

    The street renaming madness

    Lagos State finds itself at the center of a controversial debate that threatens to undermine its hard-earned reputation as Nigeria’s most cosmopolitan city. The recent call by Apapo Oodua Koya (AOKOYA) for the renaming of Ozumba Mbadiwe Road and Sir Ahmadu Bello Way in Victoria Island represents more than just a name change—it is an example of a dangerous drift toward ethnic chauvinism that could fundamentally alter the character of a city that has long prided itself on inclusivity and diversity.

    The current agitation reads like a poorly scripted political drama, complete with oversimplified villains and heroes drawn along ethnic lines. AOKOYA’s demand that  prominent streets, particularly, “Ahmadu Bello”, named after one of the most influential Northerner and Nigerian, Sir Ahmadu Bello and “Ozumba Mbadiwe” named after the verbose and colourful politician and Member of Parliament , K. O Mbadiwe be renamed with Yoruba appellations because both Bello and Mbadiwe were allegedly “enemies of the Yoruba people” reveals a troubling misunderstanding of both history and the principles that have made Lagos Nigeria’s economic powerhouse.

    Such a facile categorization of historical figures as friends or foes based solely on ethnic considerations ignores the complex realities of Nigeria’s political evolution. Ozumba Mbadiwe, who served as a Minister in the First Republic, and Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Premier of the defunct Northern Region, were products of their time—politicians navigating the turbulent waters of a nascent nation grappling with the challenges of unity in diversity.

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    Readers here should recall that not too long ago, the uninspiring local government chairman of Bariga Local Council Development Authority, LCDA, Kolade David seeking some kick into his lacklustre tenure announced the renaming of some streets. Laced with ethnic bile, he quickly became the posterboy of what we should always expect from  an accident of history when he renamed the popular Charly Boy Stop, named after the Nigerian entertainment maverick, Charles Oputa popularly known as “Charly Boy Street”  to “Olamide Badoo Street”, justifying such nonsense by alleging that the likes of Olamide who I consider a great talent deserved such street renaming owing to the fact that he (Olamide and Gongoaso crooner, 9ICE) had projected positively the Bariga Council on the global spotlight, one now wonders whether the Area Father  had been projecting Gbagada negatively!

    So, like Herod after the killing of James, the AOKOYA too have fallen into the frenzy of street name change. Now, 

    If we accept the logic driving these renaming demands, we open a Pandora’s box that could engulf the entire nation in a frenzy of ethnic score-settling. Following this reasoning to its logical conclusion, why should streets named after the Philosopher King in Chief Obafemi Awolowo remain untouched in the North, East, or even the Midwest? After all, using the same ethnic calculus, Awo could equally be labeled an “enemy” of these regions based on the political dynamics of his era, even when Zik had always called him his “ good friend”.

    This dangerous precedent threatens to balkanize Nigeria’s public spaces along ethnic lines, creating a patchwork of exclusionary zones where historical figures are judged not by their contributions to national development but by their perceived loyalty to specific ethnic groups. Such an approach would rob the nation of its shared heritage and common symbols of unity.

    Lagos has thrived precisely because it transcended narrow ethnic boundaries to become a melting pot where Nigerians from all corners of the country could call home. The city’s streets, bearing names that reflect Nigeria’s diversity, tell the story of a nation that chose unity over division. Victoria Island, with its mix of indigenous and pan-Nigerian nomenclature, stands as a testament to this inclusive vision.

    Renaming these streets based on ethnic considerations would send a chilling message to non-Yoruba residents and investors that Lagos is retreating from its cosmopolitan ideals. It would suggest that contributions to Nigerian development are now being measured on an ethnic scale rather than on merit and national significance.

    The characterization of Mbadiwe and Ahmadu Bello as “enemies of the Yoruba people” demonstrates a fundamental misreading of Nigeria’s complex political history. These were not ethnic warriors but political leaders operating within the constraints and possibilities of their time. Their legacies, like those of all historical figures, contain both achievements and shortcomings, but reducing them to ethnic caricatures does disservice to historical truth.

    Moreover, this ethnic lens could be applied to virtually any Nigerian leader. The political alliances and rivalries of the First Republic were complex, often crossing ethnic lines and involving pragmatic considerations that defy simple ethnic explanations. If we begin judging historical figures solely through the prism of ethnic loyalty, no leader would be safe from retrospective condemnation.

    The irony of this situation becomes apparent when we consider that even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, despite his Yoruba heritage, might not be immune to such revisionist tendencies, after all, he has made a lot of enemies via his reforms and policies. Political fortunes change, and today’s hero can become tomorrow’s villain through the accidents of history and shifting political narratives. If ethnic considerations become the primary criterion for honoring public figures, then streets and edifices named after Tinubu could face similar challenges should future political dynamics paint him as an “enemy” of other regions.

