Category: Biodun Jeyifo

  • Erratum: a lot of bother about bordering and bothering

    Last week, this sentence appeared in the very first paragraph of the column: “This “revelation” came to me rather accidentally in the course of one single day this past week when three different people expressed surprise bothering on disbelief that I have no driver, that in effect, I drive myself – in my car”. Yes, I wrote bothering when I should have written bordering. Absolutely unintended irony: I have often railed against those who make this mistake. And there I was last week, making it myself! Having now made this correction, let it never be said that I perpetuated the common error!

     

    • Biodun Jeyifo bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu   

     

  • The hidden class war in our society between those that own cars and those that don’t

    By Biodun Jeyifo

    This week, the realization finally hit me first, that there is a great class war in our society between those who have cars and those who don’t and second, that it is an almost completely or willfully hidden war. This “revelation” came to me rather accidentally in the course of one single day this past week when three different people expressed surprise bothering on disbelief that I have no driver, that in effect, I drive myself – in my car. Since I am sure that this was not the first time that someone had made the observation to me, it has to be the random factor of three different people making the remark to me in the same day that finally opened my mind to this hidden class war in our society between car owners and the vast multitudes of the folks of “footwagen”.

    Now, I am very much aware of the ostensible reasons for the surprise caused by the fact that I am both owner and driver of my car. These reasons are age and status. As a matter of fact, the friends or acquaintances who made the remark to me were quite forthcoming about one of these two reasons, this being age. “Ah, ah, BJ, at your age, at our age, you have no driver, you are still driving!” As for status, though it was unspoken, it is the more powerful of these two reasons because status, especially distorted expressions of status, has become the most ubiquitous manifestation of class in our region of the world. For this and among countless other cultural texts of warped, distorted values in our society, please read the late Nkem Nwankwo’s My Mercedes Is Bigger Than Yours, that is if you have never read the novel.

    Beyond age and status, there is a far more powerful factor in this matter, as I discovered this past week, compatriots. What is this factor? Simply, this is it: to own or not own a car is now a matter of security and quality of life itself in our cities and towns, that’s what this factor is. Let me put this as concretely as possible: if you don’t own a car in our society at the present time, life is infinitely more daunting for you than it is for those who own cars. There are hundreds of thousands of cars, trucks, okadas, maruwas and people out and about on any given day with whom you have to compete for safety and security in extremely cramped city and townscapes. Ensconced in the comfort and safety of your car, you are infinitely more protected from the bedlam than the unfortunate millions of the “footwagen” who don’t own cars. Indeed, it is even better for you in your self-owned car if not you but someone else is doing the driving! Why so? Because driving is often close to the precariousness of walking amidst all the human and vehicular bodies fighting for the right of passage in the extreme sparseness of motorable and walking space in our towns and cities.

    But why am I making so much drama around this issue? Doesn’t everyone who lives in our towns and cities know of its existence? And hasn’t it been with us for a long time? Yes, most people know of its existence. And yes, it has been with us for quite some time. But it is getting worse, compatriots and moreover, the tempo of its worsening rate is becoming unmanageable by our municipal and local administrations. This was what I discovered this week, not as a residual awareness that everyone has but through a practical and existential “research” project that I carried out during the week. My friends and acquaintances had questioned me about why I was still driving. Well, in my response to their question, I turned the matter around and approached it from the perspectives of those who don’t have cars and therefore don’t drive. In other words, I abandoned both my car and driving and – walked. This piece is about the experience of that walk, though my conclusion at the end of the experience that there is a hidden class war between those who own cars and those who don’t comes from decades of sustained reflection on class rule in our society and around the world.

    Because I wanted to make the walk as “normal” and “authentic” as possible, I planned for the routes and the places I would pass through to coincide with getting household supplies, making sure that at the end of the walk I would not be overburdened with huge, bulky shopping bags. It is difficult for me to overstate the overall negativity of the walk, from my starting point at Oke-Bola in the Southwest zone of the city of Ibadan to the Adamasingba area approaching Mokola and Queen Elizabeth Road in the long Northeast stretch as you exist the city eastward. I am deliberately limiting myself to the physical and psychological aspects of the experience of the walk, leaving out the environmental and the aesthetic. This is because these aspects, in virtually all our towns and cities, are known for the poor quality of public sanitation and the unplanned, chaotic spread of streets, pathways, dwellings, commercial houses, churches, mosques and recreational and hospitality establishments. I leave all these aside and concentrate on the physical and psychological dimensions of the experience.

    Permit me to get straightaway to the heart of the matter. Two things stood out. First, during the walk, I never for one second let go of my feeling, my terror that if I didn’t exercise great care, I could be knocked down by a car, a truck, a maruwa, or an okada. Second, I was struck by the realization that most of those walking alongside or facing me seemed immune to the terror I was feeling. On two occasions when a car and an okada respectively came perilously close to hitting me, my sense of danger increased exponentially. You really are crazy to be doing this, I thought to myself. Meanwhile, I could perceive no such state of psychological dread in my fellow walkers, the footwagen multitudes. Realizing this, I said to myself: you are doing this as an experiment, a “research” project; but they, they are doing it as part of their allotted place in the scheme of things. Thus began my sense that there was a powerful play of class differences between me and my fellow pedestrians.

    It is necessary for me to recount the most dramatic moment in the play of this class differences during that walk. This took place at the traffic intersection between four directions: the high street coming from Dugbe and Ekotedo; Inalende; Sabo; and Adamasingba itself. There were two traffic wardens directing vehicular movement at the intersection but apparently, their mandate did not include coordination of pedestrians’ movement from one street to another or from one side of a street to its opposite across the endless flow of vehicles. Unfortunately, I had to cross from the Sabo side to the Adamasingba thoroughfare on which side stood a pharmacy from which I wanted to purchase some medications. But I swear to this: the jumbled, chaotic flow of vehicles of all types never stopped at this point of the intersection, try as much as the wardens did. Consequently, for a pedestrian to make the cross from Sabo to Adamasingba, you had to make a dash for it to beat cars and maruwas and okadas that seemed to be making autonomous decisions when or whether or not they would stop in response to the commands of the wardens directing the flow of vehicular traffic. For close to ten minutes, I stood helplessly for the moment, the second when it would be safe for me to make the crossing. In this state of mind, I thought of the situation of those who own no cars and are unable to afford even the very cheap fares of the lower end of public or commercial transportation. How can “they” cope with having to engage this kind of reality, this kind of chaos nearly every day of the week, I thought? But what were these same “footwagen” souls doing while this existential drama was playing itself out in my mind? They were making the crossing that I was in mortal fear of making, in many instances daring rushing, oncoming traffic to hit them!

    Fundamentally, it is not because of age, not because of status that my friends had asked me why I was (still) driving; it is because they cannot imagine anyone who can afford to own a car choosing not to sit back in his or her car while someone else does the driving. It is a jungle out there, compatriots! And what is a jungle if it is not a theatre of war, a confrontation of preys and their predators? On our roads and streets in the cities and on our highways across the length and breadth of the country, the jungle destroys nearly all who ply its thoroughfares, predator and prey alike. But by a factor as close to ten to one, it is the preys who get more consumed. In plain language, the vast majority of those who get run down and killed or maimed in our towns and cities are members of the footwagen citizenry. Hence the universal struggle in our society both to own a car in whatever condition of roadworthiness it is and to keep it as long as possible on the road, no matter how fragile the home or family economy is to meet the expenditure for such a desire. This, precisely, is the hidden dimension of the class war in our society in this matter of the ownership, not of property in general, but of a piece, any piece of vehicular contraption.

    Here is the logic or motive force of this hidden class war: it is best to own your own car and to have someone else drive it; short of that, try as much as possible to own your own car, no matter what state it is in and regardless of your pecuniary ability to maintain it in a working condition on the road; but if that is not (yet) possible, pray for the sustained ability to afford the fares for the likes of danfos, maruwas and okadas; if all of these are presently beyond your earnings or your means, don’t give up and don’t let all the other road users grind your will into submission! Thus, the actual or literal road users are metaphors for the road users of life and the economic order.

    This much is known of this hidden class struggle in virtually all parts of the country: if a car hits an okada or tuketule rider, instant jungle justice is applied to the owner and/or driver of the car by hordes of okada or tuketule riders close by. The matter is worse if it is a pedestrian that is knocked down and killed by any vehicle; unless there are law enforcement officers close by, the motorist may be given instant and combined arrest, prosecution and execution on the spot. Compatriots, where does this chaotic violence in the administration of the “natural justice” dispensed with such ferocity in our towns and cities come from if not from the hidden nature of the class war we have been discussing in this piece?

    Of course, deprivation of ownership of a car is, all things considered, infinitely smaller in the scheme of things than deprivation of the fruits of one’s labour or of one’s land, or of one’s freedom and dignity as a citizen and a human being. As an endlessly predatory socioeconomic order, these are the most consequential locations of the theatres of war in the class struggles of the PDP-APC, Obasanjo-Yar’ Adua-Jonathan-Buhari years and decades. In the developed capitalist societies of the world, you do not need a car to get through daily life. Moreover, the millions of the ranks of the “footwagen” have protected rights. We must draw up and struggle for a Pedestrian Bill of Rights in our “developing” society. Where else to start if not from a recognition of the hidden class war between those who own cars and those who don’t in our society?

     

    • Biodun Jeyifo bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu
  • The anti-climax of Abdulrasheed Maina’s arrest

    This past week, precisely on Monday, September 30, Abdulrasheed Maina, the dismissed and disgraced former Chairman, Presidential Task Team on Pension Matters, was arrested in Abuja. This is the same Maina of “Mainagate” scandal, one of the biggest scandals ever recorded in a country and an era in which scandals, big and small, have become the stuff of everyday life. Maina had been first accused in 2012 of conspiring with others to steal billions of naira from public pension funds that he had, ironically, been appointed to reform. He stoutly denied all the charges levelled against him. But when he and some of his co-accused like former Head of Service, Stephen Oronsaye, were to be arraigned in court for trial, Maina did not show up because he had absconded. For this, he was both dismissed from service and declared a wanted criminal on the run from justice.

