Category: Segun Ayobolu

  • A president’s holy hypocrisy

    A president’s holy hypocrisy

    It remains a vivid image in many minds. I refer to the graphic picture of President Goodluck Ebele ‘Azikiwe’ Jonathan kneeling ever so humbly before the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, to receive divine blessings at the 2010 edition of, the church’s Holy Ghost Congress. It was shortly before the 2011 general elections. Before then, a clearly desperate President Jonathan had appealed to our emotions by regaling us with tales of his shoeless childhood. Little did we know that our votes for him would only foist a clueless leadership on us. At the last edition of the Holy Ghost Congress, President Jonathan once again was on hand to play the kneeling game. He went on his knees before Pastor Adeboye ostensibly seeking prayers to lead the country successfully. I have read some material online from gullible Nigerians commending the President’s carefully choreographed humility, modesty and simplicity. I am sure not many Nigerians are deceived. Surely, we cannot be taken for a ride twice or we would be utter fools. The revered man of God, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, a spiritual leader of impeccable integrity and undeniable credibility, has absolutely no excuse for allowing this desecration of his sacred altar by this theatrical exhibition of fake presidential holiness – especially at this sensitive time in the evolution of our country.

    The Holy Ghost Convention has clearly made its mark as one of the most important events in the spiritual calendar of our contemporary world. It has turned the Redemption Camp along the exceedingly disgraceful and disgusting death trap called the Lagos -Ibadan Express Way into a centre of universal attraction. The unprecedented expansion of the church under Pastor Adeboye’s leadership and the astounding success of the Holy Ghost convention provide evidence that he is genuinely called of God. Yet, you can trust the Nigerian elite. Everything bright and beautiful, they taint and distort. The Holy Ghost convention has become difficult to distinguish from what Pastor Tony Rapu once wittily described as the ‘Holy Ghost Supermarket’. At this vast spiritual shopping mall, all kinds of characters including charlatans, perverts, brutes and political opportunists come shopping trusting in the eternal grace of an indulgent Holy Ghost Father Christmas to meet their every want (not necessarily need). President Jonathan was easily the most prominent shopper at the last Holy Ghost convention. He came shopping for the support and sympathy of Christians ahead of the 2015 elections but he went about it in his usual cleverly deceptive manner. Now, Daddy G.O. is not an ignorant man. He holds a first class degree in Mathematics and a doctorate in the same discipline. Why he would allow his highly venerated altar to be so brazenly and cynically manipulated for political ends simply beats me.

    On what grounds was President Goodluck Jonathan given the opportunity to make political remarks at the last Holy Ghost convention, which is supposed to be a purely spiritual event? It would appear that at the Redemption Camp, all worshippers are equal but some are more equal than others. For the past two years, the Boko Haram insurgents have effectively banished President Jonathan from the Eagle Square in Abuja, reducing him to the sorry and ridiculous spectacle of marking the country’s national day within the precincts of the Presidential Villa. The Boko Haram is making the insane demand that Nigeria become an Islamic theocratic state. Is this not the time for the Nigerian President to demonstrate a higher rationality and morality by affirming at all times through his words and actions the secularity of the Nigerian state? Is this the time for him to engage in the hypocritical posturing of kneeling before the leader of a spiritual sect in a multi-religious state under fundamentalist religious siege? Will President Jonathan find a convenient Friday to join worshippers. at the Central mosque in Abuja, Kano, Maiduguri or Sokoto to demonstrate that he is the President of all Nigerians and not just Christians?

    While addressing the congregation at the Redemption Camp, President Jonathan thanked them for their prayers, which he claimed aided his ascension to power in 2011. Well, having experienced his pathological cluelessness thus far, I hope that Nigerian Christians will begin to pray fervently for urgent deliverance from the country’s current lackluster leadership. In his characteristically crafty manner, the President said it was still too early for him to start thinking of the 2015 election but hinted that the power situation in the country has improved. But the question is if this is the level of power supply we should be enjoying today with over $16 billion gone down the drain over the

    last 13 years? He equally seized the opportunity to promise Nigerians free and fair elections in future asserting that the last election in Ondo State was free and fair. Now, I have commented extensively on the Ondo governorship elections and have moved on. However, President Jonathan and his spin doctors should stop creating the impression that they are doing Nigerians a favour by allowing credible and transparent elections. The current level of electoral credibility we have achieved has been through the sweat and struggle of Nigerians and we still have a long way to go to strengthen the country’s electoral reforms. President Jonathan has no choice in the matter. If he seeks to manipulate the electoral process against the will of the people, they will resist him and the people will win. The forces of truth and justice are irresistible.

    But still talking about the Ondo elections, is President Jonathan aware that some of the aggrieved aspirants are in court as they are perfectly entitled to pursue their grievances legally? Is he not pre -emptying the courts by unilaterally declaring the elections free and fair? Of course, one of the heinous acts of injustice, which this pretentiously holy President has perpetuated, is the continued suspension from office of the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Ayo Salami, despite the advice of the National Judicial Council (NJC) to the contrary. The President seeks every opportunity to exhibit his religiosity. Even while unjustly preventing a man against whom no wrong has been proven to resume his position; Jonathan has the temerity to wear the sanctimonious garb of self righteousness. at the Holy Ghost convention. Is he aware that in Christian theology, the Holy Ghost is the third arm of, the spiritual trinity that superintends the affairs of the universe? If he can deceive man, can he deceive the Holy Ghost? Does he realise that Martin Luther once famously said that the world is erected on moral foundations and that, in the words of Wole Soyinka, justice is the first condition of humanity? I am convinced that the Holy Ghost will be most embarrassed at the brazen injustice perpetrated by President Jonathan in the Justice Salami case at the behest of his party hawks. Yet, he hypocritically throws his holiness in our faces with insulting insolence. Is his treatment of Salami the action of a God fearing man? In any case, with the President’s victimization of Justice Salami for partisan reasons, will any judge ever again summon the courage to annul elections rigged in favour of Jonathan’s interests? Is our democracy not in grave danger?

    Kneeling so innocently before Pastor Adeboye that night was a President who on the very first day of this year announced the sudden removal of the purported fuel subsidy immediately resulting in the skyrocketing of, the product’s price. Vehement nationwide protests brought the country virtually to a stand still for almost two weeks. The President and his economic team insisted that the economy would collapse without the removal of the subsidy. Of course, the government was forced to reduce the price of fuel and the economy has not collapsed. Rather, various probes have demonstrated that a substantial chunk of the purported subsidy is a huge fraud and that the NNPC is a cesspit of corruption. Yet, the Minister in charge of the petroleum sector sits pretty pretending to be carrying out reforms to sanitize the sector. She is her worshipful majesty who cannot be touched. The Holy Ghost must find all this terribly embarrassing. Indeed, if the Holy Ghost had a whip, I am pretty sure somebody would have received a heavy thrashing on Pa Adeboye’s altar that night and you can guess who. Just like Jesus did to the traders desecrating his father’s house, the Holy Ghost would have thundered “turn not my redemption camp into a den of charlatans, hypocrites and opportunists”

  • Re: Private jets as vehicles for the gospel

    I believe there is no gift that should be considered too big for a true man of God, all things considered. Many of the big churches today started very small, with their pastors having neither bicycles nor shoes to put on as they toiled day and night for the church to become what it should be spiritually and materially.

    I think it was in a situation like this that Paul sought to know why it should be considered too much for him to reap members’ material benefits after he had sown spiritual fruits in them. We have often seen some barren members of these churches giving birth to many children. The lame walk. The dumb speak. Small scale business men and women become billionaires and chronic diseases disappear all because of pastors’ prayers and cries to God about their members.