    This possibility underscores the folly of ethnic-based historical revisionism and the importance of maintaining objective criteria for honoring public figures based on their overall contributions to national development rather than their perceived ethnic loyalties.

    Lagos State Government must resist this pressure to rename streets based on ethnic considerations. Instead, the state should reaffirm its commitment to being a home for all Nigerians, regardless of their ethnic background. The city’s strength lies in its diversity, and its street names should continue to reflect the contributions of Nigerians from all regions to its development.

    Rather than engaging in ethnic point-scoring, Lagos should focus on adding new streets and infrastructure that can bear Yoruba names without erasing existing symbols of national unity. This approach would honor Yoruba heritage while maintaining the inclusive character that has made Lagos Nigeria’s most successful state.

    The street renaming campaign represents more than a simple administrative exercise—it is a test of Lagos’ commitment to the cosmopolitan values that have made it Nigeria‘s economic capital. The state must choose between the narrow path of ethnic exclusivity and the broad highway of inclusive development that has served it well.

    History will judge whether Lagos chooses to maintain its position as a beacon of Nigerian unity or succumbs to the divisive forces that seek to fragment the nation along ethnic lines. The decision on Ozumba Mbadiwe Road and Sir Ahmadu Bello Way will signal which direction the state intends to take.

  • On Chidoka’s soup and spoon endorsement

    On Chidoka’s soup and spoon endorsement

    I am amongst the few who believe that governance in the 21st Century should be majorly for  intellectuals, the likes of Ambrose Alli, Obafemi Awolowo, MI Okpara, Nnamdi Azikiwe Babatunde Fashola,Chuba Okadigbo have continued to reinforce such a belief and that is despite the shambolism demonstrated  by the governor of my state, Professor Charles Chukwuma Soludo.

    Whilst I did not support Soludo in his bid to be governor, I had high hopes in his person and did believe that he would reclaim the state and position it for the future, sadly three years plus, this has not been the case and to be honest his administration has merely wobbled and fumbled and has failed to deliver much despite the humongous amount of funds that has accrued to his administration.

    Evidence of this can be seen in the way and manner our governor has been shopping for endorsements from every nook and cranny of the state, an administration with much to show, in terms of projects and the deliverables would not hound and arm twist communities for endorsements, such should flow naturally and not in the manner such endorsements have been garnered. Even at such endorsement rallies, many would notice that the administration prefers to campaign on histrionics and non issues such as zoning, at a point where Ndi Anambra ought to be celebrating his achievements and earning him such endorsement, the governor has rather attacked his opponents in a manner unbefitting  of an intellectual.

    Thus no serious individual would buy into the flurry of endorsements that have come from all sorts of persons, not even the recent endorsement of  Soludo by a former Minister Osita Chidoka as  representing  nothing but a brazen exercise in political theater and we are not buying it.

    This endorsement, delivered with flowery metaphors about “tasty soup” and “aromatic progress,” stands as a testament to the cynical manipulation that has come to characterize Anambra’s political landscape. Far from being a genuine assessment of governance, this endorsement should be viewed as what it truly is: a calculated hoax designed to selfishly serve  personal ambitions rather than the collective interests of people of Anambra.

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    How Chidoka arrived at his culinary like endorsement, perhaps as an “ Akunne Ite Ofe” leaves much to worry. To understand the hollowness of Chidoka’s current praise, one must first examine the glaring contradictions that define Charles Soludo’s political journey. In 2017, as Governor Willie Obiano sought re-election, Soludo emerged as one of his most vocal supporters, declaring with characteristic confidence, “if it’s not broken, why fix it?” This endorsement came at a time when Obiano’s administration was already showing signs of the fiscal recklessness and governance failures that would later come to define his tenure. Obiano’s style, aptly described as a revision of the Yoruba “Owambe” culture of ostentatious display,

    was already evident in stories of revelry  and questionable priorities that characterized his administration.Yet, barely five years later, the same Soludo who had proclaimed the system unbroken suddenly discovered that Anambra’s finances were in “dire straits” when he assumed office in 2022. This dramatic reversal raises fundamental questions about Soludo’s credibility and judgment. Was he willfully blind to the state’s problems in 2017, or was his support for Obiano merely a strategic calculation designed to position himself for future political advantage?