    All this took place during the presidency of Goodluck Jonathan and the reign of the PDP: Maina and his fellow looters made away with billions of naira of public pension funds and he disappeared with the loot. But then in 2017, in the new presidency of Buhari and the reign of the APC, we exit from past tense and enter into present tense: Maina suddenly reappears completely “rehabilitated” and is reappointed and promoted with a position within the presidency itself. He is still a wanted man, a felon on the run from justice, but he is reabsorbed into the same federal administration from which he had absconded. A massive expression of public outrage erupts, perhaps the loudest and angriest of public outrages during the still unfolding presidency of Buhari. As a result, Maina is again dismissed from service but mysteriously, he is not arrested but allowed to evade arrest and vanish into thin air. That was the climax of the “Mainagate” saga; his arrest this week, with all the bravado with which it was announced, is a mere anti-climax to what has happened before and is likely to happen in the future. This point pertaining to the connection between climax and anti-climax is at the heart of what I wish to explore in this piece.

    Climax is the big moment in the unfolding of an experience; after that, everything else is anti-climax. The terms are at their most familiar in sex and dramatic form, orgasm being the climactic moment in the experience of sex and the turning point in the fortunes or the misfortunes of the hero the climax in dramatic plot. But the terms also are used in a wider frame of reference that relates to all of social life. In politics, climaxes occur at the moment when a political career reaches its highest point after which everything else is an anti-climax from which the politician can look back in satisfaction or regret at the climactic moment in his or her career. If the climax was/is good, the politician, the hero, the lover hopes that the anti-climax will not be too bad. But if the climax was/is catastrophic, the hope is that the anti-climax will be different.

    But what of serial climaxes and anti-climaxes? What if, in the sexual act, you have not one but several orgasms, several climaxes? And what if, in the course of your working life, you experience what seems to be many climaxes and anti-climaxes? That possibility exists, but it is outside the purview of the current discussion of “Mainagate”. In that event, the climax incontestably took place in 2017 when massive public outrage forced the administration, the presidency itself, to sack Maina again and force him to flee from justice; his arrest this week and the trial to which he will be subjected are nothing but a composite anti-climax. That is the essential argument that I am making in this piece.

    Does anyone think or hope that Maina’s trial will be speedy and just? That the funds looted by him and his co-looters will be returned in full or partially? On the contrary, isn’t it the case that most people reading this piece expect that Maina’s trial will take years and may never be concluded, much in the same way in which thousands of other such cases remain unfinished in our law courts? Isn’t that what happened with Dasuki and “Dasukigate”? And with James Ibori, who evaded a completed trial in Nigeria but was jailed and purged of some stolen loot in the U.K.? In his case, you could say that if he hadn’t been tried and convicted in the U.K., the “climax” would have happened and stopped when the sensational scale of his looting was announced. Permit me to express this general point concretely: in Nigeria, the climax occurs only with the bravado of the announcement of either the crime itself and/or arrest for the crime; afterwards, everything else that transpires is an anti-climax, with the interest, principally of the government but also of the public, shifting to another new case or breaking news of a collection of new cases.

    Maina’s case is very helpful in providing us with a graphic illustration of why everything that followed the climax of his “rehabilitation” by the presidency in 2017 has been and is likely to continue to be a mere anti-climax. This is because the two the cabinet-level minsters implicated in reabsorbing Maina into an administration from which he had been dismissed were Abdulrahman Danbazzau, Minister of the Interior and Abubakar Malami, Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. It takes one’s breath away: the Minister responsible for security in every part of the country’s homeland interiority and the Minister responsible for seeking out, arresting and prosecuting all criminals, especially those fleeing from justice, they are the members of Buhari’s cabinet that colluded in the reabsorption of Maina into the federal civil service in 2017. Danbazzau is no longer Minster of the Interior, but Malami is still the AGF and he has the overall responsibility for Maina’s prosecution.

    I do admit it: the barely controlled anger, the bitterness with which I am writing this piece seems utterly helpless and disempowered. After all, what did I do, what did anyone of us do when, in 2017, we discovered that Danbazzau and Malami, together with other key figures in the presidency, had been behind Maina’s “rehabilitation”? What did we do then when no member of the administration – and certainly not Buhari himself – offered any explanations and no apologies for having taken Maina back into the presidency and thereafter allowed him to escape when the outrage was exposed? Indeed, Malami admitted to a Committee of the Senate that while Maina was in flight from justice he, Malami, had been in contact with the fellow in Dubai! Beyond the expression of mild reproach, Malami got no censure, and certainly no impeachment inquiry from that Senate Committee. In all this we did nothing beyond the sort of thing I seem to be doing in this piece – which is to express futile anger and bitterness at the apparent refusal of moral responsibility and legal accountability by the Buhari administration. After all, it is impossible to have meaningful and productive conversation and relations with a government from whom you expect and will never get moral and legal accountability and responsibility.

    But this is the crux of the matter! The Buhari administration in particular and the APC in general still want to be perceived as ethically and legally accountable. This is quite different from the PDP, especially in about the last ten years of its sixteen-year rule when the party and virtually all its administrations, federal and state, were blatantly and cynically contemptuous of being held responsible and accountable to anyone, the nation and the people, most especially the most marginalized and excluded majority. The APC has not (yet) reached that stage and Buhari especially still finds his reputation for moral sternness and spartan discipline very serviceable. He has done his utmost best to show that with the probable exception of only Sani Abacha, he is the least accountable and responsive to ethical imperatives among all our executive heads of state, past and present. Even as his war on corruption is relentlessly undermined and discredited by extremely corrupt practices going unpunished in the presidency itself, he is as clamorous as ever on the claim that he is achieving results that no previous administration had ever recorded in the fight against corruption.

    Unfortunately for the President and this claim, we have the phenomenon of the climax and the anti-climax that I have discussed in this piece to use as our benchmark. Beyond “Mainagate”, beyond floodgates of looters and how so consistently and easily they get away with the looting and the loot, the phenomenon of the brash climax that ends with an unremarkable anti-climax is a perpetual feature of neocolonialism in our continent and many other parts of the developing world. Projects, promises and initiatives are announced with resounding fanfare and they climax at, and with the announcement; from that climactic moment all further actions and expenditures on the given project are resoundingly anti-climactic in their mediocrity. With special reference to Abubakar Malami, when it comes to delivery of results, he may well turn out to be the most inconsequential and mediocre AGF we have ever had. I take no satisfaction in making this tentative prediction; rather, I make it because Malami has been the most vociferous AGF we have ever had in the war against corruption. Now, he has Maina back in custody; let him show that the announcement of the fugitive’s capture will not be underwhelmed by the no-show anti-climax of his trial.

    “Third Term” Denials

    It is remarkable, isn’t it, that at the time when the moral credibility and political accountability of the Buhari administration are at their lowest level, rumours should start erupting that the President has secret plans to try to go for a third, clearly illegal and unconstitutional third term in office. On the principle that there is no smoke without a fire and pregnancy will always be carried to term, it is safe to say that the strong denials coming from Aso Rock mean little now – that is until the time is ripe enough for us to tell for sure one way or another. Remember a fellow called OBJ? Remember how vigorously he and his surrogates denied that he was involved in a third-term bid? Remember also that it was precisely at the point in his presidency when it was at its least accountable and responsive to popular, democratic aspirations of the generality of Nigerians that OBJ launched his third-term bid?

    If we apply the metaphor of the climax and the anti-climax that we have explored in the main piece for this week’s column, we will find that OBJ’s third-term bid came at the anti-climactic stage of his presidency when, to both the political elite and the electorate, he was already regarded as a man living on borrowed time. But willfully or blindly, OBJ couldn’t see this. He continued to think of himself as God’s gift to Nigeria and Africa, completely shielded from the widely held opinion that his time as ruler was nearly up. Especially, Obasanjo at that stage thought that his standing in the international arena was so high that it could provide cover against his domestic opponents and even the rejection of the Nigerian populace itself.

    I raise these points for the consideration of the President and his backers. Unfortunately for them and for Nigeria too, the President’s performance at the General Assembly of the U.N. last week was considerably less than stellar. I raise this issue also because I wish to remind Nigerians that it was not the opposition of the political parties that in the end defeated OBJ’s third-term bid; it was popular, nationwide plurality that accomplished the task. Buhari’s case is made even more complicated by this fact: unlike OBJ who did not rule with and through a cabal, everyone knows, from within the APC itself, that an unconstitutional Buhari third-term bid is power grab by the cabal with and through which Buhari rules. What am I saying? Even from within the innermost recesses of Aso Rock, the First Lady knows, too, that a third term bid for her husband is power grab by the cabal. Which novelist was it who said may we live in interesting times?!

    • Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu    

  • Detention while awaiting trial? – Freedom for Sowore and the tens of thousands detained in Nigerian prisons illegally

    I am writing this piece on Friday, September 27, 2019. It will appear in print and online on Sunday, September 29. There is a very slim chance that by that date, the government of President Buhari would have obeyed the order of an Abuja High Court granting bail to Omoyele Sowore while standing trial for, among other alleged offences, treasonable felony. Given the current administration’s poor record of obeying court orders pertaining to release on bail of its many “enemies”, this is highly unlikely. But it may happen. If it does, some of the things I shall be saying in this piece would have been overtaken by events. If, however, Sowore is still in forcible and illegal detention by the time that this piece is read in print and online, then much of my observations in the essay will, sadly, be validated by yet another act of deliberate and unwarranted rubbishing of the rule of law by the government.

    In this piece, I am joining my voice to the voices of people in Nigeria and abroad that have called for Sowore’s his immediate release. Furthermore, I call for all charges against him to be dropped by the government because his call for massive and prolonged demonstrations is protected by the Nigerian Constitution. Moreover, I declare that the call of Sowore and the organization known as #RevolutionNow for protests constitute an act of civil disobedience that not only is a valid and honorable part of the political history of this country but also a tradition that President Buhari himself has deployed in pursuit of both his political ambitions and his vision for the country’s development and progress. But if it is the case that the government will not drop the charges Sowore, I join others in demanding that he should be freed now and be given a manifestly fair and credible trial. Free Sowore now! His continued detention is unjust, unlawful and profoundly anti-democratic.