    If we can view the entire church setting and its activities holistically, what kind of material gifts in appreciation of pastors can be compared with all these?

    Emmanuel Egwu, Enugu

    •The growing army of jet pastors in Nigeria further confirms and re-affirms the veracity of Karl Max’s locus classicus, which states that religion is the opium of the masses. Just as I urge Nigerians not to forget Majek Fashek who told us in one of his lyrics that religion is politics.

    Why will they not buy jets while their congregation is sinking in the ocean of poverty and despicable peasantry. We need men like John Wesley to challenge this height of clear spiritual criminality.

    Godfrey Ehimare.

    •If you people have nothing to say, keep quiet. The world could have been a better place to live in. I pity you, Vincent. To judge God’s servant for good or bad is suicidal. Others, be warned.

    Uduak Israel, Owerri.

    •My dear brother, your piece on private jets as vehicles for the gospel was a masterpiece. Our present day men of God are too interested in wealth. Some of them are enjoying it here because they fear that they may not make heaven! They have disappointed God and mankind. I even believe there is Boko Haram in the church now. Leave them joo.

    Benson, Umuahia.

    •Your write-up on private jets is as good as my vision. It may sound like one of those stories but I tell you of the truth that it was God-inspired. God is raising a new generation of people who, like Elijah, would tell it as it is. This is my burden and I wish you are the chosen one to share the mind of God at this hour.

    Seerci Yehu Edobumn

    •Thank you very much for your peice on private jets. Keep it up, my brother.

    080355050..

    •Hmmm, beautiful write-up. But don’t forget that Jesus rode on a colt nobody had used before. These men of God did not beg to own private jets. Neither did they steal to acquire them. And mind you, they don’t own those jets for pleasure. Go and read your Bible well; there is nothing good that God witholds from the righteous

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    •If these business moguls masquerading as men of God don’t engage in mindless acquisition of material wealth, how can we know that this wicked world is gradually fizzling out of existence? Have you forgotten that the Bible said that when the world would be coming to an end, men and women would be lovers of themselves rather than lovers of God?

    Any pastor who ignores the poverty that is sending thousands of Nigerians into their early graves and resorted to buying private jets, which Jesus would not have done, must be a rogue. His relationship with Christ is highly suspect.

    The Bible talks about discerning the spirits of those that come to us with the name of the Lord, because many people are ignorant of what the Bible says: many self-seeking capitalists passing off as ministers of the gospel are trading on their spiritual and psychological vulnerability, using the name of God.

    Ifeanyi O. Ifeanyichukwu, Abuja.

  • Give us this day our private jet

    Give us this day our private jet

    Would it not have been much better if the Lord Jesus Christ, the founder of the Christian religion and saviour of humanity had been born a Nigerian rather than a Jew? ‘Seek ye first the kingdom of God and his righteousness”, Jesus admonished his followers, “and everything will be added unto you”. But if Jesus were a Nigerian, he would have the street wisdom to enable his adherents enjoy to the fullest both the kingdom of this world and the blessings of the world to come – a win –win situation for all. If Christ was a Nigerian, he would have said something like this: “Seek ye first the kingdom of private jets, palatial mansions, exotic four wheel drives, lucrative oil blocs, multi-million private university enterprises, companionship of the high and mighty of this world and every other thing will be added unto you both in this world and that which is to come”. A Nigerian Christ would have found a workable compromise between the Kingdom of darkness and that of light. He would have urged us all to give unto Caesar what is God’s and give unto God what is Caesar’s and there would have been eternal peace between good and evil world without end, Amen. Can you imagine John the Baptist being foolish enough to have his head cut off for speaking truth to power if he were a Nigerian? No, he would have blessed the unholy matrimony between Herod and his brother’s wife, invoked divine blessings on them and gone on to spend the rest of his days in splendour and prosperity while fulfilling his God ordained mission on earth.

    I have often found some of the words of Christ in the Bible confounding, stupefying and astounding. For instance, there were two men fishing for their livelihood in the Sea of Galilee. “Follow me”, Jesus simply told them and I will make you fishers of men”. But how do you fish for men? Simply by seeking to win them over to the kingdom of God I can now understand. However, if it were in today’s Nigeria, how exactly would Jesus have framed his mission? I think he would have said, “Follow me and I will make you fishers of private jets.” And the reason would be quite simple. With luxury private jets, fishing for the souls of men becomes much more efficient, stress-free and maximally productive. Much more importantly, the man of God, cruising the heavenly spheres in his modern flying gadget would have a closer proximity to the Almighty and have a greater possibility of his prayers being answered on behalf of his prosperity seeking adherents.

    As I pen these words, two men of God, fishers of men in their own peculiar ways are on my mind. First, is Pastor Ayodele Joseph Oritsejafor, founding and senior pastor of Word of Life Bible Church, Warri, Delta State. Ever since he was converted by the late Archbishop Benson Idahosa in 1972, Pastor Oritsejafor has not looked back. He has been a fiery, uncompromising preacher passionately seeking to win souls to Christ. Over the last four decades, his ministry has flourished abundantly and he has become one of the success symbols of the now fashionable prosperity gospel. Only recently, Pastor Oritsejafor justly celebrated his 40th year on the pulpit. President Goodluck Jonathan personally graced the occasion – an indication of Pastor Oritsejafor’s standing in the kingdom of this world. President Jonathan on that occasion considered it noteworthy that Oritsejafor was President both of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN). I really do not think this is to Pastor Oritsejafor’s credit. Why should any individual want to cling to the two very influential positions? Does this not smack of some mini megalomania of sorts? But the highlight of Pastor Oritsejafor’s 40th anniversary as a preacher, was the gift presented to him by his congregation of Canadian-made Bombadier jet manufactured in 1994 and costing $3.5 million. When the announcement of the gift was made, the entire congregation reportedly erupted in joy, congratulating and backslapping each other on the good fortune of their pastor and, most assuredly, praying it would one day be their turn to be living testimonies to God’s miraculous blessings.

    If Pastor Oritsejafor symbolises the overly individualistic and materialistic orientation of the Pentecostal movement in contemporary Nigeria, the Metropolitan and Archbishop of Abuja, His Eminence, John Olorunfemi Onaiyekan, exemplifies the restraint, asceticism, deep learning and self effacement that is the essence of the Church. Archbishop Onaiyekan was one of the 22 new Cardinals elevated as elite princes of the church by Pope Benedict XVI. He thus follows in the footsteps of Francis Cardinal Arinze and Anthony Cardinal Okogie who were ordained Cardinals before him. An accomplished polyglot, John Cardinal Onaiyekan earned his doctorate in 1976. His interesting dissertation was on “The Priesthood in Pre-monarchical Ancient Israel and among the Owe-Yoruba of Kabba: A comparative study”. Surely, the Cardinal would do well to revise his thesis for publication and accessibility to a wider audience.

    The Catholic Church is a most unique organisation. It is at once all too human and yet manifests unquestionable traits of divinity. The Catholic Church places no premium on miracles. It does not pride itself on raising the dead or opening the eyes of the blind or conferring instant prosperity on the poor. Yet, despite millions flocking to instant miracle centres, the Catholic Church continues to flourish and maintain its own in the Christian community. By 2005, for instance, it was estimated that there were 18 million baptised Catholics in Nigeria and the country along with the Congo Democratic Republic had the highest number of priests in Africa. One of the greatest strengths of the Catholic Church is the very rigorous theological, philosophical and logical training that the church gives its priests. I have absolutely no doubt, for instance, that the average Catholic priest is far more intellectually equipped than his Pentecostal counterpart to respond pungently and effectively to such new books as ‘The God Delusion’ by the English biologist, Richard Dawkins or ‘God is not Great: How Religion Poisons Everything’ by Christopher Hitchens; books that question the very basis of faith in the existence of God and the supernatural.