    In  understanding the reality behind the rhetoric, Chidoka’s glowing assessment of Soludo’s “transformational leadership” and “prudent financial management” exists in stark contrast to the lived reality of ordinary Anambra citizens. After nearly four years in power, what tangible improvements can the Soludo administration point to? The state’s infrastructure remains in deplorable condition, with roads that were bad when he assumed office continuing to deteriorate under his watch, even those attended to such as the Mbuka Obosi Road, Agulu Road, Adazi Ani- Mkpota Oraukwu, Fegge and Ochanja road, alongside numerous road projects abandoned by the Soludo administration. The much-vaunted urban renewal projects have largely remained on paper or exist as token gestures that fail to address the fundamental challenges facing the state.The security situation, perhaps the most critical concern for any government, has shown little improvement under Soludo’s leadership. Instead of the peace and stability that citizens deserve, Anambra continues to grapple with various forms of insecurity that make daily life precarious for ordinary people. The harassment of citizens, particularly women and children, by the notorious “aka odo” touts represents a fundamental failure of governance. These groups operate with apparent impunity, extorting money from traders and commuters while the government appears helpless or unwilling to address this menace effectively.

    Perhaps most troubling is Soludo’s apparent attempt to muscle traditional rulers and religious leaders, institutions that form the bedrock of Igbo society and culture. His confrontational approach to these respected figures suggests an authoritarian mindset that brooks no dissent or alternative centers of influence.

    One however understands Chidoka’s calculation as  ambition disguised as endorsement! Chidoka’s sudden discovery of Soludo’s supposed virtues cannot be separated from his own political ambitions. His flowery endorsement, complete with culinary metaphors about soup and spoons, represents a Machiavellian  attempt to position himself as Soludo’s heir apparent. The timing of this endorsement, coming at a “senatorial zone endorsement event,” suggests a carefully orchestrated political arrangement rather than a genuine assessment of performance.There is also compelling evidence to suggest that an accord exists between Soludo and Chidoka regarding succession plans.

    This arrangement would explain why someone of Chidoka’s stature would offer such effusive praise for an administration that has demonstrably failed to deliver on its promises. Matter of fact , it is alleged that Chidoka was to replace the present deputy governor but for the fear of Ibezim’ s elder brother, Bishop Onyeka Ibezim’, who is the Bishop of the Diocese of the Niger.  The endorsement serves Chidoka’s interests by aligning him with the current power structure while positioning him as the continuity candidate for 2029.

    While I frown at such an arrangement, since it assumes that a dynamic people like Ndi Anambra are gullible and passive to who governs them,  Chidoka would do well to study Soludo’s history of relationships with political allies. The current governor has demonstrated repeatedly that he is a “shifty figure” who “rarely keeps his side of the bargain.” Willie Obiano, who benefited from Soludo’s support in 2017, can attest to how quickly that support evaporated when political convenience dictated a different course. Similarly, Atiku Abubakar, who once counted Soludo among his supporters, experienced firsthand the economist’s propensity for abandoning allies when better opportunities arose.This pattern suggests that any political arrangement between Soludo and Chidoka is likely to be honored only as long as it serves Soludo’s interests. Should circumstances change, Chidoka may find himself abandoned just as quickly as he was embraced, left to explain to voters why he endorsed an administration that failed to deliver meaningful progress.

    The Chinese proverb reminds us that while you may “fool me once,” wisdom comes from learning from experience. Ndi Anambra have endured nearly four years of unfulfilled promises and deteriorating conditions under Soludo’s leadership. They have witnessed the gap between political rhetoric and governance reality. Most importantly, they have seen how political elites prioritize their own interests over the collective welfare of the state.Chidoka’s endorsement represents exactly the kind of elite manipulation that has kept Anambra from reaching its full potential. His attempt to package failure as success, to present stagnation as transformation, and to offer continuity when change is desperately needed, embodies everything that is wrong with Nigeria’s political class.

    The time has come for Ndi Anambra to reject these “offside endorsements” and take their destiny into their own hands. They must look beyond the flowery rhetoric and political arrangements of the elite to demand leaders who will prioritize their welfare over personal ambition. Chidoka’s soup metaphor rings hollow when the pot contains nothing but the bitter herbs of failed governance and broken promises.True progress in Anambra will come not from the continuation of failed policies dressed up in new rhetoric, but from authentic leadership that addresses the real challenges facing the state. The people of Anambra deserve better than the political theater currently on display, and they have the power to demand it at the ballot box.