    Since both the detention of Sowore itself and the alleged offences for the detention have been widely reported – and protested – in Nigeria and abroad, it is useful for me to begin here with the things that I find particularly noteworthy in the still unfolding saga. For this, I ask the reader to please take note of the first part of the title of this piece: detention while awaiting trial. As I shall demonstrate in the course of my reflections in this piece, Sowore is only one of tens of thousands of Nigerians languishing in prison, in detention, while awaiting trial. Among all the profoundly unconstitutional and anti-democratic aspects of governance in our country, this is one of the worst. Thus, Omoyele Sowore’s case is only the currently most talked about and scandalous instance of this extremely anti-democratic pattern or, indeed, tradition. Permit me to make a short elaboration on this particular case before coming to the more general aspects, especially as this has been manifested in the past and present political career of President Buhari.

    Sowore has been in detention since early August. As a matter of fact, after his arrest, the order for his detention was granted by a court for 45 days while investigation of his alleged offences was being conducted, with the proviso that if the investigation was not yet concluded in 45 days, the government prosecutors in the case could ask for extension of the detention. But this week – about the 6th or the 7th week of Sowore’s detention – the prosecutors announced that all investigations into the alleged offenses had been concluded. Moreover, the prosecutors did not ask for Sowore’s detention to be extended – presumably because they have no legal basis to do so. Instead of this, they are saying something more chilling, more sinister, this being the declaration that some of the alleged offenses for which Sowore is being charged are capital offenses that carry the death penalty, an assertion that Sowore’s lawyers have stoutly contested. The implication of this is as clear as daylight: in the absence of any valid legal basis for the continuation of Sowore’s detention, any excuse, any concocted rationale must be found to perpetuate this Nigerian tradition of detention while awaiting trial that the current administration has taken to hitherto unprecedented levels.

    I must quickly correct the last sentence. There is nothing uniquely “Nigerian” about detention while awaiting trial. In many other countries, we do find the phenomenon of so massive an over-congestion of criminal cases in the courts that the judicial system has to either release accused persons before they can be tried or keep them detained for as long as it takes for their cases to be tried and brought to a conclusion. The peculiar “Nigerian” dimension of this phenomenon lies in two remarkable factors. These are, respectively, the sheer scale of the phenomenon in terms of the total population of Nigerian prisons and the effect that long stretches of autocratic military rule has had on human and constitutional rights violations in our judicial order under both military and elective governance. What does this mean in concrete terms?

    Well, with regard to the first factor, consider the estimate made by some scholars and experts that have studied the issue that sometimes, between 63 to 70% of the population of Nigerian prisons are persons awaiting trial, some of them spending months and years in excess of the stipulated penalties for the crimes for which they were charged! And with regard to the second factor, the refusal of government to obey explicit court orders granting bail for persons awaiting trial, such as we have it in the current case of Sowore, began with military autocracy. Indeed, the two greatest exemplars of tradition of disobeying court orders by elected Nigerian heads of state, Obasanjo and Buhari, had their “training” for this propensity during their tenures as military dictators. As a matter of fact, the single most pernicious military decree on this phenomenon – the dreaded Decree No 2 of 1984 – was promulgated by Buhari as military ruler. Infamously, the decree called for indefinite detention for any acts intended to cause embarrassment or disrepute to the government, regardless of whether the allegations are true or false!

    Wole Soyinka has stated, perceptively and clamantly, that the government’s kneejerk response to Sowore’s call for massive protests is indicative of the increasing paranoia of the Buhari administration. As if to give proof to this declaration of Soyinka, one of the alleged offenses for which Sowore is to be charged is insulting the President and seeking to foment disrespect and hatred of Buhari: echoes of Decree No 2 of 1984! There is a big unintended irony here because, as I stated at the beginning of this piece, Buhari as both a military person and a civilian citizen has been an avid, passionate user of the tactics and strategy of civil disobedience in pursuit of his ambitions and goals. As a matter of fact, of all the 13 executive heads of state we have had in Nigeria since independence in 1960, none has been more of a practitioner of civil (and uncivil) disobedience than Mohammadu Buhari! Permit me to briefly provide a fact-based illustration of this declaration.

    Fact: Of all the military coups carried out by executive heads of state in this county, only Buhari’s coup of December 1983 against the government of the late Shehu Shagari was against an elected government. All the other coups by executive heads of state were “soldier come; soldier go” coups against other military autocracies. The coup led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu was also against an elected civilian government, but as it only partially succeeded and neither Nzeogwu nor any of his fellow coup-makers became head of state, this is different from Buhari’s successful coup against Shagari. I neither condemn nor endorse Buhari’s coup against Shagari’s government. I am merely drawing attention to its uniqueness among all other military coups in Nigeria because of the element of paranoia that has been such a prominent feature of the rule of the President as both a military and civilian head of state.

    Fact: In 2015, close to the presidential elections of that year that he eventually won, Buhari made his infamous statement of militant, chiliastic civil disobedience in which he stated, inter alia, that the “dog and the baboon will be soaked in blood”. Even the diehard defenders of the President have found it difficult to explain and/or justify the taint of bloodshed as means or ends of resistance to rigging in that statement. But that is Buhari for you, at least before he acceded to rulership for the second time: forget the courts, forget election tribunals, forget appeals to the international community; there will be blood, there will be fire if the elections are rigged. Looking back now to the declaration and its context in 2015, I remember that nobody took this declaration by Buhari as an empty threat, least of all the government of Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan and his political party, the PDP. I think Jonathan was shaken by the declaration and shocked into inaction about it primarily because he thought that he could not be sure of the readiness of the security forces of the state under his control to overwhelm or even match the bloodiness promised in “the dog and the baboon will be soaked in blood” speech. For his part, Buhari, I think, sees every potential challenge to his rule in the shadow of that speech, especially if he deems such challenges or threats as potentially or actually popular.

    Think about this, compatriots. Sowore and #RevolutionNow, together with their supporters, are numbered in dozens and at most hundreds, not thousands and definitely not millions. But they could grow into millions and multiple of millions, given the state of affairs in the country, especially with the overwhelming majority of our peoples. This is the cause of the fear and the paranoia behind the government’s decision to keep Sowore locked up and deprived of his freedom – while he is awaiting trial. Incidentally, the great majority of those detained in Nigeria’s prisons while awaiting trial are poor and powerless Nigerians, the very class of people on behalf of whom Sowore and #RevolutionNow are struggling. This is the reason why in this piece I have linked the call for Sowore’s release from detention to the call also for the release of all persons in Nigerian jails awaiting trial in the law courts.

    Any Nigerian who is not rich, not influential and is without connections to those in power is a potential member of the hundreds of thousands of those in prison while awaiting trial. All it will take to join the ranks of these damned and wretched of the land is for a person to be arrested on a fateful day, rightfully or wrongfully, for a criminal offense. The elite, the educated, the famous and influential can also be forcibly thrown in this throng. All that is needed is for you, like Sowore, to insist that you and others will march and protest and demonstrate against the injustices in the land without asking or waiting for the permission of the state to do so in a tradition of moral and altruistic citizenship known all over the world as – civil disobedience. The continued detention of Sowore is intended to discourage, indeed to criminalize civil disobedience by making Sowore a warning to others who may inspired by him and the acts of #RevolutionNow. I do not think that in the long run the government will succeed in this calculation. But that is an issue that only time and history will tell. Right now, we must insist that Sowore must be freed immediately and be allowed to face his trial not as a detained prisoner.

    In the late Festus Iyayi’s collection of short stories titled Awaiting Court Martial, we find many tales evoking and protesting the harrowing emotional, spiritual and ethical landscapes in which not only those literally awaiting trials are in limbo but the whole nation as well. Fear and paranoia are everywhere, among the people and definitely in the innermost recesses of the government. In one story titled “When they came for Akika Lamidi”, the journalist for whom the security police have come in the middle of the night thinks at first that it is armed robbers knocking on his door and trying to beak it down. He soon finds that it is the secret police. And then he discovers that they are like armed robbers in their mercilessness, only a hundred times worse. They have come now for Sowore. They will not come for you but that is only if you give up your rights and obligations as a human being and a citizen.

    • Biodun Jeyifo         bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu         
  • Crime as rationale for xenophobia and hysteria against Nigerians – South Africa and beyond

    Most Nigerians have neve seen and will probably never see the 2009 South African-made film. “District 9”. A sci-fi fantasy thriller that was immensely successful at home and abroad, the film depicts a South Africa invaded by two alien groups, one comprised of Nigerians and the other of giant prawn-like extraterrestrial beings from outer space. The ugly, misshapen and menacing aliens from outer space have their abode in a huge spacecraft hovering over Johannesburg. The other alien group, the “Nigerians” are quartered in a crime-ridden, drug-infested area of the city over which they exercise uncontested but severely confined control. Their leader is a hoodlum whose name is – Obasanjo! Remember this, dear reader: in the period when the film was written, shot, and edited before being released in 2009, Olusegun Obasanjo was the president of Nigeria. And given the fact that “District 9” adopted a pseudo-documentary narrative style, its allusion to Nigeria as an object of its devastating negative critique is unmistakable.

    It was bracing for me to watch “District 9” when it was released to wide critical acclaim and huge commercial success. For this reason, I have never watched the film a second time. Its critical and commercial success is based on the fact that whatever I or any Nigerian may say about it, it is a very entertaining film. The naïve, anti-heroic “hero” of the film is an ordinary, likable guy who tries to understand and bond with the menacing aliens from outer space. As a matter of fact, in the course of the film he gradually metamorphoses into one of them after he is accidentally bitten by one of the aliens. And it turns out that the extraterrestrial aliens come from a civilization that is far in advance of our own earthly civilization. At any rate, the prawn-like aliens manage to repair their damaged spaceship and at the end of the film depart from Joburg, from our planet, leaving us to our phobias, our inanities, our fears and hatred of the “other”. Everyone is relieved to see them leave.

    But not “Obasanjo” and the “Nigerians”! They want the aliens handed over to them to be killed and consumed in the atavistic belief that the aliens’ power will be ritualistically transferred to them. This is beside the fact that the aliens are, after all, giant prawns – what do you do with prawns? This is the ultimate coup de grace in the film’s racist and xenophobic assault on Nigerians and black people: as the whole world marvels at the advanced civilization of the aliens, all the “Nigerians” care about is a cannibalistic ritual transfer of the aliens’ knowledge and power to them. This brings to my mind a forgotten or little-known fact about Olusegun Obasanjo. What is this fact?