    I am not surprised that it is another great Catholic priest and intellectual, Dr. Monsignor Mathew Hassan Kukah, who has had the courage and honesty to speak up against the very obscene, purported gift of a private jet to Pastor Oritsejafor by members of his congregation. According to Father Kukah, “I do not see anywhere in the world where any worshipping community can claim that they’ve been able to raise over 7 billion Naira to buy such a gift for their pastor. But most importantly for me is that, amidst the squalor and poverty that we face in Nigeria, these are not the kind of model display that we should be to our people”. It is difficult to fault the cleric’s logic.

    And on the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Father Kukah is even more trenchant and biting. In his words “CAN has become more visible in relation to national prayer sessions, pilgrimages, alliances with state power and so on. Unless we distance ourselves, we cannot speak the truth to power. We cannot hear the wails of the poor and the weak. We should not be seen as playing the praying wing of the party in power”. Surely, I cannot put it better. But is Pastor Oritsejafor listening?

  • Re: Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations

    Re: Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations

    •Tribalism is not just Yoruba and Igbo problem but that of the whole country. Apart from tribalism, I want to say that we should equally eschew religious and political affiliation if we want to move ahead as one country and please let bygone be bygone. God bless Nigria, Don Ezeala, Port Harcourt, 08064843000.

    •Awolowo said in 1966 that if East goes west follows. But when Ojukwu declared Biafra, Awolowo did not declare ODUDUWA REPUBLIC. Instead he was working against Zik’s return from exile and he said at a Tinubu Square Ministry of Finance Headquarters news conference that starvation is the best weapon to win a war. I am a Yoruba man like 1964 born Segun Ayobolu. Yoruba leaders are treacherous. Tell them in your column to stop it, Ambassador Fagbongbe, Abuja, 07054666333.

    •I think your piece on ‘Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations’ said it all about what Achebe must have had in mind in his comment on Awo’s role during the civil war. Of course, excessive deification of our heroes can sometimes make us forget that they, however seemingly peculiar or sacrosanct in their socio-political conduct, still have their own failings. Awolowo no doubt was one of the great Nigerians nay Africans that ever lived. But like every one of us he had his biases and uncomplimentary sides. He was the war-time Finance Minister who designed the policy of food blockade that saw the death of millions of Igbos during the war. By blaming such death on him, Achebe was merely stating the facts of history which was arguably not meant to diminish Awo’s status or greatness whatsoever. How this would generate these kinds of Attack on Achebe only goes to confirm that after all here is Nigeria, Emmanuel Egwu, Enugu, 08037921541.

    •Sir, can you recall Achebe’s comment on Wole Soyinka’s Nobel prize award in 1986? Inferiority complex is his problem, Tayo Ayoola, 08035297811.

    •Segun, I just read your piece on ‘Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations’. I must admit that it is the most dialectically rational and impassioned analysis of the viewpoints expressed by Achebe. Among the cacophony of abuses and rebukes – one ridiculously canvassing the delisting of ‘Things Fall Apart’ from our schools’ curriculum – your piece appears to have recast a wider perspective from which Achebe’s position should be viewed. May your ink never run dry, Barrister Samuel Ehis Irabor, Makurdi, Benue State, 07035680060.

    •Your piece on Achebe’s book in ‘The Nation’ is an intellectual gift to Nigerians. IUnlike many myopic and parochial thinking Nigerians who see nothing beyond ethnic sentiments, yours was devoid of tribalism. While drinking from Achebe’s “well of wisdom”, you are equally nourishing us with more wisdom, 08099312423.

    •Hi Segun, thanks for using fewer words and no bitterness to make all the clarifications and points to be made about Achebe’s memoir and the major contending issues it raises. Yours is a very articulate and level headed presentation, Amanze, 08037988252.

    •I read your write-up on Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations. I must confess that you are intelligent but a core tribalistic person. This is for public consumption, try and balance things than playing tribalism, 08035091248.

    •Your memoir on the rivalry between Zik and Awo is quite impressive. However, it has also gone ahead to justify the claims in Achebe’s book. That is to say that the starvation of Biafra as recommended by Awolowo could be seen as a continuation of this same rivalry since Zik was a Biafran. If this was the case, then Achebe was right, 08033337981.

    •Sir, your article today on Chinua Achebe’s new book is very interesting and educative. However, you are still scratching the surface on the real hindrance to the long awaited handshake across the Niger. Remember that Zik is not so much loved by the new generation OIgbos, Chinua Achebe inclusive. Our main grudge is that Awolowo goaded us into a war only to turn back to join our enemy to attack us. At the end of the day it was Awolowo’s intelligence that won the war. For a true handshake across the Niger, Yorubas need to apologise to the Igbos and compensate them. Look at how the Igbos compensated the South South. Why don’t the Yorubas support the Igbos for 2015 for a start? It will go a long way to heal the old wound instead of all these denials, Andrew Udeze, Abuja, 08133790744.

    •Mr Segun, I must thank you for illuminating someone like me, in fact, I love you even though I have never seen you in person. May the Almighty God bless you and keep you for we the younger generation, Anyanwu Ben, Enugu State, 08062992066.

    •War is a large scale conflict where one seeks to defeat the other by whatever means. War is a matter of life and death. Therefore, woe betides anyone who provokes a war which he lacks strategies and capacity of prosecuting to a logical conclusion. Achebe’s submission betrays high intelligence he is known for. He has made it clear that being a literary icon is not synonymous with having sound judgement and being objective. For whatever reason, Ojukwu fought gallantly but lost to superior brain and fire power. Simple!, Gbenga, FCE, Pankshin, 07034887257.

    •Dear Ayobolu, your article – Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations – lacks the usual poignanct and depth that characterize your writings because you were begging the issues. As a young ladin Biafra, I know that all the relief materials that made its way into the Biafran enclave was through air lift, which was constantly under federal fire. Why did the questionable philantrophists and even more doubtful federalists want a land corridor to bring food into Biafra? No commander-in-chief of Ojukwu’s ilk will, after the Aburi saga and Awo’s failed promise to declare Oduduwa Satte, trustingly allow an enemy easy access to his heartland under the pretext of food supply, Elder Victor, 08036675773.

    •God will bless you. I just finished reading your good presentation on Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations. You have said it all. Your last paragraph rested every contention. Once more, thank you, Isichei O. S, 08035906787.

    •Wonderful write up today. Though I haven’t seen or read Achebe’s book, a lot has been said but you looked at it differently, Dr. Iyekolo Oluwaseyi Gbenga, 08059391879. •Dear Segun, eziokwu bu ndu, and it will follow you and, of course, be perpetuated in your lineage. Your prescription is more or less the panacea to the doldrums and abyss the country has found itself. It is in sync with Dr. Ezeife’s vociferous recommendation (campaign). Be multiplied and blessed, P.L. Osuagwu, 08093912933.

    •My dear Segun, your piece titled ‘Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations’ is very good. You exhibited an exemplary judgement which if followed will do the Igbos and Yorubas a world of good. Thanks for your sense of balance, Chief Okey Muo Aroh, 08033125794.

    •Sege, bawo ni. Read your today’s stuff. Great as usual and soothing too. Problem is, instead of fixing their mercantile political trait, our ‘brothers’ lazily prefer to look for non-existent fall guys. Anyway, sorry about the proof reading goof in paragraph 3 – (legitimate instead of legitimize) because I know you are a thorough guy. Printer’s devil may be. Happy weekend, Olu.

    •Segun, the thorough manner you handle issues and dexterous touch of syntax and diction makes you my idol. Bravo, a writer par excellence, Livinus Nwaugha, Benin City, 08061260517.