  • Mai Gaskiya: The life andtimes of Muhammadu Buhari (2)

    Mai Gaskiya: The life andtimes of Muhammadu Buhari (2)

    It is not in doubt that many of us had the impression of a Buhari as a leader driven by genuine concern for the nation’s welfare, one naturally reinforced by his lifestyle and personal conduct. Unlike many political figures who accumulated wealth and lived ostentatiously even under his watch, Buhari’s approach to life contrasted such and combined with his military background and reputation for integrity, created a unique political persona that resonated with millions of Nigerians who had grown weary of corruption and misgovernance.

    Sadly his war against corruption was much truncated with Nigerians not getting much the results they had been promised. First, certain persons in the Buhari administration tinkered with the administration’s resolve by using their office to shield or frustrate attempts to properly prosecute those with charges of corruption. Likewise, the courts rather than serve as grounds for obtaining justice  gave those charged adjournments, entertained frivolous appeals, and allowed one or two technicalities to determine cases with judgements that let off one too many persons who siphoned the nation’s resources.

    On insecurity, Buhari had talked tough whilst campaigning in 2015, on assumption of office the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast had reached alarming proportions, with the terrorist group controlling significant territory and creating a humanitarian crisis. The administration’s military strategy, combined with improved intelligence gathering and regional cooperation, succeeded in degrading Boko Haram’s capabilities significantly. While the group remained a threat throughout his tenure, the restoration of government authority over previously lost territories represented a meaningful achievement.

    However, Buhari’s presidency also witnessed the emergence of new security challenges, including escalating farmer-herder conflicts, banditry in the Northwest, and separatist agitations in the Southeast. These multifaceted security issues proved more complex than anticipated, revealing the limitations of purely military solutions to problems with deep socioeconomic roots. The administration’s response to these challenges was often criticized as inadequate or biased, highlighting the difficulty of governing a diverse nation with competing interests and historical grievances.

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    The economy served as Buhari’s most complex challenge. His administration inherited an economy heavily dependent on oil revenues and facing significant structural imbalances. The commitment to economic diversification, while conceptually sound, faced implementation challenges that limited its effectiveness. The administration’s emphasis on infrastructure development, particularly in transportation and power generation, represented genuine attempts to address fundamental constraints on economic growth.

    Also the introduction of social intervention programs, including conditional cash transfers and school feeding programs, demonstrated awareness of the need to address poverty and inequality directly. However, economic growth remained sluggish for much of his tenure, unemployment increased, and Nigeria experienced two recessions. Critics argued that some economic policies, particularly the administration’s approach to exchange rate management and trade restrictions, hindered rather than helped economic recovery.

    An honest assessment of Buhari’s life as an officer, military ruler, politician and civilian president must acknowledge that despite his good intentions for the Nigerian people he by virtue of being first a human had significant shortcomings. Again, the man was unjustly perceived as an ethnic and religious bigot and some of his actions lent credence to them such as his appointments in office as a civilian leader and some of his utterances, however to cast Muhammadu Buhari in such mould is to be unfair to a man who in the aftermath of the civil war treated his Biafran comrades at arms with the utmost form of dignity and this was at the height of the war, one who looked twice to the SouthEast region whilst shopping for running mates and one who gave every region a sense of belonging in his eight years.

    Buhari’s approach to civil liberties and press freedom as a military head of state contrasted deeply with his time as civilian president, though there were a few infringements the general on much occasions played by the rule book.

    Despite these challenges, Buhari’s presidency left a substantial infrastructure legacy that will benefit Nigeria for decades. The completion of major railway projects, including the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna rail lines, represented significant achievements in transportation infrastructure. I cannot forget to mention the Second Niger Bridge and a number of interventions by the Buhari administration in the SouthEast region, this is a bridge that the Obasanjo, Yar Adua and Jonathan administrations had gyrated about for 16 years with little or nothing to show for it , a man unfairly trolled as a hater of the Igbo nation started and completed in eight years. Similarly, improvements in power generation capacity and the construction of roads and bridges across the country created a foundation for future economic growth.

    The administration’s focus on agriculture, while not achieving all its objectives, helped reduce Nigeria’s dependence on food imports and improved food security in several sectors. The Anchor Borrowers’ Programme and other agricultural initiatives demonstrated a recognition that economic diversification required deliberate policy interventions and sustained investment.

    What ultimately distinguished Buhari’s presidency was the consistency between his personal values and his public service. Throughout his tenure, there were no credible allegations of personal enrichment or corruption against him personally. This integrity, while sometimes accompanied by rigidity in policy implementation, established a standard of conduct that contrasted sharply with many of his predecessors.

    Future leaders can learn from both Buhari’s successes and failures. His anti-corruption efforts showed the importance of institutional reform, while his communication challenges highlighted the need for better public engagement. His infrastructure achievements demonstrated what focused government investment could accomplish, while his economic struggles revealed the importance of comprehensive policy coordination.