    Well, at the height of the armed struggle phase of the continent-wide anti-apartheid movement, Obasanjo, the real Obasanjo, our own Obasanjo, once infamously boasted that with a single battalion-strength force of the Nigerian army, he could invade South Africa and conquer the whole of the army, air force and navy of the apartheid regime because he had the charms and the supernatural fortifications to effect such a victory. It is tempting to see the director and writer of the screenplay of “District 9”, Neill Blomkamp, going back to this story of our Obasanjo for inspiration in the depiction of the “Obasanjo” of his film who wants to cannibalize the aliens in order to absorb their power into his person. Of course, far beyond the real and/or fictional Obasanjo, “District 9” gestures toward and recycles enduring apartheid myths of black African primitivism and savagery. The film’s “success” in this regard was to have successfully displaced to “Nigerians” the inferior and savage “otherness” which had been directed at black South Africans for centuries but which could no longer be continued openly in the post-apartheid era. In other words, “District 9” found in the xenophobia and hysteria against Nigerians in South Africa the means through which it could make black and white South Africans “comfortable” with an open, even blatant display of residual aspects of apartheid-era anti-black racism. Crime or, more generally, criminality, is the foundation of the enabling xenophobia and hysteria. And indeed, “District 9” is stunning in its assumption that all South Africans, black and white, could be counted upon to accept that “Obasanjo” and the criminal gang of “Nigerians” in the film constitute an accurate reflection of widely held perceptions of Nigeria and Nigerians in South Africa.

    We must brace ourselves, compatriots, to confront this terribly confounding idea that the crimes and criminality of some Nigerians in many countries and regions of the world come from and are lodged in Nigeria itself. Let us not make light of this fact: in the recent xenophobic hysteria in South Africa against virtually all the nationals of other African countries, Nigeria was singled out and the basis for this was the alleged dominance of the criminality of Nigerians over that of all the other national groups combined. The assumption behind this belief or perception is that the alleged Nigerian exceptionalism in criminality could have come from nowhere but Nigeria itself.

    We must of course completely refute and reject this idea. This is because no matter how seemingly ‘true” the idea may be, it amounts to nothing more than the literal observation that since Nigerians come from Nigeria – and can only come from Nigeria – the crimes and criminality they might manifest in other parts of the world come from Nigeria. But this is ridiculous and it is tautological. Does the altruism, the brilliance in the arts, sciences or technology that many Nigerians show in many parts of the world also come from and are lodged in Nigeria itself? What is peculiar about crime in general and the criminality of Nigerians abroad that so many people, including Nigerians themselves, trace its origin, its essentiality to Nigeria itself? That is the nature of the problem that we face in this issue, compatriots. When Nigerian criminals abroad are deported back to Nigeria – as has happened on countess occasions – that is the imputed belief: go back to where you brought your criminal propensities and acts!

    No single event is more indicative of this issue than that of the notorious CNN “60 Minutes” broadcast about two decades ago on corruption by Nigerians and in Nigeria. Led by the late Mike Wallace, the “60 Minutes” crew came to Nigeria and with hidden cameras and microphones recorded high public officials demanding and receiving bribes from members of the crew. In the most astonishing episode of all, the broadcast showed Mike Wallace, a white Jewish American, paying for and receiving a Nigerian passport which stated that his state of origin was Ekiti State! One secretly recorded episode took place at the Head Office of the Central Bank, then still in Lagos; it showed Wallace bargaining with an official of the bank on how much a transaction involving forex would cost the American and his putative Nigerian principals. The official involved was apparently so secure in his nefarious practices and so complacent in his belief that he could and would never be caught that he divulged to Wallace all the means by which the American could obtain clearance or certification for any deal he wanted to make in the country, no matter how illegal and improbable it was. Indeed, it was from this experience of the secret filming of Nigerian criminality at home, official and non-official, that Wallace later made his infamous declaration that Nigeria was the most corrupt country in the world. Unfortunately for him, Wallace made the declaration while doing an interview with Minister Louis Farrakhan of the Nation of Islam who was so outraged by that declaration that he countered that not Nigeria but America was the most corrupt nation on the planet. Kudos to Minister Farrakhan, but alas, many Nigerians too think, like the late Mike Wallace, that their country is the most corrupt country in the world. And if that is the case, can you blame South Africans for thinking the same thing?

    My response to this question is unequivocal: yes, you must blame South Africans, you must blame Americans, you must blame Filipinos, and you must blame Nigerians themselves who think that Nigeria is the most corrupt country in the world. There is simply no such country in the world where corruption and/or criminality is at its unquestionable highest. Yes, Nigeria is one of the most corrupt countries in the world. But so is South Africa and the USA and Brazil and Afghanistan and many countries in Africa and Latin America! Right now, at this very moment in time, which country in the world is close to the level of corruption of great impunity that it tolerates in its leader and head of state as Donald Trump’s America? And beside Trump himself, what of the uncountable cases of corporate greed and corruption in the US? This is well-known and no one has ever used it to stir up hysteria and xenophobia against Americans as Americans the way Nigerians, simply for being Nigerians, have been targeted with hysteria and xenophobia in South Africa and other places in the world.

    This last observation brings me to my closing reflections in this piece which pertains to benign and even humorous forms of hysteria and xenophobia against Nigerians and their presumed national penchant for corruption and venality. The aforementioned “District 9” is a vintage example of this kind of “benign” hysteria against Nigeria. This is because while no physical violence and no forceful expulsion are urged against “Obasanjo” and the “Nigerian” criminals in the film, they are nonetheless consistently depicted as objects of absurdity and derision. The same principle or logic applies to the profiles of Nigerian criminality in American television, radio, newspapers and social media: the depiction is so full of real or feigned surprise at the temerity of Nigerian fraudsters and scammers that you begin to think that there is a secret admiration for the criminals! On many occasions, I have heard jokes on Nigerian “419” and other online or Internet scams by standup comics and even the iconic “Saturday Night Live” of the NBC. Indeed, so widespread is this phenomenon that one colleague at Harvard once asked me why, since Nigerians were apparently so “clever” they did not apply that “cleverness” to other things? My response to him? I said: “you mean you have not noticed that at Harvard and other Ivy-league universities and their public counterparts second-generation Nigerian Americans are second only to Asian Americans in performance and achievement?”

    In the early 1970s when I was a graduate student at New York University, there were many other Nigerian students at NYU itself and other universities in New York and around the country. We were very noticeable too then as a high-performing national group among other nationals from the African continent and other parts of the developing world. “419” and other infamous frauds and scams were nowhere yet in sight. Thus, our achievements did not have to be measured and balanced against the dubious “cleverness” of fraudsters. Criminality is not an essential or permanent aspect of Nigerianness. This era of the PDP-APC kleptocratic predatoriness shall pass. Ergo: Nigeria will not always be one of the most corrupt places in the world. For those who would use the facts and the perceptions of Nigerian criminality at home and abroad – be they Nigerians and/or Non-Nigerians – as the measure of the country’s essence, we must say a resounding “No’! In other words, take away the excuse, the rationale of criminality and xenophobic hysteria will have no legs on which to stand – in South Africa and other parts of the world. If you ever get to watch “District 9”, keep these admonitions in mind, compatriot.

    • Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Different times, different strokes? – Reinventing the golden age of Nigeria-South Africa fraternity

    [For Sam Nolutshungu and Richard Joseph; Mbulelo Mzamane and Kole Omotoso]

    I forget now which happened first, the wildly successful countrywide tour of Nigeria of the famous South African musical, “Ipi Tombi” or my staging of  the South African play, Sizwe Bansi Is Dead, by Athol Fugard, Winston Ntshona and John Kane. Both took place in 1976. If “Ipi Tombi” went on that tour of major Nigerian cities first, then my staging of Sizwe Bansi Is Dead, first at the Arts Theatre of the University of Ibadan and later at the National Theatre in Lagos, was provoked by the success of the South African musical across the Nigerian cultural landscape. However, if it is the case that my staging of the play by Fugard, Ntshona and Kane came first, then its own success led me to join a great campaign for the boycott of “Ipi Tombi”. Whatever may have been the chronological sequence between these two South African theatrical events on the Nigerian stage in 1976, one thing was clear in my mind at the time: I wanted the Nigerian theatre audiences in particular and the Nigeria press and its readers in general to see and appreciate the great difference between “Ipi Tombi” and Sizwe Bansi Is Dead as reflections of life for black people under apartheid.

    The two theatrical pieces had similar plots: a black man moves from the rural village to the city, from the Bantustan to Joburg; there he finds life so tough that he must either go back to the village or find the wit and the means to survive in the harsh realities of life. But that is about all that is common between these two plays. This is because, while “Ipi Tombi” is stunning in its use of music, dance, costume and spectacle to display the wealth of South African performance arts and culture, it is thinly disguised in its romanticization of black life in the Bantustans and its trivialization of the terrifying struggles of black people in cities like Johannesburg under apartheid. As a matter of fact, at a time when most of the important works of black and white South African writers and artist opposed to apartheid were banned inside the country, the apartheid regime gave full support to the Nigerian and worldwide tours of “Ipi Tombi” – precisely because the show gave such a prettified view of black life under apartheid. In contrast to this, Sizwe Bansi Is Dead, is a powerful theatrical use of a small cast, little or no stage scenery, humor, wit and pathos to show black people struggling against all the odds mounted against them by apartheid to survive with their humanity and dignity intact.

    Which is why, we waged a fierce boycott campaign against “Ipi Tombi”. By “we” here I am referring to literary and cultural progressives and the Left. Demonstrations wherever the show went; newspaper articles and announcements; talks on radio and television; intensive lobby of the federal government to send the “Ipi Tombi” troupe out of the country. We tried everything we could but failed to stop the show in its triumphant journey through Nigeria which then led to its equally triumphant journey to theatres in Europe and North America. It was in this context that my staging of Sizwe Bansi Is Dead took place, either before or after “Ipi Tombi”, I do not now remember. Of course, I do remember that while my production of the play did not remotely approach the popularity of “Ipi Tombi”, it was so successful in its opening run at the Arts Theatre in UI, that it was given an extended run there and was then taken to the National Theatre in Lagos at the request of the federal government. And there, it played to full houses for two weeks, with Jimi Solanke and the late Wale Ogunyemi, in superb performances of the two-man cast of the play.