    •Thank you for your honest and candid analysis of Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations. It is unfortunate that people quarrel with history, what is already known and even in a black and white colour. The position of Achebe is immutable, Abaranoye Onwukwe, 08153987618.

    •Mr Ayobolu, your illuminations column was so objective. Many past commentators have pitched their arguments as Igbo or Yoruba jingoists – for or against Achebe or Awolowo. I have not read Achebe’s book, neither am I Igbo or Yoruba. Your objective presentation will help us understand the book well. Keep on, Kessim, Abuja, 07036991406

    •When Achebe rejected a national merit award, few Nigerians hijacked the media to say bravo. Their man whom I think is suffering from incurable senility now wants to sink Nigeria in the ocean of ‘ethnic –war- war’. Those who know Achebe should tell him that we have gone beyond the era of our civil war. What we need is how to build a better society where peace, unity and solidarity prevail. Achebe, I beg you to focus on things that can bind us together, Ehi, 08076823815.

    •Your article on ‘Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations’ is the most objective and historically balanced view on the issue so far, Okoro, Ibadan, 08065312667

    •I love you Segun. This is very objective and fair. Well done sir, Ambrose Onwuebguzie, Isheri, 08023157952.

    •You are a bit right but what about the 20 pounds policy? Wasn’t Awo the architect?, 08186136551.

    •Segun, thanks for your piece on Achebe’s new book. I know that the Yoruba race has its hands full of independent-minded scholars like you who can fetch ideas from among the thorns of conspiracy of tribalism. Your likes can save this already doomed Nigeria. Keep on teaching our ignorant people, Dr. Sam Madugba, Owerri, 08037110950.

  • Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations

    Achebe, Awo and Igbo-Yoruba relations

    When I wrote in this space two weeks ago on Chinua Achebe’s new book, ‘There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra”, a number of readers wondered why I was silent on the on-going controversy on the role of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Minister of Finance and Vice-Chairman of the Federal Executive Council, during the war. Is it true that he described starvation as a legitimate weapon of war even as millions of hopeless people were dying from hunger and easily preventable diseases?

    Well, I chose not to focus on that aspect of the book because so much has been written already on the issue. Secondly, I really do not think it is a productive debate. It has generated more heat than light. Perhaps the fairest and most objective piece I have read on the controversy is that of Simon Kolawole, the perceptive This Day columnist. He contends that the Biafrans were wrong to have rejected the opening of a corridor to get food to the starving population. If there was fear that the federal side could poison the food, simple laboratory tests would have proven if this was true or not. On its side the Federal Government ought to have done more to ensure food got to millions of starving people. It could have more actively involved international organizations in this respect. Furthermore, if the Federal Government could bomb Biafra intensively, it could have used the same air planes to bombard Biafran towns and villages with food. After all, the logic of the war from the federal side was that there was no Biafran state in any meaningful legal sense of the word. In the eyes of the Federal Government, therefore, Biafrans were Nigerian citizens and extra effort could have been made to prevent the mass starvation so graphically depicted in the Achebe’s book. That would have placed the General Yakubu Gowon administration on a higher moral pedestal.

    But then, were Awolowo’s actions during the war motivated by a desire to eliminate the Igbos and so as to pave the way for his vaunting ambition to rule Nigeria as Achebe asserts? I think this position is rather far- fetched. There is absolutely nothing in the vast civil war literature to legitimate this allegation. Furthermore, Awolowo’s strenuous efforts to help prevent the war are copiously documented and he wouldn’t have gone to such length if he really wanted the East out of Nigeria. However, it is important to note that Achebe indeed recognizes Awo’s talent and said so much in the book. For example, on page 45, he writes: “By the time I became a young adult, Obafemi Awolowo had emerged as one of Nigeria’s dominant political figures. He was an erudite and accomplished lawyer who had been educated at the University of London. When he returned to the Nigerian political scene from England in 1947, Awolowo found the once powerful political establishment of western Nigeria – sidetracked by partisan and intra-ethnic squabbles. Chief Obafemi Awolowo and close associates reunited his ancient Yoruba people with powerful glue – resuscitated ethnic pride – and created a political party, the Action Group in 1951, from an amalgamation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, the Nigerian Produce Traders Association and a few other factions”.

    Achebe’s unsavoury perception of Awo’s role in the war must be understood within the context of Igbo/Yoruba relations in both the pre-colonial and post-colonial eras. The relationship between these two ethnic groups in turn centred essentially around their two most formidable and charismatic leaders – Nnmadi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo. The rivalry between this two, their mutual suspicion of each other thwarted any meaningful political handshake across the Niger and had profound effects on the course of Nigerian history. For instance, in the 1940s, both Zik and Awo were members of the Nigerian Youth Forum, the pre-eminent nationalist organization of the time. In 1941, the seat of Sir Kofo Abayomi as a member of the Legislative Council representing Lagos became vacant. There was therefore an election to fill the position. While Awolowo, an Ijebu, backed Earnest Ikoli an Ijaw man, Azikiwe threw his weight behind Samuel Akinsanya, an Ijebu man. After an acrimonious campaign, Earnest Ikoli won the election. Azikiwe subsequently resigned from the Youth Movement claiming that there was a tribal gang up against Akinsanya that resulted in the latter’s loss to Ikoli! This further strained Igbo/Yoruba relations as most Igbos left the Nigerian Youth Movement and it became an essentially narrow Yoruba organization.

    Another case in point was the 1951 western regional election. Azikiwe contested the election on the platform of the NCNC and won a seat to the Western House of Assembly. His aim was to become Premier of western Nigeria and he had sufficient political following in the West to achieve this. But by then, Awolowo had transformed the Egbe Omo Oduduwa into the Action Group (AG), one of the most disciplined and well organized parties ever in Africa. The Yoruba political establishment resented that Zik had such large following in the West when no Yoruba politician enjoyed the same following in the East. They could not envisage a situation in which an Easterner was Premier of the East, a northerner would be Premier of the North and then another Easterner would be premier of the West. Thus no stops were pulled to thwart Azikiwe’s ambition. An incomparably astute politician, it is difficult to understand how Zik could not have seen that, no matter how much he was loved in the West, there was no way he was going to become Premier in Ibadan given the geo-political configuration of the time. On the day of the convocation of the Western region Assembly, the Action Group had a majority of elected members and was able to checkmate Zik and produce the Leader of Government Business in the person of Awolowo. But then, not content with aborting Azikiwe’s premiership ambition, the Action Group capitalized on indiscipline within the ranks of the NCNC and prevented Zik from being elected from Ibadan to the centre as a federal legislator. Of this incident, Chief Bola Ige wrote in his political treatise that “since the Action Group had shown their majority on the floor of the House, there was no need to over-kill Zik by denying him election to the federal legislature”.

    At the time of the 1951 carpet crossing incident at the Western House of Assembly, Achebe was a student at the University College, Ibadan. He watched the situation closely and was disappointed at what he perceived as the introduction by the Action Group of tribalism into the country’s politics. It is within this context that we can properly appreciate Achebe’s perception of Awo and his role during the war. The 1951 incident has over time haunted Nigerian politics making a handshake across the Niger impossible. If historical animosities can be overcome and hurting memories healed, there can be a strong Igbo/Yoruba political alliance that can link up with progressive forces in the north to win power and lead Nigeria in a new direction.