    The man who repeatedly sought the presidency out of genuine concern for Nigeria’s welfare, who maintained his integrity throughout his tenure, and who ultimately respected democratic norms by peacefully transferring power, leaves a legacy that transcends partisan politics. Muhammadu Buhari may not have solved all of Nigeria’s problems, but he approached them with sincerity and determination that future leaders would do well to emulate. His greatest contribution may ultimately be the demonstration that principled leadership, even with its limitations, remains possible in Nigerian politics.

  • Mai Gaskiya: The life and times of Muhammadu Buhari (1)

    Mai Gaskiya: The life and times of Muhammadu Buhari (1)

    The figure of Muhammadu Buhari emerged into the consciousness of many Nigerians twice before his emergence as military head of state. The first was as the Nigerian National Petroleum C’orporation’s helmsman and then as the General Officer Commanding of the Third Army Division during the Chadian invasion of 19 Islands in the Lake  Chad region of Borno State, where Buhari not only repelled the Chadians but also advanced 50km into Chad with the intention of punishing the invading army. It is important to note that  General Buhari took the decision to invade Chad against orders from his own Commander in Chief , Alhaji Shehu Shagari.

    A man of unwavering principles and quiet determination. His journey from a young military officer in the 1960s to becoming Nigeria’s president in 2015 represents one of the most remarkable political comebacks in African history. What struck observers most profoundly was his persistence in the face of repeated electoral defeats and his consistent message that Nigeria could be transformed through disciplined leadership and systemic reform.

    Upon his emergence as Nigeria’s military head of state on the 1st of January, 1984, the Buhari administration was hailed as the nation’s saving regime. With his reputation as an austere, disciplined leader who abhorred corruption, Buhari and his military side kick in Tunde Idiagbon immediately attempted to cleanse the Augean stables, they moved against politicians who had looted the nation blind handing out severe jail terms and even attempted the kidnap of the Alhaji Umaru Dikko from the UK.

    The War Against Indiscipline, WAI program was the nation’s first major attempt at curbing corruption and Indiscipline as a malaise and for the first time in the nation’s annals there was a well established departure from the usual  lip service and empty hype paid or given to such campaigns in the past. For the first time Nigerians, a people always in hurry queued up in public places and patiently waited their turn, members of the civil service turned up at their duty posts on time and utility workers turned down bribes for fear of getting arrested, the harsh jail terms a number of the class of 79 and 83 received added to such fear, the bedlam Nigeria was majorly known for then was gradually becoming an ordered society. Sadly, whilst the Buhari/Idiagbon administration meant well for the nation, it’s perceived inflexibility, it’s harsh decrees of No 2 and  No 4 and it’s failure to immediately fix the economic woes of the nation did them in, and by August 27, 1985, General Dongoyaro was on air to announce the ouster of the Buhari/Idiagbon administration.

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    After his detention and release, Buhari was again thrust into the spotlight with his appointment as Executive Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by the Abacha administration in 1994. Buhari again demonstrated that a Nigerian could hold office without enriching himself or members of his family. Through him, PTF achieved a number of milestones in major sectors and it’s  impact was so resounding that even when the Obasanjo administration attempted to whip up a white paper on the agency with the intention to implicate Buhari and either prevent him from vying for office and challenging Obasanjo for seeking a second term in office, it found nothing on the man and thus had to resort to other tactics including massive electoral heists to deny Buhari the presidency twice in 2003 and 2007.

    His transition to civilian politics and his relentless pursuit of the presidency through democratic means truly revealed the depth of his commitment to Nigeria’s transformation. After losing presidential elections in 2003, 2007, and 2011 majorly through underhand means, many thought that he would  retreat from public life and bemoan the tragic state of the nation and his perceived inability to do little or nothing about it. However by 2014, Buhari was to  take up the gauntlet of  serving his country through the All Progressives Congress, APC, the rest is history.

    When Buhari finally ascended to the presidency in 2015, it marked a watershed moment in Nigerian politics. His victory represented the first time an opposition candidate had defeated an incumbent president through the ballot box, demonstrating the maturation of Nigeria’s democracy. The campaign had been built on three fundamental pillars: fighting corruption, improving security, and revitalizing the economy. These were not mere campaign promises but reflected genuine challenges that had plagued Nigeria for decades.

    The early days of the Buhari administration were marked by significant symbolic gestures that reinforced his anti-corruption credentials. The launch of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) system helped consolidate government finances and reduce opportunities for financial malfeasance.

