Category: Biodun Jeyifo

  • Why I will continue to write this column – reflections on self-understanding and world-understanding at the edge of despair

    To thy tents, O Israel!
    The Christian Bible, 1 Kings, 12:16

    The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.
    Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach”

    For starters, because of the title of this piece, let me reassure the readers of this column that I have not been thinking of ending the column in the near future. But having said that, I must state that I belong to the group of columnists who believe that once a column, like any other thing in life, has outlived its pertinence or usefulness, its tenure ought not to be unduly prolonged. For there are ways of sensing or intuiting the moment when that happens. Here are some of them: it becomes more and more burdensome to write the column; the joy and/or excitement wears off; where topics for discussion were once uncountable, they become more and more difficult to find; more and more and more, old columns are republished to make up for the increasing difficulty of meeting the weekly deadline. None of this has happened in my experience of writing this column, now in its eleventh year if we factor in its beginnings in The Guardian before its migration to its present location in The Nation. If that is the case, why then the title of this piece? Permit me to give a rather extensive elaboration of the answer to this question.

    Since I work in the United States (at least until my phased voluntary retirement becomes effective in the first half of next year, 2019) and live both in the US and Nigeria, Donald Trump and Muhammadu Buhari, as president respectively of each of these two countries, could be said to be the presiding spirits of the despair indicated in the title of this piece. I have not misspoken; I mean exactly what I am saying here: unlucky are Americans and Nigerians to have each of these men as their country’s president at this moment in history! This is all the more disturbing given the fact that the imperial nature of the Nigerian presidency is closely modeled on both the style and the substance of the presidency of the Americans.

    I admit that it is somewhat unfair to compare Buhari with Trump, even if Buhari is, as the saying goes, dying to meet Trump in the White House at the end of this month. Indeed, with the possible exception of the mercurial, brutal and bloody-minded President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines, it is unfair to compare any other ruler in the world with the current American president. Trump is innately evil; Buhari is not. Trump is completely devoid of normal human decency and moral and psychological self-restraint; Buhari is not. However, like Trump, Buhari is a terrifying force of nation-wrecking divisiveness in the national body politic. On this all-important point, the only difference between the two men lies in the fact that for all of his adult life, Trump’s blatant, ignorant and aggressive political tribalism was never hidden while Buhari did everything to mask the same tendencies in himself. That is until, after three unsuccessful attempts to become an elected president, he finally succeeded in his fourth attempt in 2015 and then promptly began to reveal his hidden self or selves.

    But I digress. The presidencies of Trump and Buhari are not the central or even major points of departure for this piece. Trump and Buhari did not invent or initiate bitter, tragic and destructive divisiveness in the nations and regions of the contemporary world; they are symptoms of a malaise, a crisis that is really world-historical. Call it internationalism, globalism or cultural and/or religious ecumenism, the important thing to note is that until about a decade and half ago, the general trend in world affairs was to emphasize the things that unite us as members of the human community with a common or shared destiny. On our own continent, Pan Africanism waxed and waned, wax and waned but on the whole managed to survive the terrible reverses of the hopes of independence from colonialism and imperialism.

    However, at the present time, virtually all these traditions, legacies and experiences consolidating and celebrating the unity and solidarity of all the peoples and communities of our continent and our world lie smoldering in ruins while anti-globalist, irredentist and revanchist movements of both the Right and the Left (but mostly of the Right) are increasingly predominant in virtually all regions of the world. That is the heart of the matter and Buhari and Trump are embodiments, indeed avatars of this development, this negative dialectic. The difference between the two rulers on this score being Trump’s open and unapologetic embrace of the trend in comparison with Buhari’s devious, bad-faith incarnation of it.  How could I stop writing this column in the wake of this development that is at the heart not only of the political economy of the two countries in which I work and live but of most of the countries of the whole world?