    I state again that this all took place in 1976. Now, apartheid came to an end 18 years later in 1994. That seems now to have been not such a long time. However, in 1976 and indeed throughout most of the 1980s, apartheid seemed so invincible, so sure of its durability that even its most determined opponents at home and abroad did not expect that the end of the regime would come so swiftly when it did. At any rate, let us just say that in 1976, the year of “Ipi Tombi” and Sizwe Bansi Is Dead in Nigeria, apartheid cast a very long shadow over the African continent and the world.

    I mean, think of this: in spite of the fact that Nigeria was the most supportive country on the continent in the struggles of black South Africans against their usurper and oppressor regime, the South African establishment still managed to bring “Ipi Tombi” to our country and from here launch its global triumphal march. But behind every shadow there is a thing, a reality. That reality in 1976 was this: South Africa and black South Africans were on the minds of most Nigerians; indeed, they were here in numbers and quality that no other country on the continent and few others in the world could match. Please take note that I say that black South Africans were here in numbers and in quality where “quality” refers to high educational and cultural achievement, political idealism and ethical solidarity with the downtrodden of Africa and the whole world.

    Much has been written on how, despite the great contribution that Nigeria and Nigerians made to the struggles of South Africans against apartheid, post-apartheid South Africa has not been particularly welcoming to Nigerians. Incontestably, there is some truth in this bitter sentiment. But there is a lot that is left unsaid or unacknowledged in the sentiment. Yes, Nigeria was not only extraordinarily generous in its financial and material support of the anti-apartheid struggles but it also provided a haven, a home away from home for many South African political leaders, youth activists, students, academics and writers. Yes, that is true. But something else is true that is rarely, if ever acknowledged: intellectually and culturally, Nigeria in 1976 and throughout most of the early to mid-1980s was quite easily the most cosmopolitan country in the African continent and South African academics, writers and intellectuals in Nigeria constituted a vibrant part of that cosmopolitanism. I know: cosmopolitanism is a big word. In place of this word, think of the awareness, the consciousness that you/we live in a world in which others live and if that is so, it is best for us all to live by claiming our shared humanity in spite of, indeed because of our differences. That is what cosmopolitanism connotes, especially if and when it is carefully and sensitively cultivated, taught and embraced as a lived reality of individual and collective life.

    Without Sam Nolutshungu, one of the persons to whom this essay I dedicated, I couldn’t have staged Sizwe Bansi Is Dead as successfully as I did in 1976. He was a brilliant black South African political scientist who was a member of the late Essien Udoh’s political science department at UI. I could say that he helped me and my actors, Jimi Solanke and Wale Ogunyemi, with the pronunciation of names and locales in the play, as well as the background or context in which to place the situations and conflicts of the play. This would be correct; but it would be limiting what I owed Sam in my staging of the play to the function of a “native informant”. The truth is that while talking about Sizwe Bansi Is Dead, Sam Nolutshungu and I discussed endlessly about literature, politics, philosophy, Marxism, Post-Marxism. In effect, this means that all our discussions around Sizwe Bansi Is Dead were located in a broader intellectual framework in which, without losing its specificity, the struggle against apartheid was indissociable from the struggle against racism and imperialism everywhere on the planet. Allow me to express this thought in the figure of centers and peripheries: we were both Africans, one Nigerian, the other South African. But we did not think we were speaking from the periphery of a global order to a center located elsewhere; rather, we felt every bit as empowered to speak to or about any place, any condition on our planet. That is the consciousness I am talking about. All the others to whom this piece is dedicated – Richard Joseph, Mbulelo Mzamane and Kole Omotoso – were part of that consciousness, particularly in its imbrication at the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences in UI in 1976, but also at other university campuses in the country like OAU-Ife (then simply University of Ife), ABU-Zaria and UNN, Nsukka.

    In his recently published book, Morning By Morning, that I reviewed in the pages of this column, Professor Emeritus Ayo Banjo makes an absolutely crucial point almost in an offhand manner, a point that is very pertinent to my reflections in this piece. What is this point? It is this: today, there are almost no foreign students and scholars to be seen in Nigerian universities. This is in very sharp contrast with what obtained in the 1960s, 70s and part of the 80s when there were many foreigners as lecturers and as students in the first-generation Nigerian universities. Lest this be taken as looking for validation, for approval and condescension from the outside world as a precondition for being regarded as “true” universities, Professor Banjo takes care in the book to show that this has always been the intellectual character of most universities everywhere in the world in the course of the near two thousand-year history of the university: they attract scholars from near and wide as a precondition of their insulation from narrow provincialism and cultural and intellectual inbreeding.

    The presence of Sam Nolutshungu, of Richard Joseph and of Mbulelo Mzamane and dozens of other African and Caribbean intellectuals in Nigerian universities in the 70s testifies to this fact, this consciousness. Remember: in 1976, they were all young and energetic; and none had risen to the prominence they went on to achieve about a decade later. As a matter of fact, Nolutshungu and Mzamane are gone now, as are many other South African writers and academics who came here as part of that “season of migration to the north”.  And here I remember the many South African undergraduates and post-graduate students that I taught at Ibadan and Ife, wondering where they are now and what they are thinking and feeling in this season of xenophobia.

    And of course, there is Kole Omotoso among the persons to whom I dedicate this piece. Kole it was who wrote the bitter, incendiary non-fiction work, Season of Migration to the South, an account of the conditions that prompted him to relocate to South Africa in the late 1980s, together with the ambiguities in his experience of the re/dislocation. Kole now more or less makes his habitation in both Nigeria and South Africa, in what appears to be a case of lived and embodied cosmopolitanism. In a way, his situation, it seems to me, offers us the most challenging difficulties posed to cosmopolitanism by political regimes and economic realities in South Africa and Nigeria that breed xenophobia, ethnocentrism and philistinism as preconditions for the maintenance of two of the world’s most unjust and exploitative societies. In other words, if anyone can tell us what it feels like, what it takes to experience xenophobia first-hand in countries that once had a golden age of Pan-African fraternity, Kole Omotoso is that person, Yes, there are scores of other Nigerian academics and writers living in South Africa who must have a lot to tell us, but most of them did not live through and experience that golden age.

    Different times, different strokes? Only partly so. We cannot, we must not resign ourselves to the thought that the deep and sustaining fraternity that once existed between these two giant national economies and polities of the African continent was a historical aberration. Long before the political and diplomatic establishments of the two countries create the ground for a resolution of the challenges, the writers, the academics, the thinkers must get to work.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • How many gigabytes are in one terabyte? And why depend on a default app when you can go directly through the website?

    There are roughly 1000 gigabytes in one terabyte. As for the other question in the title of this piece – why depend on a default app when you can go directly to your emails through a website – the answer is even more undramatic: it is much better to go into a house through a door, not through a window, no matter how wide and easy it is to enter through a window.

    What is all this about? Well, it is about some lessons that I learnt last week about the operations of email accounts, the Internet and laptop computers, lessons that I found to be astonishing metaphors for life itself. Here, in a nutshell, is the experience and the lesson: my laptop and my email account are so huge in my daily life and yet until both failed me unexpectedly last week, I did not know and did not care to find out the most elementary but basic facts about how they operate.

    After reflecting on this, I found out that I, indeed we all live in a technological civilization whose benefits we enjoy and cannot do without, even though we know little or next to nothing about how it works for us. To put this in terms of the title of this piece, until this past week, though I instinctively knew the answer to the question, I had never asked myself how many gigabytes are in a terabyte and why using a website is better than using a default app to get to my email account. Permit me to share the experience with you, compatriots, especially as it happened in the course of my writing and forwarding last week’s piece in this column to my editor. But there is a caveat here: readers who are not familiar with computers and the Internet will find much of what I will write here rather “mysterious” while many of those who have that familiarity will be astonished. So be it!

    Last week, I wrote the column on my sickbed. This was not in a hospital but in my apartment in Cambridge, MA. As this has happened a few times before in the past, there was nothing new here. Except that this time around, at the last stage of finishing the article and sending it to my editor, my email account in particular and my laptop in general began to malfunction widely; in technical lingo, this means its malfunction was system-wide. First, the file in which I was writing the article kept breaking down and warning me that there was not enough space in which to make usual and incremental saves of changes I was necessarily making as I was writing the article. Nothing complicated in that because all that I needed to do was free up memory space occupied by files I no longer needed. So, I duly went ahead and deleted many files, certain that this would give me more than the memory space I needed. But surprisingly, this failed to stop the alerts I was getting that there was no space in the disk to save changes I was making to the piece I was writing. This was both alarming and confounding!

    You free occupied memory space in the computer’s hard drive by deleting the files of 20 pieces of writing that you no longer needed in order to get space for one single article and yet the computer continues to send alerts to you that there is no space with which to make changes to the piece you are writing. It is like clearing your study or your writing table of a lot of old and no longer needed booklets, tracts, pamphlets and files only to find that you do not have space for one or two new books in the study or on the table. This is both an ontological impossibility and a logical improbability. But in the universe of virtuality that is the world of laptop computers and the Internet, this happened. Clearly, something was wrong, very wrong. And remember, this was a couple of hours to the deadline for sending my article to my editor. Remember too, dear reader, that I was writing on my sickbed. Fortunately, I knew what to do as a sort of temporary resolution of this strange “disease” or impasse. What was this? A USB diskette whose main use or function is to increase or augment the memory space of a computer’s hard drive.

    Well then, on the extra memory space provided by that USB diskette, I successfully completed writing the article, with all the changes and corrections saved. I heaved a great sigh of relief because I still had about forty-five minutes to the deadline for sending my article. Normally, it takes about thirty seconds to a minute to carry out that operation. Except that on this day among all the days in which I had been writing and forwarding both academic and non-academic, journalistic and non-journalistic articles on this same laptop computer, the email system refused to “obey” all my commands, all my prompts. In consternation, I closed down the computer in the hope that all I had to do was to reopen and reboot it and all would be well. But when I reopened and rebooted the computer and got back to my email account, things had become infinitely worse and more confounding.