  • WS @ 91: The eternal iconoclast who refuses to be tamed

    WS @ 91: The eternal iconoclast who refuses to be tamed

    As Nigeria’s literary colossus Wole Soyinka marked his 91st birthday last Saturday, July 13th, 2025, the nation and indeed the global  community celebrated not merely the longevity of a man, but that enduring relevance of a voice that has remained uncompromisingly authentic for over six decades. At 91, Soyinka—Nobel laureate, playwright, poet, activist, and a perpetual thorn in the side of tyrants—continues to embody the very essence of intellectual fearlessness that has defined his remarkable journey from Abeokuta to Stockholm and beyond.

    Born Akinwande Oluwole Soyinka in 1934, the man who would become Africa’s first Nobel Prize winner in Literature was shaped by the uneasy convergence of traditional Yoruba cosmology and Western literary traditions. His early exposure to both worlds—the rich oral traditions of his Egba heritage and the formal education at Government College Ibadan and later the University of Leeds—created a unique intellectual hybrid capable of speaking to multiple audiences simultaneously.

    Soyinka’s humanism is perhaps his most defining characteristic, transcending the narrow confines of tribalism, nationalism, and even continental identity. His works consistently champion the dignity of the human spirit against all forms of oppression, whether political, religious, or cultural. This humanistic vision is evident in masterpieces like “Death and the King’s Horseman,” where he explores the tragic collision between African traditional values and colonial impositions, and “The Lion and the Jewel,” which examines the tension between modernity and tradition without reducing either to caricature.

    His humanism extends beyond literature into lived experience. Throughout his life, Soyinka has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to human dignity that knows no ethnic or national boundaries. His support for the Igbo dominated Biafra during Nigeria’s civil war, despite being Yoruba, exemplified his belief that injustice anywhere threatens justice everywhere—a philosophy that would later inform his criticism of various Nigerian governments regardless of their ethnic composition.

    As an author, Soyinka has given the world a body of work that ranks among the finest in global literature. His collection of plays, novels, poems, and essays have not only entertained but educated generations about the complexity of the human experience. Works like “The Interpreters,” “Season of Anomy,” “ Trials of Brother Jero” The man died” “Death and the King’s Horsemen “and “Ake: The Years of Childhood” have become essential reading for understanding post-colonial African literature and society.

    His literary significance extends beyond mere artistic achievement. Soyinka has served as a cultural ambassador, interpreting Africa to the world and the world to Africa. His 1986 Nobel Prize in Literature was not just personal recognition but a validation of African literary expression on the global stage. The Swedish Academy’s citation praised his work for its ability to fashion “the drama of existence” in a “wide cultural perspective and with poetic overtones.”

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    Perhaps no aspect of Soyinka’s life has been more consistent than his activism. From his student days at University College Ibadan where he founded the Pyrate’s Confraternity alongside six other colleagues of his, the Pyrate’s Confraternity the first indigenous campus confraternity in Africa, gave pep and colour to campus life in Nigeria  attempting to curb the penchant for ethnicity and tribalism as well fight moribund conventions. Also, Soyinka has been regular critic of contemporary Nigerian politics, never hesitant to speak truth to power. His activism has been marked by an intellectual rigor that refuses to be swayed by popular opinion or political expediency.

    His opposition to the Western Region Premier Samuel Akintola in the 1960s and the shameless rigging culture that was introduced into the region much demonstrated his early commitment to democratic principles. When the First Republic, Gowon, Babangida Abacha, Obasanjo, Jonathan and Buhari administration’s became increasingly authoritarian and corrupt, Soyinka didn’t retreat into academic neutrality but actively participated in the resistance, even staging a dramatic intervention during a rigged election radio broadcast. This act of defiance led to his arrest and foreshadowed a lifetime of confrontations with authority.

    During the Nigerian Civil War, Soyinka’s support for Biafra was rooted not in ethnic solidarity but in his belief that the Igbo people were facing systematic persecution. His clandestine mission to negotiate peace led to his detention without trial for 22 months, much of it in solitary confinement. His prison notes, later published as “The Man Died,” remain one of the most powerful testimonies against tyranny in African literature.

    Soyinka’s confrontation with General Sani Abacha’s dictatorship in the 1990s perhaps best illustrates his moral courage. As Abacha’s regime became increasingly brutal, executing environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and his colleagues, Soyinka emerged as one of the most vocal critics of the military government. His open letter to Abacha, published in international newspapers, was a masterpiece of moral indignation that helped galvanize international opposition to the regime.

    Facing death threats and the very real possibility of assassination, Soyinka fled Nigeria and spent several years in exile, continuing his criticism from abroad. His book “The Open Sore of a Continent” provided a devastating critique of Nigeria’s post-independence trajectory and Abacha’s particular brand of savagery. Even in exile, he organized protests and lobbied international governments to impose sanctions on Nigeria.