    A “confession” is perhaps necessary at this point in the discussion. I came of age, biologically and ideologically, as an intellectual and political leftist. This was about five decades or half a century ago. In that period, to be a leftist was not only to be an internationalist, it was also to be to be a universalist. This was more necessarily the case if you were also a strong and determined partisan and supporter of the workers’ movement, as were virtually all the Leftists and progressives of my generation. But in the intervening years and decades, universalism in particular but also internationalism and ecumenism have come under devasting critiques from both the Left (poststructuralism and postmodernism) and the Right (the “culture wars” and the rejection of multiculturalism). As a result, instead of correcting and transforming the things that were reified and wrongheaded about abstract universalism, many Leftists and progressives abandoned it completely. I did not join – and have never joined – this group of former fellow-travelers. But I do “confess” that I did become somewhat defensive about my universalism, my internationalism. But not anymore, not in the age of Trump and Buhari! And this is why I will continue to write this column. Let me express this point in very concrete, very unmistakable terms, terms which, precisely because of their “universality” can be easily taken for granted, indeed are taken for granted a lot.

    Thus, if you say you care about the exploited of your own ethnic group, your own religion or your own region of the country, you cannot but care also about the exploited and downtrodden of all other groups of the country. And if you are a woman or man that has travelled across our continent and our world, you are a strange defender and champion of workers, the poor and the marginalized of your own group if you do not see connections between the conditions and aspirations of the working and non-working poor of diverse nations and regions of the world. This is because, like the value chain that links production with consumption and supply with demand, exploitation does not stop at the borders of ethnic groups, religious communities and regional economic and political aggregations; rather, it connects entire communities in chains that can be broken only if the links are identified and challenged. But the age of Trump and Buhari is here and these common truths are being buried in paroxysms of both aggressive and defensive irredentism. From both personal experience and historical circumstances, let me illustrate the point I am making here about this age of Trump in the countries of the global North and Buhari in the global South.

    Millions of IDP’s (Internally Displaced Persons) and refugees in all the continents and regions of the world, these are two of the most telling expressions of the world-historical malaise or crisis that I identify as the instigator of this piece. Since the horribly inhuman conditions that virtually all the IDP’s and refuges of the world endure are well-known, there is no reason for me to go over them in this discussion. But then, dear reader, think of the following proposition: outside of the officially declared refugee camps and temporary shelters for IDP’s, there are uncountable areas and spaces of our world that are like refugee camps and temporary shelters without the minimum of infrastructures and amenities necessary for dignified human habitation. Permit me to give an illustration of this point from direct personal experience.

    When I am in Nigeria (about four months in the year) I live in Oke-Bola, Ibadan. It would be stretching the figure of speech that we know as analogy to call my section of Oke-Bola a refugee camp, but all the same, the overcrowding of human beings; dwelling houses, bars and churches; working and permanently abandoned motor cars; and dozens of shops into a space that is much too small for all makes Oke-Bola seem and feel like a refugee camp. Quite often, it is through a trial of resolve and patience that I navigate my car into and out of the neighborhood. I have not done a statistical survey of the neighborhood, but my guess is that income per capita for the neighborhood is well under the official poverty line of 2 dollars per day.

    Apart from providing a personal dimension to the observations and reflections in this essay, Oke-Bola also serves as a sort of historic bellwether for the deeper ramifications of this piece. This is because, together with Oke-Ado, also in the city of Ibadan, it is perhaps unequaled in the successful integration of “indigenes” and “settlers” in the old Western Region of Nigeria, perhaps even in the whole of the country itself. Unquestionably, this historic fact ought to be celebrated. But alas, what does celebration alone provide to alleviate or reduce the suffering, the looted lives of the poor and the dispossessed of the neighborhood that constitute the overwhelming majority of its denizens? We are, it seems, caught on the horns of a dilemma: what is “integration” without jobs, without basic amenities and without security of life and possessions? You cannot complete the circle or the chain of the dilemma without also asking the following question: can we afford to so quickly and easily dismiss the claims, the necessity of “integration” given the fact that diversity exists at every single level of nature and sociality? Isn’t it the case that both biodiversity and social and political diversity exist at the smallest units of nature and society?

    To thy tents, O Israel! Devolution to the smallest units of patrilineal descent in a period of grave doubt and uncertainty indicated in this biblical quote sounds like an echo chamber throughout the contemporary world. The slogans, the manifestos are not always as stark and uncompromising as this biblical blueprint, but the emotion, the enunciative force is unmistakable. Progressive and sustaining diversity and multiculturalism must be won and protected from the ideological and systematic depredations of the Trumps and the Buharis of this world. But not at the expense of the universal truths of the values of truth and justice that characterize our species being as truly human and humanizing. I will continue to write this column as long as this proves to be a necessary task of the age we live in now. Can anyone who can see the end of this age step forward to tell us when it will come about?