  • To recover a lost country

    To recover a lost country

    The celebrated writer and fiercely independent thinker, Chinua Achebe’s new book, ‘There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra’, makes fascinating, stimulating and enriching reading. Achebe remains a compelling story teller. In his practiced hands, one of Nigeria and Africa’s most tragic conflicts comes alive in vivid colours. The wise old man of African letters evokes in the sensitive reader emotions of deep pathos as he paints a graphic picture of human suffering on an industrial scale in Biafra. We encounter in this work a mind that remains remarkably brilliant and profound, with an uncanny capacity to look at old things in new, refreshing and unexpected ways.

    But why did Achebe have to wait for over four decades to tell his story? Why is he ripping old wounds open? Why not let sleeping dogs lie and leave better forgotten memories severely alone so that we can blissfully go on with our lives? I do not share this view. Achebe has done us all a great favour. We are fast treading that same part of elite greed, cynicism, intolerance, impunity, irresponsibility and incompetence that spawned the tragedy of Biafra. The past must speak to the present to safeguard the future. This book is a wake- up call. War is no tea party. The book’s horrific scenes of human suffering in Biafra should spur our leaders in particular to rise above current depths of sheer stupidity and mendacity to new heights of selflessness and integrity so that the past does not repeat itself on a vaster, possibly irredeemable, scale.

    But then, why the title, ‘There Was A Country’? Does that country refer to Biafra? I do not think so. I think the country of Achebe’s title refers to a Nigeria that once functioned as a normal, vibrant, efficient entity with premium placed on high ethical values. It was an idyllic pre-independence Nigeria that held so much hope and promise for what Achebe nostalgically described as his ‘lucky generation ‘. Reading through the early part of the book, one finds it amazing that such a Nigeria, a sharp distinction from the current abnormal, corrupt and malfunctioning structure that only mimics a country in any meaningful sense of the word, once existed. Government colleges in Umuahia, Ibadan, Lagos and other parts of the country were centres of excellence. They had first class staff and facilities. When Achebe performed with distinction in the national common entrance examination, a British gentleman who was a distinguished member of the colonial education system actually came to greet him at home! Listen to Achebe: “Now, I had never encountered such a thing before. Surely, people of that distinction did not call on children? But here was this man, who was a very important person in the British educational system, who thought that my work deserved encouragement, recognition, and a visit from him. So, clearly I had a good beginning.” Pray, can that happen in today’s Nigeria?

    Listen again to Achebe’s amazing story of life in that long lost Nigeria: “After graduation I did not have to worry about where I would go next. The system was so well organized that as we left university most of us were instantly absorbed into civil service, academia, business, or industry. We trusted – I did, anyway – the country and its rulers to provide this preparatory education and then a job to serve my nation. I was not disappointed”. Without attempting to justify British colonialism, Achebe frankly admits that “The British governed their colony of Nigeria with considerable care. There was a very highly competent cadre of government officials with a high level of knowledge of how to run a country. This was not something that the British achieved only in Nigeria; they were able to manage this on a bigger scale in India and Australia. The British had the experience of governing and doing it well”.

    Is Achebe simply fantasising and justifying the exploitative economic system that colonialism essentially was? No, he was only being intellectually honest. In his words, “There was a distinct order during this time. I recall the day I travelled from Lagos to Ibadan and stayed with Christopher Okigbo that evening. I took off again the next morning, driving alone, going all the way from Lagos to Asaba, crossing the River Niger, to visit my relatives in the east. That was how it was done in those days. One was not consumed by fear of abduction or armed robbery”. Yes, there was indeed a country! Sadly, Achebe laments that within six years of attaining flag independence in 1960, the seeds for the destruction of that country had been sown. In his words “…Nigeria was a cesspool of corruption and misrule. Public servants helped themselves freely to the nation’s wealth. Elections were blatantly rigged. The subsequent national census was outrageously stage-managed; judges and magistrates were manipulated by the politicians in power. The politicians themselves were pawns of foreign business interests. The social malaise in Nigerian society was political corruption”. It was in this context, therefore, that things fell apart, the centre could no longer hold and that beloved country that once was descended into the anarchy of Biafra.

    It is unfortunate that Achebe’s strong views on Biafra and his brutally frank assessment of the roles of key actors on both sides of the divide have generated such vigorous if largely unproductive debate. I disagree strongly with many of Achebe’s opinions on different aspects of the war. I do not believe that the war was inevitable had there been greater wisdom on both sides. The causes of the pogrom in the North appear to be more complex and nuanced than the simplistic picture of northerners simply waking up to massacre Igbos. But then, Achebe’s critics are calling for a standard of so-called objectivity from the great writer that is humanly impossible. I agree entirely with Ishaq Moddibo Kawu of the Vanguard that if most of us were in Achebe’s shoes we would most likely be ardent Biafrans too! It is his people who were killed in their millions for Christ’s sake! It is his people who suffered starvation, deprivation and deaths of genocidal proportions. What impracticable objectivity are we then demanding of Achebe in the analysis and interpretation of an event that had such a traumatic impact on his psyche? Can the average Yoruba man, for instance, be objective, dispassionate or unemotional in his attitude to the annulled June 12 election and the death of Chief MKO Abiola? In reading this book, I tried to put myself in Achebe’s position and was thus able to empathise with and better understand his own all too human biases and prejudices.

    Even then, I am impressed by the high degree of intellectual honesty and moral integrity exhibited throughout the book by Achebe even when he is obviously biased or overly sentimental. For instance, on one hand he gives the impression that the Igbo have a monopoly of merit and talent in Nigeria and that they were entirely faultless in the events that degenerated to war. But he also admits that “there is no doubt that at all that there is a strand in contemporary Igbo behaviour that can offend by its noisy exhibitionism and disregard for humility and quietness”. Achebe’s sympathies undoubtedly lie with Ojukwu’s conduct of the Biafran war but he also with characteristic honesty notes that “The prevalent mantra of the time was “Ojukwu nye anyi egbe ka anyi nuo abha” – “Ojukwu give us guns to fight a war”…But in the early stages of the war, when the Biafran army grew rapidly, sadly Ojukwu had no guns to give to those brave souls”. In the same vein, despite his own pro-Biafra position, Achebe presents the reader with the following anti –war stance by the late Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani: “Anybody with an intellect, with a sense would consider carefully the implication of a war. War is destructive. There’s no country that went to war that didn’t suffer, not one. When we went to war, we destroyed everything we had. That’s true”.

    Even though the bulk of Achebe’s book is his personal narrative of the civil war, he concludes by giving practical suggestions on how the lost Nigeria can be reclaimed. The path to the redemption and transformation of Nigeria, he posits, lies in the institutionalisation of free and fair elections, a free and vigorous press and a strong justice system. This will facilitate the emergence of positive leadership at all levels as well as a system of checks and balances that will check corruption and promote development. Achebe’s book will be a great inspiration to forces of progressive change in the ongoing grim battle for the soul of Nigeria.

  • Mimiko: Why should ‘Ayobolu’s venom’ matter?

    Mimiko: Why should ‘Ayobolu’s venom’ matter?

    For a reasonably well written rejoinderto this columnist’s analysis last week of the Ondo State gubernatorial polls of October 20, it is curious that the piece, published in the Daily Independent of Thursday, November 1, and titled ‘Mikiko and Ayobolu’s Unceasing Venom’ carries the rather anonymous by-line of an unknown quantity, Atinuke Alatise, from an undisclosed address in the expansive town of Akure. Of course, the resort to uncouth and intemperate language as well as cheap abuse by this suspiciously fictional parsonage can be excused. Such ‘bolekaja’ gutter fare always come in handy when logic and concrete facts are in short supply. Atinuke Alatise describes me as ‘Jagaban’s sycophant’ for expressing my honest assessment of Governor Mimiko’s victory. This implies that she (?) must be Iroko’s lickspittle who lacks the capacity for independent thinking and sound judgement. She sincerely deserves pity.