    Soyinka’s later criticism of Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration from 1999 to 2007 demonstrated the consistency of his principles. Despite Obasanjo’s role in Nigeria’s return to democracy, Soyinka didn’t hesitate to criticize what he saw as authoritarian tendencies and corruption in the administration.

    Soyinka’s importance extends far beyond Nigeria’s borders. As one of the most prominent African intellectuals of the 20th and 21st centuries, he has served as a voice for the global Black experience. His writings have provided intellectual ammunition for the struggle against racism and colonialism worldwide. His concept of “Negritude” and his debates with Léopold Sédar Senghor helped shape discussions about Black identity and cultural authenticity.

    His global stature has opened doors for other African writers and intellectuals, paving the way for the current generation of globally recognized African authors. His insistence on the universality of African themes and experiences helped counter the marginalization of African literature as merely “regional” or “exotic.”

    In recent years, Soyinka has faced criticism from some quarters, particularly from supporters of Peter Obi’s 2023 presidential campaign, often referred to as the “Obidients.” These critics, many of them young Nigerians active on social media, have accused him of inconsistency in his political positions and questioned his criticism of their preferred candidate.

    Such criticisms, however, reveal a fundamental misunderstanding of Soyinka’s intellectual project. Throughout his career, Soyinka has never been a partisan politician or a tribal champion. His positions have been guided by principles rather than personalities or ethnic loyalties. Those who expect him to support particular candidates based on ethnic or regional considerations have clearly not understood the man or his work.

    The notion that Soyinka’s positions are inconsistent reflects the pedestrian thinking of those who mistake intellectual independence for political opportunism. Soyinka has always reserved the right to criticize any leader or movement that falls short of his exacting standards of democratic governance and human rights. His criticism of various political movements and leaders, including those popular with certain demographics, is entirely consistent with his lifelong commitment to holding power accountable.

    The attacks on Soyinka by some sections of the “Obidient” movement reveal more about their own intolerance than about any failings on his part. Their expectation that an intellectual of Soyinka’s stature should conform to their political preferences demonstrates a troubling authoritarianism masquerading as democratic activism. The idea that criticism of their preferred candidate amounts to some form of betrayal shows a profound misunderstanding of the role of public intellectuals in a democracy.

    At 91, Soyinka remains what he has always been: an iconoclast who refuses to be domesticated by popular opinion or political expediency. His recent interventions in Nigerian politics, including his criticisms of various political movements and candidates, are entirely consistent with his lifelong pattern of speaking truth to power regardless of the consequences.

    Those who demand that Soyinka conform to their political preferences have learned nothing from his decades of independence. They would reduce him to a cheerleader for their cause, failing to understand that his value lies precisely in his refusal to be anyone’s partisan. His criticism of the “Obidient” movement and its candidate is no different from his criticism of Akintola, Abacha, or Obasanjo—it flows from his commitment to democratic principles and human dignity.

    As Soyinka enters his 91st year, his legacy is already secure. He has given Nigeria and Africa a body of work that will endure for generations. More importantly, he has provided a model of intellectual independence and moral courage that continues to inspire. His insistence on speaking truth to power, regardless of the political consequences, remains as relevant today as it was in the 1960s.

    The measure of Soyinka’s greatness lies not in his ability to please contemporary political movements but in his unwavering commitment to principles that transcend partisan politics. At 91, he continues to embody the very best of the intellectual tradition—fearless, independent, and uncompromisingly honest. Nigeria and the world are better for his presence, and his voice remains as necessary today as it was six decades ago when a young playwright first dared to challenge the powerful on behalf of the powerless.

  • Anambra 2025: Why Ukachukwu, Ekwunife could disrupt APGA’s hold on power

    Anambra 2025: Why Ukachukwu, Ekwunife could disrupt APGA’s hold on power

    As Anambrarians prepare for a season of electioneering there is every reason that the political landscape in Anambra State is set for a potentially seismic shift as Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and Senator Uche Ekwunife throw the gauntlet at the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)  deploying their combined political credentials, strategic positioning, and timing suggest they could mount the most credible challenge to APGA’s dominance in recent years.

    Senator Uche Ekwunife brings to this partnership a wealth of legislative experience that few politicians in Anambra can match. Having served in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, where she performed impeccably well and understands the intricacies of governance at the federal level and the experience gives her unique insight into how federal resources can be channeled to benefit the state – something that could prove crucial in an era where federal allocation and intervention programs are increasingly important for state development.

    Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu, on the other hand represents a threshold of new ideas with deep roots in Anambra’s grassroots . His background as a businessman provides him with a connect to the business community which is a very large constituency in the state. His business acumen offers a different perspective on economic development one that is welfarist in nature, similar to the policies of the likes of M.I Okpara.

    Both leaders bring significant credentials to the table. Senator Ekwunife’s legislative background and Prince Ukachukwu’s entrepreneurial experience provide them with practical knowledge of what it takes to create jobs and drive economic growth. In a state where unemployment and underemployment remain significant challenges, their combined business networks could attract investment and create opportunities that government alone cannot provide.

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    Together, they present a balanced ticket that combines experience with innovation, tradition with modernity.

    One of the most compelling aspects of this political partnership is how it transcends traditional party boundaries. If these two leaders can successfully unite different political factions and parties behind a common vision, they would create a formidable coalition that APGA would find difficult to counter. This kind of broad-based alliance has historically proven effective in Nigerian politics, where personal relationships and cross-party cooperation often matter more than strict party loyalty.

    The ability to bring together diverse political interests suggests strong negotiation skills and political maturity – qualities that voters often look for in leaders who promise to unite rather than divide. This contrasts sharply with the sometimes insular nature of single-party governance that has characterized APGA’s rule.

    Their understanding of both local and national economic dynamics positions them well to develop policies that can compete with APGA’s dismal record.

    In contrast, despite  APGA’s newfound desire for a relationship with federal authorities, the state’s ability to maximize federal benefits has been below par. A leadership team with proven federal connections could unlock resources and opportunities that have been difficult to access under the current arrangement.

    After years in power, APGA faces the natural challenges that come with incumbency. Voter fatigue, accumulated grievances, and the desire for change are common factors that opposition candidates can exploit. The state’s exploitative nature where traders and petty businesses have been repeatedly taxed to stupor and where operatives of the state such as his anti touting squad aka Ndi Aka Odo( People with pestles) have become beasts bearing brutality to the common folk, harassing and extorting hapless innocent citizens.

    Governor Soludo seems to have lost his footing as governor, his projects since inception seem to be more cosmetic than development driven. For example, the funds used for the completion of the Government House Anambra now renamed “Light House” would have been enough to gift Anambra 3 power plants, can we imagine the possibilities of a power plant per senatorial district? Can we imagine the solution to our power conundrum and the leapfrogging of our society from a commercial to an industrial giant, competing with states like Lagos and Rivers, positioning Anambra to becoming perhaps the first 20 economies in Africa?

    So when the state government begins to celebrate such and other sugar candy land like projects like Anambra Solution Fun City in a state like Anambra in which a 30 percent of its youth population are unemployed and another 30 percent are underemployed, one wonders if this was the same man the state voted for In the 2021 elections.

    Even its narrative on security following the emergence of its security outfit, Udo Ga Achi appears shaky as the state has continued to be at the receiving end of criminals with the government looking more helpless whilst prominent citizens have reportedly abandoned the state whilst the ordinary citizen has resorted to self sustaining techniques to protect themselves and their loved ones.

     The candidature of Prince Ukachukwu and Senator Ekwunife are well-positioned to present themselves as agents of renewal who will address the shortcomings of the current administration while building on its limited successes.

    Their combined profile allows them to appeal to different segments of the electorate – from business communities seeking economic reform to traditional constituencies looking for respected leadership, and from federal stakeholders wanting better integration to local communities seeking more responsive governance.

    The success of this partnership will largely depend on their ability to build a unified campaign organization and maintain cohesion among their diverse supporters. If they can successfully merge their respective political structures and create an efficient campaign machine, they would pose a serious organizational challenge to APGA’s established political network.

    Their combined resources, experience, and networks provide the foundation for such organization, but the execution will be crucial. The ability to coordinate effectively across different constituencies and maintain message discipline will determine whether their potential translates into electoral success.

    Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and Senator Uche Ekwunife represent more than just another opposition challenge to APGA. Their political antecedents and appeal to the grassroots as well as other constituencies both formal and informal creates a unique political proposition that addresses many of the perceived weaknesses in the current system.

    While APGA retains the advantages of incumbency and established governance structures, this partnership presents the kind of comprehensive alternative that could genuinely disrupt the political status quo. Their success will depend on their ability to maintain unity, execute effective campaigns, and convince voters that change is both necessary and achievable.

    The political dynamics they bring to the table suggest that APGA will need to significantly up its game to maintain its hold on power. Whether this translates into electoral victory remains to be seen, but their candidature certainly represents the most formidable challenge APGA has faced in recent political cycles.