    First, while some emails opened easily, some did not or did so after a very long time. Secondly, when I clicked on the “New Mail” folder through which I had to send my article to my editor, I found out that all my efforts to send the article were abortive. Finally, the whole email system froze up, first by sending out the warning “Not Responding” and following closely on the heels of that warning by disappearing completely from my laptop computer screen. “Not Responding” I knew very well and had encountered several times in the past. But complete disappearance of my emails from the screen I had never seen and consequently knew nothing at all about how I might fix the problem – within the short time left in which to send my article within the stipulated deadline.

    Well, when your car’s engine is stalled and the car refuses to move an inch while you are on the Lagos-Ibadan expressway close to nighttime, what do you do? This happened to me once in the past, sometime in the early 1980s. With that memory, I did last week with my “stalled” laptop computer what I had done with my disobliging car three decades ago – I abandoned it and looked for “salvation” from any other car on the road that evening that would come along and take me away from that danger zone on the expressway.

    In other words, in the present case last week, I abandoned my laptop, made for my car, drove quickly from my house to the Widener Library at Harvard and used one of the public-access laptops to get into my email account and send my article to the editor, with a few minutes to spare in relation to the deadline. It did not fail to occur to me that if I had been somewhere else where I could not have found a temporary replacement for my laptop, I would not have been able to send the article. As for all this happening when I was on a sickbed, I put it to happenstance, the great clutch factor in life’s both eventful and uneventful move between ebb and flow, that is until the day life itself comes to an end. This, of course, was not the essential lesson that I learnt about computers, the Internet and life last week.

    Earlier in this piece, I revealed what this lesson was. Let me now both repeat and comment on it. My daily life, my work and a great part of my social existence and networks are all conducted through my email account on the Internet via both the hardware and the software of my laptop computer. This column, together with the immense opportunity that it affords me to be in touch with thousands of my compatriots at home an abroad in the world, is made possible by this email-and-laptop connection. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that it is a sort of cultural and intellectual lifeline. And yet, in spite of this enormously significant factor, up till last week, I had taken it all for granted. Especially, I had taken for granted the fact that beyond very elementary facts, I knew little about how laptop computers work to keep email accounts and the Internet functioning. How exactly did I come to this understanding? Interesting little story here!

    I took my laptop to a Walk-In computer laboratory at Harvard and the first thing the attendant I saw asked me was if I was sure that I had really, really deleted all the files I claimed that I had deleted. Of course, I said yes. But lo and behold, when he checked the “Recycle Bin” in the “Desktop” of the computer screen, all the supposedly deleted files were there. He didn’t have to tell me what this meant – until you have emptied the “Recycle Bin” of all its contents, you have not deleted anything. This is such an elementary knowledge that I was very embarrassed that the attendant had to point it out to me. I couldn’t tell him that I had forgotten or ignored that information or knowledge because I normally keep deleted items in the “Recycle Bin” for months and even years without emptying it – without anything happening. A big lesson here: for one reason or another, we all keep our trash, our old and unwanted things around and nothing happens until all of a sudden, they become a big embarrassment or threat to us, perhaps to our physical and psychological health.

    Equally very interesting is what I found out from the computer lab attendant about why my email account froze up and nothing I did could get it to unfreeze and work. This came from his question to me which happens to be the second question in the title of this piece: why depend on a default app when you can go directly through a website? I confess that as much as I use my email account and the Internet, I did not know of this basic fact that all users of email accounts ought to know. What is this basic fact? A default app is a device that allows you to get to an Internet service like an email account, Facebook, Twitter or Weather Report by clicking on an icon on your desktop. Now, this seems preferable to getting to the required Internet service through the website of the service, doesn’t it?

    Well, except that these default apps and their icons are more prone to invasion by hackers and Internet marauders than the websites. For this security threat, the default apps are sometimes blocked by the administrator of the provider of the email account. And this was what happened last week to me: for one reason or another, the administrator of my Internet and email access provider had come to sense a potential security breach through to the entire system through my email account. All I should have done is shut down the default app and used the website instead of abandoning my laptop and going to the public access computers at the library. Simple – but I did not know this, with all my decades of using the Internet and my email account on a daily basis!

    Am I in the company of millions, perhaps billions of people around the world who use the gadgets and devices of technological ultramodernity without really knowing the basic facts of why and how they operate? Without a doubt I am. Which is why, if you ask me now how many gigabytes are in a terabyte and how large of memory space on the computer hard drive a gigabyte or a terabyte is, I will tell you. This is just the beginning. In a few months from now, I will know enough to tell you as much as there is to know of the relationship between hardware and software in the operations of the computer and the Internet. Yes, we use electricity, cell phones, inverters, motor cars, airplanes and many other products and services of modernity about which we know little or nothing. But I draw the line at my computer and the Internet: I will get to know as much about it as I can!

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Too many languages, too many states, too many universities, too many churches?

    In his inimitable way, it was Chinua Achebe that once proposed the absurdity behind the series of questions that form the title of this piece. What did Achebe say? In the context of the debate on the language question in African literatures, he said some people were bemoaning the fact that we had too many languages in Africa; they were complaining that we should do something about this fact that of all the regions of the world, Africa has the largest number of languages. What are we to do in response to such complaints, Achebe asked? Do we abolish some of the languages? And so to those who say that we have too many states, too many universities and too many churches, should we adopt the Achebe irony or conundrum and say abolish some or most of these churches, universities and states! And while we are about it, remember, compatriot, that as the most populous nation on the African continent, indeed the nation with the largest number of black people in the world, we can also say that we have too many people? Abolish some or most of them?!

    I confess that the thoughts that set me on the path of the reflections in this piece began with the number of states that we have in Nigeria, this being 36. Compared with many other countries of the world in terms of population and land area, we clearly have too many states such that the number imposes an excessive burden on governance. We have a population of about 200 million with a land area of 356,667 square miles. In comparison, look at the stats for the following countries, all with land areas and populations vastly bigger than ours: China, population, 1.386 billion; land area, 3.705 square miles; number of states, 26. India, population, 1.353 billion; land area, 1.269 square miles; number of states, 29. Brazil, population, 211 million; land area, 3.288 million square miles; number of states, 14. USA, population, 327.2 million; land area, 3.797 square miles; states, 50. How in the world would a Chinese or an Indian, each from a country with a land area and a population more than 400 % that of Nigeria not wonder why we have 36 states when each of their countries, China and India, have only 26 and 29 states respectively? And Brazil, with a land area into which you could fit about six or seven “Nigeria” with only 14 states! Yes, you could argue that much of Brazil is the Amazon rain forest, but isn’t much of southern Nigeria also forestland and much of the north unpopulated savannah?

    The examples of China, India and Brazil go to the heart of my reflections in this piece because in each of these three cases, what we see very clearly is the fact that number, by itself, is not a curse but a challenge: you can either make the best of it or, conversely, make the worst of it. This is true whether you are talking of land area and population as administrative units, or of the number of languages spoken and written in a region of the world or, indeed, the number of universities that a country can sustain for the education of its peoples. I cannot and will not pronounce on number in relation to churches beyond suggesting that it would do our economy and politics a lot of good if we had as many factories – large-scale, medium and small-scale – as churches! The same thing applies to population, especially as Nigeria happens to have one of the fastest growing populations in the world. Nigerians in general seem excited and proud of the looming probability that in the next half a century, we might become one of the four or five most populous nations in the world. But for good reasons, there are Neo-Malthusians among us who have nothing but great fear and dread for that future in which every seventh or eighth human being will be a Nigerian. To them, at 200 million, we seem already overwhelmed by the numbers, especially of the youtth demographic; how in the world will we be able to cope with a billion plus?

    In case the real point I am making here is (still) unclear, let me now make it plain and simple, deliberately. Numbers and numerology, I am suggesting, should not, in and of themselves, either frighten us or gladden our hearts and stoke our national pride; rather, they should drive us towards greater rational planning for the present and the future on the basis of social justice, progress, security and peace. We might invoke here the historic example of childbearing and childrearing: at one stage in our history and the collective history of mankind, it was, all things considered, a very good thing to have as many children as possible. As a matter of fact, for most of my childhood and young adulthood and in every part of Nigeria, this was the collective wisdom: the number of children a family had was a window, an index on the future prosperity of the family. But gradually, have we not seen that ancient “wisdom” wane? However, at the same time and in other countries and regions of the world like Japan and Scandinavia, don’t we hear of concerns that population growth is falling behind the economic and social needs of the country?

    In this discussion, among all the cases mentioned and briefly discussed, no cases seem as pressing and also as confounding as the number of states in Nigeria (with calls still being made for the creation of more states) and the number of universities (with new federal and state universities still being created every year). If it will ever be possible to bring rational planning in furtherance of social justice and progress to the threat and/or the appeal of numbers in Nigeria, these two cases of number of states and number of universities should serve as pointers toward that goal since both cases seem the most pertinent to our opening Achebe conundrum: if you have too much of anything, do you simply get rid or abolish much or most of it? Let us briefly explore each case one after the other beginning with the number of states in the country’s political and administrative structure.

    Have we reached the number of states that we should have? If so, what do we say to those who are still clamoring for the creation of more states? If not, how shall we know that we have reached the adequate number of states when we achieve that goal? These questions are asked neither by those seeking the creation of more states nor those who are against the creation of any more states. The  reason for this is plain: nobody and no country in the world has devised the means by which to determine the number of states, the right number of relatively autonomous administrative units it can or should contain. In most of the nations of the world, it is by trial and error, by give and take and, above all else, by the application of rational planning that a number, a figure is chosen as the most adequate.

    And of course, the issue of the number of states that we should have in Nigeria is closely tied to the so-called national question which, in popular national discourse or parlance, is known as restructuring. In the context of this discussion, restructuring comes into play with the number of states in Nigeria precisely because every single state of the 36 that we now have is a mini-state, with an executive governor who is no less than a mini head of state, complete with all the material and symbolic appurtenances of power. Please remember, compatriots, that at one stage in the political history of this country, governors were ceremonial heads of their regions with no real power beyond whatever they could command as respect for their offices and persons. That is gone and the governors are now powers unto themselves. Some of them have the most exorbitant and decadent pension packages in the world. Thus restructuring, if it is to win more supporters to its cause, must break completely from the present linkage of state creation and number of states with the present system of mini heads of states known as executive governors. Permit me to put this across even more bluntly: let the governors be now known as regional administrators and take away all the trappings of pomp, majesty and decadence that we associate with them and you will see how the cause of restructuring will become immensely more popular. And why would this happen? It will happen because the colossal savings that would result from this kind of radical-democratic restructuring would be available to meet the presently denied needs and demands of the people.