    Atinuke wonders if I had nothing else to do with my time for according the Ondo polls such significance as to warrant a series of commentaries. But it would appear such investment of precious time was not wasted after all. If nothing, it has at least forced Atinuke to sit down, sweat out over 1000 words and launch her career in the art of propaganda through subtle innuendo, baseless insinuations, laughable illogic, wild generalisations and outright falsehood. Apparently, the tumultuous jubilation she imagined going on all over the South West at Governor Mimiko’s re-election was not sufficient rebuttal to my position on the Ondo polls. She had to fire an ill tempered response to a column which, in her estimation, nobody took seriously. Then why the bother? Why not just dismiss and ignore the column? Perhaps her sponsors could adopt that stance only to their peril.

    Launching her feisty jeremiad, Atinuke alleged that “during last year’s general election, internal split within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gave Oyo and Ogun states to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Segun Ayobolu went to town singing a crass song of ACN supremacy and boasting to no end”. She provides no iota of evidence to prove this vituperation. It is simply childish. She refers me to “informed analysis…pouring in from outstanding columnists from other mediums, including, most notably, “Jagaban returns to Lagos empty-handed”. Well, that particular columnist’s journey from Temple University in Philadephia, US, to take up appointment as a member of the governing council of an Ondo state university in Okitipupa during the current administration’s tenure is an interesting one. It will be interesting to find out if he came back “empty handed”.

    Atinuke alleges that I ‘berated’ and ‘abused’ Governor Mimiko before the elections only to become an ‘objective critic’ after October 20. Again, she cites no instances of such abuse. I criticised the governor for relative non-performance given the over N600 billion that accrued to the oil producing state under his watch. I cited facts and figures at my disposal as well as my own extensive travels within Ondo state. I was equally critical of the governor’s ideological inconsistency and frequent change of party platforms. Nothing has happened to change my views on that. It is most certainly daft for anybody to equate criticism with abuse. Curiously, Atinuke argues that “…it is only a dull student of politics who will claim that performance is the sole criterion for re-election”. I congratulate Atinuke on her brightness. So performance was not a factor in Governor Mimiko’s re-election? Well, very revealing.

    This ‘guest columnist’ laboured in vain to disprove my contention that Governor Mimiko won a minority of votes (41.6%) as against the 57% that voted against him. His performance declined from the 55% of the votes he recorded in 2007. This is clearly no landslide. It shows an incumbent in trouble. The Punch newspaper made this point pungently in its editorial of October 25, 2012. According to the Punch, “Mimiko needs to do more to win over more of his people. He may have made some achievements in his first tenure, but the pattern of the votes cast shows that all is not well. He only got off lightly by scoring 260,199 votes. But the total votes for his rivals of the PDP and ACN which came to 299,473 are higher than his own score, indicating that those who voted against him were more in number. He and his party have to do a far better job of explaining and translating their vision and politics to the electorate. Mimiko will have to rally more citizens of the state to the relevance of his policies and programmes”. Well, I rest my case. After all, that is The Punch, not Segun Ayobolu. Apparently, none of the three major parties came away from the Ondo gubernatorial polls empty handed! Talking of professorial emptiness!

  • An anatomy of the Ondo gubernatorial polls

    An anatomy of the Ondo gubernatorial polls

    These are indeed most interesting times to be alive in Nigeria. There is a grim battle on for the very soul of the country. Things are clearly falling apart. Bombs boom in the North. Armed robbers and kidnappers are universally on rampage. Corruption is endemic. Education has virtually collapsed. The health sector is comatose. Wealthy Nigerians routinely travel abroad to die. It has become the most fashionable way to transit to eternity. Unemployment wastes millions of young lives. Public infrastructure is in a calamitous state. The Nigerian state totters on the verge of collapse. Can things continue this way?

    The PDP, the ruling party at the centre since 1999, says yes. It is the party of continuity. The ACN, the leading opposition party, is at the vanguard of the advocacy for fundamental structural change. Each election is a veritable battle in an ongoing war for either continuity or change in Nigeria. Battles are bitterly fought, won or lost but the war continues – ferociously. The ACN won a marvelous victory in the July 14 Edo State governorship election, a victory that fired it up to fight earnestly for a repeat performance in Ondo State on October 21. But the forces of continuity staged a come back and won a tactical victory. That is the beauty of democracy – the suspense, the unpredictability. For the avoidance of doubt, the Labour Party (LP) in Ondo State shares ideological and philosophical affinity with the PDP. Any difference between the local Ondo PDP and the LP is due to ego and personal rivalry, not a fundamental divergence of principles. That is why the presidency was so obviously relieved at the victory of Governor Olusegun Mimiko and was quick to congratulate him even as the local PDP is still licking its wounds. A repeat of the Edo scenario would have sent disturbing signals towards the very crucial 2015 elections.

    I give full marks to the Governor Olusegun Mimiko administration’s information machinery, led by the experienced and versatile Kayode Akinmade. Through deft dissemination of information, they most effectively marketed the perceived achievements of the Mimiko Administration. The opposition disagreed vigorously, contending that the governor’s first term performance was dismal. Given the substantial resources available to Ondo as an oil producing state and Dr. Mimiko’s own rich political and managerial experience, I am inclined to believe his administration ought to have performed better. I was personally in Akure, Ondo, Ore and Ikare, among others and strongly believe that the Sunshine state is in need of radical redemption.

    Governor Olusegun Mimiko has a second chance. He must immediately commence the radical and aggressive modernization of the state’s infrastructure. The administration must re-think the whole concept of mega schools. Ondo State has a population of 3,440,000. In Lagos, Alimosho Local Government alone has a population of 2,047,028. Yet, Lagos had to abandon the concept of millennium mega schools after building four of such massive structures. These structures are difficult and expensive to maintain. Maintaining discipline among such a large concentration of children is a challenge. It also makes proper psychological bonding among the students virtually impossible. The money can be better spent rehabilitating dilapidated classrooms across the state and building more compact, functional and cost-effective schools.

    In the health sector, the idea of the Child and Maternal Care Centre in Akure is good but this is grossly insufficient. General Hospitals must be built in local governments and health centers at ward level. The Mimiko administration may quite naturally feel that its first term performance has received the electorate’s stamp of approval with the outcome of this election. But if it does not significantly improve on its performance, Governor Mimiko’s candidate will face an even fiercer and more vigorous challenge in 2016. It is pertinent for the administration to note in this regard that it scored a minority of votes cast in the October 20 election (41.6%) as against 57% of the votes recorded by the opposition. This narrow escape should spur it to hit the ground running in its second term.

    One good thing about the Ondo gubernatorial polls just like the preceding one in Edo is that it is becoming increasingly difficult to take the electorate for granted. The debates among the candidates were vigorous. The campaigns were intensive. In particular, the ACN campaigned strenuously throughout the length and breadth of the state. Some contend that the passion and determination with which the ACN national leader, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, led and invigorated his party’s campaign is indicative of a personal expansionist hegemonic agenda. The respected columnist of The Punch newspaper, Professor Niyi Akinoso, even insinuated that Tinubu has his eyes on controlling the oil resources of Ondo State. This is scandalous and reckless blackmail not supported by the slightest scintilla of evidence.

    As far back as the 80s, Tinubu was a key financier and leading strategist of the Dapo Sarumi-led PRIMROSE group of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) that shook the foundation of Lagos politics in the aborted third republic. At the historic National Convention of the SDP at the Jos Township Stadium in 1993, the then Senator Tinubu hardly had any sleep for three nights as he vigorously lobbied delegates to help ensure Chief Abiola’s narrow victory over the mercurial Babagana Kingibe in the keen contest for the SDP presidential ticket. Thereafter, he was a key figure in Abiola’s nationwide campaign. Tinubu was one of the key financiers and frontline activists of the NADECO prodemocracy struggle that led to the exit of the military and the current democratic dispensation that the likes of Niyi Akinoso is no doubt enjoying. In any case, if Tinubu had taken the electorate for granted or held the people in contempt, he would certainly not lead his party’s campaign in Ondo so vigorously.