    I hasten to add that I am not suggesting that merely by calling a governor an administrator we can achieve hitherto unheralded wonders. There is nothing in a name, a nomenclature; the substance is in the apparatus, the machinery of governance and administration. You can break Nigeria, the whole country, into administrative units around six or eight regional hubs. Again, let us emphasize that there is no magical number being suggested here, six or eight being expedient suggestions derived from the first two stages in the breakup of the old three regions, but without the military-autocratic project that transformed ceremonial governors to tin gods resplendent in the babariga that they traded for their uniforms. I repeat: it is not the number of states or administrative units that matters, it is the relationship of number to social justice and to the dignity of every single Nigerian, irrespective of religion, ethnicity and region.

    The configuration is a completely different when we come to the number of universities. We can learn much by comparing the number of universities with the number of churches. At one stage, it did seem as if the logic of university founding and creation in Nigeria was based on Enoch Adeboye’s famous call for a church to be built within the distance of five minutes of walking in all Nigerian cities and towns. But a hard break, a sharp halt has descended on the relentless formation of new private and/or denominational universities. Many are failing and some have folded up, succumbing to the law of the marketplace. There is reason to think that this will also apply to the federal and state-funded universities, many of which came into existence side by side with massive cutbacks in the public funding of our state-owned universities. Parents, proprietors, students, lecturers, professors, government, the elite as well as the mass of ordinary Nigerians in their millions, everyone now knows that number has nothing to do with qualitative and relevant education. This “knowledge” has, so far, produced a very negative, despairing effect, one of the most notable consequences being the sending of their children to Ghanaian universities by Nigerians, both those who can easily afford to do so and those who have to spend lifetime savings or dip deep into family heirlooms to do so. I suggest that there is a negative dialectic involved here, one in which out of such sad “knowledge” will come a movement for the rescue and the transformation of the institution of higher learning in our country.

    I confess that I feel a very strong impulse to conclude on an attitude to life that, as most of those who know me closely are very aware, has been a sort of guiding principle of my conduct and my life for at least the last four to five decades. That principle is this: less is more. For the number of states in Nigeria, I hold staunchly to this principle. But for the number of universities, I hold that more can and should be more if qualitative and relevant education is the goal – but with room for a bit of “irrelevant” education for those who demand it and will go to any length to find it!

    • Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

  • Trump as the “Chosen One” – Four Theses

    This week, Donald Trump’s megalomania reached a new high when he pronounced himself God’s representative on earth by declaring that he is the “Chosen One”.

    About a week ago, he had startled all Americans by declaring that he would not only be reelected in November 2020 but would go on to succeed himself after the constitutionally mandatory limit of two consecutive terms.

    Of course he did not indicate how he could and would achieve this unprecedented and unconstitutional feat: if you are Donald Trump, you have no need to explain to mere Americans, mere mortals, what destiny and your own transcendental uniqueness have in store for you. Which is why it was a logical and inevitable step for him to go further this week to declare himself as the Chosen One. Will he go on to the next step, the next level of declaring himself God’s equal and partner in directing the affairs of the planet and the universe? Don’t rule it out!

    This article is not about the inscrutable mind, ways and actions of Donald Trump. Indeed, it is about very measurable and scrutable politics of Trump, his allies and supporters in America and other parts of the world. Trump may seem so exceptional in his brand of megalomania that we think that we must quickly and usefully assimilate him to the tradition of the monstrous rulers of the past and the present. But while that is logically unexceptionable, we must go beyond that response to him to tease out aspects of his presidency of the most powerful nation in the world that we would be well advised to keep in mind. This is what I indicate in the following four theses.

    Thesis One: the alliance of big money and the resentment of the poor and the excluded

    Trump and his “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) movement is an alliance of the richest Americans and white Americans at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder. The poor and resentful whites are the stormtroopers, the foot soldiers, while the upper-class financiers, generals, corporate executives and real estate magnates to whom Trump has bestowed extraordinarily generous tax breaks are the collective mind and the planners of the Trump revolution. Though it is an uneasy alliance, all modern 20th and 21st century fascist movements have their demographic and emotional basis in this sort of alliance.

    It is an alliance of demographic segments of the population that seem to be natural enemies. What does an 8 dollars an hour kitchen maid in one of Trump’s hotels have in common with Trump, especially in light of the fact that Trump has a long history of cheating and mistreating his workers? And a coalminer in West Virginia on 12 dollars an hour, what common interest does he have with Wall Street financial brokers? The genius of Trump and the fascist movements of the past and the present is to find the glue that would cement the alliance between such seeming natural enemies.

    The glue is of course completely hidden and you will never find a single banker, general or corporate executive marching with the foot soldiers or proudly wearing MAGA caps. We might think here of a Nigerian equivalent, this being the rumours, the allegations of rich and powerful backers of Boko Haram. With very few exceptions, how many of them have ever been unmasked and identified with unassailable facts and evidence? The same thing applies to allegations of sponsorship of poor herders by rich herders in the tragic raids on the farmlands and livestock of the farming communities: the glue is hidden, the cement indissociable from the brick. In the American case, Trump marches with the poor and the resentful mostly among whites and wears a MAGA cap since, as a matter of fact, he designs, produces and markets MAGA caps. Of course this leaves out the poor and the resentful among non-whites who in fact become the target of the MAGA movement. Thus, at the heart of all fascist and neofascist movement including and especially Trump’s MAGA movement is a bitter war of segments of the poor and the resentful against one another. Whether he is the “Chosen One” or not, this is the fundamental structural foundation of Trump and his megalomania. In other words, his megalomania many seem bizarre and inscrutable but in actuality it is rationally scrutable.

    Thesis two: Trumpian neofascism as an interstate or global phenomenon

    Notably, the most consequential international fascist alliance of the 20th century was that between the so-called Axis Powers composed of Germany, Italy and Japan. Going by the number and spread of Trump’s far right allies around the world, it would seem that his neofascist “internationalism” is far more ambitious than that of Hitler and the Axis Powers. In Europe and far beyond in the developing world, everywhere that far right, militant conservative movements have risen, Trump has rushed in to lend his aggressive support. Some cases stand out: Viktor Orban and Jibbik Party in Hungary; Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil; Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines; and Nigel Farage in the UK. To this list could be added Vladimir Putin of Russia, not exactly a client of Trump as the others are, but a strong ally of Trump in the project of undermining or even destroying the foundations of liberal democracy and neoliberal globalism in Europe and the whole world. To the extent that even though he did not provide the spark that started all these right-wing nationalisms against foreigners, racial and ethnic minorities and internal currents of liberal and multicultural relations, Trump has become the most powerful and effective coordinator of their projects, to that extent is Trump the contemporary world’s greatest threat to international cooperation, multilateralism and peace.

    Let us express this development in contemporary global relations in concrete terms. After the end of the Second World War and the Cold War, with the exception of apartheid South Africa, racism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia and conservative, irredentist nationalism seemed to have been in decline everywhere in the world. But not anymore, thanks to this growing Trumpian alliance of far-right nationalisms in Europe and beyond. Thus, it is now common for leading politicians in many parts of the world to be openly and militantly racist and xenophobic as in Nigel Farage in the UK and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil or to advocate treatment of immigrants that are against international conventions and simple human decency. Moreover, conspiracy theories and so-called “fake news” abound and thrive as driving engines for these far-right nationalist movements, Donald Trump being the greatest purveyor of all for conspiracy theories and fake news. Trump is the “Chosen One”? Only if you think of the use of the combined power of American military, economic and cultural capital to direct our world toward the Armageddon that Trump is eager to foment as his preferred solution to the world’s myriad economic and social contradictions.

    Thesis three: neofascism and the birth of a new, 21st century global civil rights movement

    For every action there is a reaction and wherever you go, there you are! Against the fascist Axis Powers of the Second World War in the 20th century, there arose, dialectically, the Allied Powers comprising Britain, France, America, the Soviet Union and China. The two formations found their greatest consolidation both in the preparations for war and the actual prosecution of the war. Apparently, while war cannot be ruled out in the contemporary situation (except of course in highly localized regions and contexts), war is not the primary locus of the opposition between, on the one hand, Trump and his neofascist allies in Europe and beyond and, on the other hand, the forces and movements of global multiculturalism, liberal democracy, social democrats and post-capitalist humanism. Although the dust is yet to clear around the diverse forces and struggles forming against Trump and his allies at home and abroad, some patterns are beginning to emerge. Perhaps the most important or most “natural” is the alignment of forces between homelands and diasporas in many parts of the world, especially in Europe and North America. Let us take a close look at this particular development.

    It would seem that like all fascist and neofascist movements of the past and the present, Trump and his allies depend and thrive on driving wedges between indigenes and foreigners, citizens and migrants. But the world is old and both Europe and the Americas have historically been shaped by migrations and creations of diasporas everywhere on the planet. And in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the other continents and regions of the world have followed the European example of creation of diasporas, of immigrant communities around the world. And as a result, it is no loner possible to solidly demarcate “homelands” from other lands: everywhere and for everyone, there are powerful human and cultural ties to homelands and diasporas across the globe. Homelands will of course never completely disappear and neither will diasporas at some point in time cease to find new spaces of consolidation. The upshot of these long range and long-time developments is that the civil rights movements of the present and the future will be both internal and transnational, unlike the civil rights movement of the 2oth century that were mostly internal.

    Thesis four: Trumpian neofascism, climate change denial and the specter of planetary holocaust

    At their ideological and utilitarian roots, nearly all the fascist movements of the 20th century entailed a vision of unrestricted exploitation of not only natural resources but of nature itself: land, trees and plants, the oceans and waterways, mineral ores deep in earth’s core, the fishes of the seas and the birds of the skies. Human labour itself became a prime site of this exploitative war on nature and this in turn became a model for what could be done to the entire planet itself. In other words, if human beings could be worked to death and could then be discarded as if they were endlessly available for such unconscionable exploitation, what could stop us from doing the same thing to the whole planet? If you have seen mineworkers deathly sick from working for decades and across generations then you have seen an image of what will eventually happen to the mines themselves and the surrounding regions in which they are located. This recapitulation of the tenets of radical humanitarian environmental thought has become very urgent in the age of Donald Trump, the ultimate Anti-environmentalist and climate change denier.

    There are two major fronts of Trump’s apocalyptic anti-environmentalism: retreat or complete withdrawal from nearly all international treaties and conventions limiting the production of nuclear weapons of mass destruction; and retreat or outright withdrawal from all international obligations on reduction of carbon emissions. 19th and early 20th centuries capitalism did not have the benefit of knowledge that we now have about the limits logically and necessarily imposed on us by weapons of mass destruction and unlimited emission of carbon into the atmosphere. But to Trump and his allies that knowledge is either not admissible or can be rendered questionable by the counter “knowledge” that their own “scientists” can produce. The evidence is there, frightening and devastating in the extreme in such catastrophic events as Californian and Amazonian wildfires and coastlands laid to utter ruin by tsunamis and hurricane flooding. But Trump and his allies in America, Europe and the developing world reject the evidence. We are still here, are we not?

    The end of the world does not always mean the literal, physical end of the world. More complexly, it may mean the end of the world as we have known it, as it has sustained our humankind over the course of the relatively short span of time that we have exercised dominion over all the other forms of life on our planet. Trump as the “Chosen One”? Chosen to end the world as we have known it and as it has sustained us through an aeon of historical time, after which comes a humanoid, post-historical time?  How so prospectively good that anti-Trump and anti-anti-environmentalists are increasing and gathering momentum by the day, by the week, by the year.

    • Biodun Jeyifo, bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu
  • Beyond the life and times of meritocracy in Nigeria, what next? A postscript

    From the personal and email responses that I got from my review of Professor Emeritus Ayo Banjo’s autobiographical book, Morning by Morning, last week, one thing almost immediately became clear to me: meritocracy is not much discussed, let alone thought about in our country. Most of those who responded to me knew what the word or term meant, but only in a general sense, not as something that applies to Nigeria now or, indeed, in the past. This revelation took me by surprise if only because in my review of the book, I had assumed that at the very least, people of my generation and the generation(s) older than mine, would immediately connect with my assumption that at one time in this country, a meritocracy based on education, talent and achievement did exist. This is the assumption that I wish to explore in this postscript to last week’s piece in this column.

    For a start, think, compatriots, of a remark that I made central to my reflections on Morning by Morning. What was this? It is the observation that I had never before encountered in any other book the “parade” of meritocratic values and achievements as I did in the book. It is important to clarify what I mean by this observation. At its most comprehensive as a social phenomenon, meritocracy is government or the holding of power on the basis of education, skill and achievement rather than birth, wealth or class. But this particular definition does not exhaust the range of definitions and meanings in our term, This is because in much more flexible usages of the term, meritocracy also refers to very influential people who do not govern or exercise power directly.

    Britain is one of the best examples in the world of this looser form of meritocracy: for centuries now, the country’s public affairs have been dominated by people who went to the best schools, people who, on the basis of their education and talent, have more or less been preponderant in governmental administration, the armed forces, the Church, the Law and Education. The monarchy and the wealthy, these are the two groups or institutions that exercised real power over the centuries in Britain, the meritocracy playing second or even third fiddle to them, with enormous prestige of course but without control of the real levers of power. This is the tradition that serves as a model for the sort of meritocracy that is celebrated in Morning by Morning, specifically in the period between the early 1950s to the mid-1970s.

    But there is an important twist to the celebration. In Emeritus Professor Banjo’s account or “celebration”, the emphasis is on individuals, not the group. This may be because in the British experience of meritocracy, we are talking of centuries of evolution and consolidation, not the span of a few decades as in the Nigerian/African case that we encounter in Morning by Morning. Beyond this factor, I think that the real explanation of the difference from the British meritocratic order is the fact that Professor Banjo in his book is talking about individuals he personally met or knew about. These individuals went to the best schools in the country, had the best teachers and the best examination results and went on to influential positions in education, the clergy, law,   business, diplomacy and even the officer corps of the armed forces. But remarkably, the emphasis of the author is on the individual, every single one of them, not the consolidated weight of their collective identity as Nigeria’s own homegrown meritocratic order. This is why the term “meritocracy”, together with its adjectival form, “meritocratic”, never appears in the book. Let me rephrase this observation: though the word, “merit”, together with its cognate form, “excellence” appears many times in the book, there is not a single direct invocation of “meritocracy” in the book, none at all.

    Was I unfair to impute to the book a word, a term of great historical and social import that it never even mentions? I don’t think so. Indeed, I categorically deny this charge – which, by the way, none of those who responded to my review of the book levelled at me. But why bring up a charge that nobody has levelled at me? Is it to preempt possible future expression of this charge of unfairness? Again, my answer is no, I am not anticipating that somewhere down the line, someone will make the charge. Simply stated, this is my reason for bringing up this matter of unfairness: although the word used extensively and repeatedly in Morning by Morning is merit, meritocracy comes into play in the book because the author explicitly links the excellence of the best schools in the country, together with the excellence of the products of these schools (and the one university then in existence in the country) to the influential positions that they went on to occupy in all areas of public affairs in the country. In other words, though merit constitutes the center of narration and reflection in the book, meritocracy memorably enters into the discussion because the author, quite correctly in my view, implicitly links it to meritocracy. This is the issue that I wish to make the center of my discussion in this postscript to my review of the book. Incidentally, this is the idea behind the title that I gave to my review of Morning by Morning in last week’s column, “Merit without a meritocracy, can you have one without the other?”

    There was a time when the best secondary schools and the one university in Nigeria, University College, Ibadan (later the University of Ibadan) were the equal of the best schools and universities in the English-speaking world. But since that is gone now, how can we regain the excellence of those schools and that one university in some, if not all of our schools and universities? In an incredibly original and memorable manner, this is the question above all others that Morning by Morning sets itself, of course within the life story of the author. There are many books, monographs and articles that have taken up and expounded on this question. What sets Ayo Banjo’s book apart from all these other books and articles is his total and unwavering focus on excellence as the foundation, almost as an end in itself. There is also the matter of the link between excellence or merit in the education with influential positions in law, medicine, administration and other jobs in the elite professions. But this is secondary to the focus of this book on excellence and merit as the foundation. I confess that this was the point of my most powerful emotional identification with the book: once in my own life, at the University of Ibadan and under the tutelage of the author of this book and his fellow lecturers, I had myself thrilled to the experience of education of the intellect as an end in itself, with almost no thought of what I would do or where I would go with the training.

    You must train the intellect first, almost as an end in itself; if you do that successfully, you can go on to train the person in any subject or discipline that she or he wishes to take up as a profession or a specialization. That is the absolutely uncompromising stand of the author of Morning by Morning. I mean, by his own admission, he was going to read ancient Greek classics in language and literature for his university degree, knowing that of all the subjects in the humanities, this subject had the least justifiable rationale with any practical connection to a job, a profession beyond teaching Greek itself. The only reason he switched to English and linguistics was because it would have taken him five years instead of four to complete his education at his university, the ancient, famous and prestigious St Andrews in Glasgow, Scotland. Yes, the author would go on to become lecturer, professor, dean of arts and humanities and vice chancellor, but the foundation of it all was the sound training of the mind or the intellect, almost as an end in itself. I can add here, as I have done on other occasions and in other contexts, that as my teacher at UI, the author of Morning by Morning was central to my own experience at that university of the pursuit of learning, of knowledge as an end itself. This was as big, if not bigger, than my encounter with Marxism in graduate school in America, an experience that I usually recount as the biggest intellectual event in my attainment of intellectual adulthood.

    If you no longer have “best schools” that stand out from all other schools in the country, if no university now stands as the incontestable benchmark in quality and excellence as UI once did for all Nigerian universities, then of course it becomes difficult, if not merely nostalgic and even reactionary, to talk about the Igbobi Colleges, the Government Colleges, the Kings Colleges and Queens Colleges and Schools, the Christ Schools and the Ibadan Grammar  Schools of the past. And what of the tutorial system at UI, replaced by the course system barely three to four years after my set left in 1970? No one talks about it any longer; the deed is done, let the dead bury the dead!

    To all these, Morning by Morning says no; we must recover as much of these seemingly vanished institutions and practices of inculcating excellence and merit in our schools and universities, as many of them as feasible. Again and again in his book, Professor Emeritus Banjo observes that in other parts of the world, the traditions and practices that made UCI/UCI, together with the best secondary schools in Nigeria have outlasted a millennium of evolution and change. Thus, if our own experience of first-rate education in secondary and higher education lasted less than a century, is this not an aberration rather than a world-historical norm? In my years at Cornell and Harvard, this was a question I was forever wrestling with: why have excellent teaching and research lasted for centuries there when it lasted only for a few decades in my own country? Morning by Morning is, as far as I am aware, the first book-length exploration of this problem in the mode of a self-authorizing autobiography.

    Emeritus Professor Banjo characteristically chooses in his book not to name and perhaps thus shame the person responsible for one of the most controversial acts in the destruction of merit and meritocracy in the secondary school system of the then Western Nigeria by drastically reducing the funding and the infrastructural adequacy of the “best schools” in the region in order to make room for more students from poorer economic backgrounds. Everyone knows that it was Bola Ige, himself a product of one of such “best schools” and otherwise a lion of progressivism in politics and ideology. That act of the levelling of all schools downward, not upward or even laterally, marked for the author one of the fateful steps in the drastic reduction of quality in secondary school education in the region, an act crying to be undone And this is but only one of the many suggestions, many proposals to at the very least recreate oases of excellence and merit in the vastness of substandard and inferior education in our country today and far beyond into the foreseeable and unforeseeable future.

    What next beyond the short glory decades of excellent and meritorious education in our country? Morning by Morning has set the terms of the debate. Read the book and be instructed by the magisterial authority of its writer on this crucial subject.