    Akinoso indicts Tinubu for not heeding requests that the ACN should not field any candidate against Mimiko. But is this not a democracy? Is democracy not about competitive elections? Could Tinubu overrule the Ondo State ACN if they decided to challenge the incumbent? This is sheer bumkum. What the Akinosos of this world do not realize is that if Tinubu put in so much zeal and energy into the campaign at 60, it is because of his demonstrated passionate commitment over the last two decades to any cause he believes in. The way he campaigned in Ondo was the same way he campaigned for his party across the country in the 2011 elections. Tinubu had become financially secure for life as Treasurer of Mobil Oil. He could have easily chosen a private life unconcerned with the fate of Nigeria. Yes, he has his own weaknesses but he deserves commendation not blackmail for choosing the path of service and sacrifice.

    According to INEC, the ACN candidate, Mr. Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN), came third in the election. Yet the party really ought to be happy with its performance. Its precursor, the Action Congress (AC) scored just 33,510 votes in the 2007 election as against 128,669 votes recorded by the PDP and 198,269 votes scored by Dr. Mimiko to win the election. Following the reclamation of his mandate by Dr. Mimiko, the ACN, due to a reported agreement assumed that the governor would cross over to the party. The ACN thus left its structure to grow moribund. When it discovered almost too late that Mimiko had no plans to leave the LP, the ACN clearly found itself in a dilemma.

    This was probably why in the run up to the governorship election, the party encouraged the emergence of a multitude of aspirants believing that their campaigns would revive and galvanize the party at the grassroots towards the election. This later became a problem as the emergence of a candidate brewed an inevitable crisis that tasked the ingenuity of the party leadership.

    In the choice of a candidate, the ACN leadership was obviously swayed by Akeredolu’s towering professional and human rights antecedents. They probably saw him in the mould of Governor Babatunde Fashola – his fellow SAN. For them, integrity, character and competence superseded geo-ethnic and other primordial calculations. Is that not too idealistic a stance given the realities of Nigerian politics? Mimiko is a wily and shrewd political tactician. Akeredolu plays politics as if he is in a law court. For instance, I am told that on election day, the ACN candidate was informed that a political party was paying each voter N3000 to defeat and embarrass him in his own polling unit. It was suggested that he should also make necessary financial provision to checkmate this move. What was Akeredolu’s reaction? He most solemnly and gravely announced that such conduct contravened the Electoral Act and he would not indulge in it. Haba! Just imagine!! In Nigerian politics!!!

    By placing premium in its campaigns on Mimiko’s alleged failure to join its ranks as initially agreed, the ACN leadership created the impression that was why it was so vehemently against his re-election rather than non performance. This then helped reinforce the LP’s contention that all the talk of regional integration was nothing but Tinubu’s attempt to ‘colonize’ Ondo State just as he had purportedly done in other ACN states. A more effective propagation of the accomplishments of the ACN states would have helped contain this brilliant but misleading propaganda. In any case, if anybody wanted to colonize Ondo, Akeredolu would most certainly not have been the candidate. Like Tinubu himself, Akeredolu is a veritable study in stubbornness and fierce independence of mind.

    What the Ondo State governorship election has shown is that the ACN states must go beyond rhetoric and immediately begin to practically demonstrate the benefits of economic integration through concrete joint developmental projects. They must not assume that the populace will automatically buy into the idea of regional economic integration, which has become imperative not just in the South- West but in all geographically contiguous zones of Nigeria. Yes, all states in a region must not necessarily belong to the same party for integration to be achieved. But the perceived lukewarm disposition of Mimiko to the idea was probably one reason why the ACN mounted such a fierce challenge against his re-election.

    On its part, the Ondo State chapter of the PDP wanted to have its cake and eat it. The party probably reckoned that the ACN and LP would battle each other to a standstill making it possible for it to steal the show and spring a surprise. It did not envisage that the presidency would rather throw its full weight behind an incumbent Mimiko as the best bet to checkmate a rampaging ACN. What was the motive behind the unprecedented militarization of Ondo State by the presidency during the October 20 election? Why was there so much violence in many parts of the state despite the heavy presence of soldiers and policemen?

    The Ondo governorship election effectively marked the commencement of the battle for President Goodluck Jonathan’s second term bid. Even as the Ondo State PDP is still questioning the credibility of the election, the national PDP and the presidency rushed to congratulate Mimiko. In the same vein, without waiting for his party’s position on the election, Governor Adams Oshiomhole endorsed the election and congratulated Mimiko. One wonders how the comrade governor would have felt if his party had rushed to congratulate Professor Oserheimen Osunbor in 2007, even as he battled to retrieve his mandate in court. What roles will Governors Oshiomhole and Mimiko play in the strategic calculations of President Jonathan’s second term Think Tank? Time will tell.

    Can a viable legal challenge be launched against the outcome of the Ondo State governorship election? Absolutely yes. For instance, some of the incredibly high votes recorded in many polling units are unlikely to stand close legal scrutiny. The votes purportedly cast in many polling units are statistically unattainable within the legal time frame permitted for voting unless votes were being cast every second! But should aggrieved parties go to court? I do not think so. Rather, let the parties play their opposition role effectively so that the battle for 2016 can commence immediately. Even then, I congratulate Governor Mimiko on his victory. He should enjoy his electoral triumph for as long as it stands legally. Above all, he should re-dedicate himself in selfless service to the people. That ultimately is what politics is about.

  • Ondo poll: Myth of Mimiko’s landslide victory

    Ever since the announcement by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of Dr Olusegun Mimiko of the Labour Party (LP) as the winner of the October 20 governorship election in the Sunshine state, there has been a frenzy not just among the governor’s supporters but also in certain sections of the media. Many newspapers have been trying to outdo themselves in dramatising the scale of Mimiko’s purported landslide victory. The headlines have been creative, even entertaining. ‘Landslide Mimiko’. ‘Mimiko crushes ACN, PDP’. ‘How Olusegun Mimiko trounced PDP, ACN, Others’. One could go on and on. The objective is to manipulate public opinion and create the impression that Mimiko won an emphatic victory in the election. But accuracy of reporting is critical to the capacity of the press to help sustain and deepen democracy. Without accuracy of information, people could be easily misled into reaching wrong conclusions and innocently taking harmful decisions. The press must present and analyse the facts with scientific rigour devoid of partisanship. That is the only way it can effectively play its role as the watchdog of the people and facilitate the sustainable development of democracy in the country.

    Now, what do the statistics of this election tell us? The total number of registered voters was 1,546,081. The total number of accredited voters was 645,594. The total votes cast was 624,659 representing 40% of registered voters and meaning that there were 30,415 invalid votes. Governor Olusegun Mimiko of the LP was declared winner in 13 out of 18 local governments by INEC with 260,199 votes, which represents 41.6% of total votes cast. Olusegun Oke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was declared second winning in 2 local governments with 155, 961 votes representing 26.25% of total votes cast. Rotimi Akeredolu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) was declared third winning in three local governments with 143,512 votes representing 24.15% of the total votes cast. A close analysis of these figures shows that more voters actually voted against Mimiko. Approximately 57% of total votes cast were actually against Mimiko and in favour of his opponents. He, therefore, did not get a majority of the votes and could not logically have won a landslide victory.

    To demonstrate this point further, let us examine the statistical implications of the July 14, 2012 governorship election in Edo state which returned Governor Adams Oshiomhole to office. In the Edo election, the total number of registered voters was 1,651,099. The total number of votes cast was 647,698 representing 40% of registered voters. Governor Oshiomhole scored 477,478 votes, representing 73% of total votes cast. General Airhaivbere of the PDP scored 144,235 votes, which was 22% of total votes cast. The other candidates in the election recorded 6% of total votes cast. All Governor Oshiomhole’s opponents put together polled 152,621 votes, thus trailing the comrade governor by 324,857 votes. Oshiomhole won a majority of votes cast and it is this example that can be accurately and properly described as a landslide victory.

    A perceptive analyst, Mr. Emmanuel Aziken, graphically captured this point in his clinical dissection of the October 20 Ondo state governorship election result. According to him “In the end, the people of Ondo state decided to return Dr. Mimiko apparently based on what has been largely described as his credentials in office. However, it was a narrow escape. Yesterday’s declared results gave Mimiko 260,199 votes out of a total of 624,659 voters representing about 40%. He thus did not get majority of the votes. The PDP candidate, Olusola Oke who came second with 155,961 votes and ACN’s Rotimi Akeredolu who came third with 143,512 votes together mustered enough votes that could have probably sent Mimiko packing. However, the past history of animosity between the PDP and ACN did not allow the two to form an alliance. Remarkably, Mimiko was returned to power by the Court of Appeal in 2009 which scored him 198,261 votes and his rival, Segun Agagu with 128,669. Then he had more than 55% of the votes. How the governor’s votes proportionally diminished between 2007 and 2012 is an issue for the governor and his handlers.”

    It is significant in this respect that the governor enjoys the advantages of incumbency. The PDP is crisis ridden. Believing that Mimiko was coming to join its ranks, the ACN allowed its structure to grow moribund only reviving its machinery a few months to the election. Interestingly, before Governor Mimiko headed to court in 2007 to challenge the election result, INEC had declared Dr. Segun Agagu winner with a landslide of 349,258 votes representing 53.2% of total votes cast. Mimiko was said to have scored 226,021 votes, which was 34.4% of total votes cast. Forensic investigation proved INEC’s declaration a fraud and Mimiko reclaimed his mandate. The results declared by INEC in the October 20 election will surely attract the interest of forensic auditors. The story may have just begun to unfold and the press should simply keep the people accurately informed.

  • Re-thinking Nigeria’s party system

    Re-thinking Nigeria’s party system

    One of the sources of contention in Nigeria’s current political system is the power granted the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by the constitution to de-register political parties that do not comply with the Electoral Act. In this regard, the commission recently reiterated its determination to ensure that parties meet requisite conditions before they are allowed to field candidates for elections. In the words of INEC Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega, “It is good to have a multi-party system and to allow as many parties as possible to register but we really need to sanitise the process of registering parties. This will ensure that only the most deserving in terms of programmes, their constitution and their physical presence in states and in localities that are registered”. Ordinarily, Jega’s position may be perceived as restricting the horizons of participatory democracy which many believe was broadened by the late Chief Gani Fawehinmi’s judicial success in de-regulating the registration of political parties. Those who reason this way see the existence of a multiplicity of parties as an end in itself – a demonstration of rights and an exercise of liberty. However, is there a nexus between a country’s party system and the broader goals of political evolution and national development?

    A legitimate goal in a multi-ethnic, culturally complex polity like ours will be promoting national cohesion as a basis for political stability. It is obvious that a system of limited number of parties will more likely help achieve this than an unrestricted party system. What are the lessons of the June 12, 1993, presidential election regarded as the freest and fairest in the country’s history in this regard? Did the two- party system not play a part in the much celebrated national spread and success of the election – its pan-Nigerian character? Are we giving sufficient attention to the structure and administration of political parties? Arguably this institution is more central to the state than any other; it is the platform on which members of two critical arms of government – the legislature and the executive – emerge. Yet, parties continue to be run in a largely informal manner. This is unlike the Babangida administration’s transition programme during which parties were registered by government and had functional offices at all levels with party officials democratically elected and formally remunerated.

    Of course the idea of trying to ensure that all members of the government created National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) were ‘equal founders and joiners’ was largely utopian and unrealistic. Individuals have varying degrees of orientation to politics. The degree of an individual’s interest in party activities and public affairs depend on what students of political behaviour describe as a person’s ‘sense of political efficacy’. Some individuals are more willing to expend their time, energy, resources and energy on politics than others. These political personality types are more likely to participate more actively in and have more influence within the party and polity than others. In any case, a fundamental contradiction of the Babangida transition programme was that its Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) was widening social equality at the economic level while its Political Transition Programme (PTP) was seeking to equalize participation and influence in the political sphere! A logical impossibility.

    Yet, the institutionalization of a more formal party system with specified boundaries will demonstrably have a beneficial impact on the political system and there can be no better example than the celebrated June 12 presidential election. During the IBB transition programme, I was one of those who criticised the NRC and SDP as nothing but artificial parties and government parastatals. We attributed their quick capitulation after the annulment of the election to the fact that they were purportedly ‘inorganic’ parties. But if we follow this logic, why did the purportedly organic parties of the first and second republics – Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), Action Group (AG), Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) – literarily vanish into thin air when they were peremptorily banned by the military usurpers of political power. This is unlike the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, which survived and ultimately triumphed over apartheid after decades of persecution, harassment, torture and outright ban.

    Now, I do not want to be misunderstood. The IBB regime’s annulment of the presidential election exposed the motive behind the highly regimented party system, which created two parties, foisted manifestoes on them and located them by fiat ideologically a little to the right and a little to the left of the regime’s neo-liberal Structural Adjustment Programme. It needed a highly regulated and controlled party system to legitimate and consolidate its extreme deregulation of the economy, which had the consequences of dramatically increasing poverty and inequality. But the outcome of the election and the regime’s inability to contain the implications of the annulment only illustrates what the late Professor Aaron Gana described as ‘the limits of political engineering’. But whatever, its motives the truth is that the regime’s more formal and regulated party system facilitated the best and most pan-Nigerian election in the country’s history.

    The present chaotic party system is ultimately subversive of the national goal of deepening democratic development. it encourages a one-party dominant system where a veritable behemoth in control of the centre since 1999, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), profits from the existence of a multiplicity of largely unviable parties that compound the problems of evolving a cohesive, potent and viable opposition. A fundamental re-thinking of the current dysfunctional party system has become imperative.

    …Welcoming the Dame

    The First Lady, Dame Patience Jonathan, looked quite radiant on her return to the country on Wednesday after a six-week stay in Germany. Her remarks were quite interesting, even impressive in parts. She told us everything that was not wrong with her. She does not have a terminal illness. She did not undergo cosmetic surgery. She did not have a tummy tuck. She was never in hospital. But where was she and why was she there? The nation remains in the dark. She faulted the logic of those who, citing Sani Abacha, Stella Obasanjo and Umaru Yar’Adua, say “that anybody that goes to the Villa or Aso Rock will die”. How about those who went there with their families and came out alive, she asked? Smart thinking. She sounded romantic: “My husband loves me as I am and I am pleased with how God created me, I cannot add to it”. She sounded spiritual: “God has said it all, that when two or three are gathered in His name, that he will be with them.” The Dame sure knows the scriptures. Shout Alleluia somebody! Above all, she sounded presidential: “God has given me a second chance to come and work with women of Nigeria, children and the less privileged. I have come to serve Nigeria. I have come to work with Nigerians. I am there for them”. Pray, who did we vote for? Are we blessed with two Presidents? All the same, it’s nice to have the Dame back. There surely will be no dull moment at the Villa.