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • We Are Close to 200 Million Now: Will Activist Anti-Malthusians Please Step Forward?

    I admit it: it is a very hard thing for any thinking Nigerian not to be, openly or secretly, knowingly or unknowingly, a Malthusian. And who or what is a Malthusian? Anyone who thinks or believes that the more population growth gets out of hand, the more poverty, unemployment, insecurity, war and disease we find in the given society. But that is only putting it at a grand, abstract scale. At the scale of ordinariness or “normality”, you’re a Malthusian if every time you pay attention to how your neighborhood seems all the time to be exploding with more and more people, the majority of them young, unemployed now and with little or no prospects for employment in the near or even distant future. More grimly, you’re a Malthusian if you blame and scapegoat the multitudes of the poor, the young who are unemployed, restless and driven to acts of criminality. You may also blame the “government”, the politicians, but deep down, your greatest worries and fears are reserved for the victims of the seemingly unending explosions in population growth, explosions that are not matched with expansion of physical infrastructures and social amenities. Dear readers, with this profile in mind, I ask you: how many covert or even overt “Malthusians” do you personally know? Are you perhaps one yourself?

    It is not difficult for me to reveal the thing that prompted these musings, these questions. This is because nearly everyone knows that this past week, the Chairman of our National Population Commission (NPC), Chief Eze Duruiheoma, broke the news that Nigeria’s population, at 198 million, was just 2 million shy of 200 million. What I do have to explain is why that breaking demographic news immediately sparked both Malthusian and Anti-Malthusian vistas in my mind. For this explanation, my basic observation is that without ever directly invoking either classical Malthusianism or any of its Neo-Malthusian reformulations, Chief Duruiheoma’s announcement was steeped through and through with Malthusian ideas and themes. This is what I wish to discuss in this piece. But first of all, what is Malthusianism?

    Simply put, Malthusianism in its classical form posited two propositions. Let’s take each of these propositions one at a time. The first proposition posits that throughout history, population growth tends to be geometrical or exponential while, in sharp contrast, expansion of food supply and social amenities tends to be arithmetical. Expressed more expansively, this contrast between “arithmetical” and “geometrical” growth ratios means that the die is cast against the expansion that is “arithmetical” since there is no way in the world that it can ever catch up with expansion that is “geometrical”. In plain language, Malthusianism holds that there will always be far more of us than we can ever hope to feed, clothe, shelter, employ and protect.

    The second proposition is equally grim, if not more so than the first proposition. Let me put it as succinctly as I can: with the “geometrical” ratios of population growth always and forever outflanking the “arithmetical” growth of food supplies and social amenities, war, famines, epidemic diseases, natural disasters and other man-made or natural calamities step in to level the gap between the “geometrical” and the “arithmetical”. In other words, as soon as human societies reach and exceed the optimum in population growth that the existing stock of food and amenities can support, all those calamities caused by nature and by humankind step in to wipe out the “excess population” and restore a balance between growth in population and growth in supplies and amenities.

    In fairness to Malthusians, we must of course acknowledge that they do not say that since, in their theory of population growth, far more people will always and forever tend to be born than existing food supplies and amenities can support, we should just fold our hands and accept things as the unchangeable effects of nature. No, they have proposed measures to alleviate the tragedy and pathos of Malthusianism. As a matter of fact, Thomas Robert Malthus, the English economist for whom Malthusianism was named, was also a minister of the Church of England. Thus, his economic and demographic ideas had deep roots in moral philosophy and quasi-religious sensibilities. For instance, he believed that sexual restraint and financial thriftiness matched with societal control of population growth could substantially blunt the dire prospects of Malthusianism. As a matter of fact, since 1798 when the first edition of the monograph that established his fame (or notoriety), An Essay on the Principle of Population, was published, Malthusian ideas have undergone many revisions and reformulations. At the most malignant level, Malthusianism has led to racist and xenophobic ideas about differentiation of human populations between those deemed fit and those deemed unfit for reproduction and/or immigration. And in its more benign reformulations, Malthusianism has led to ideas and practices of birth control, family planning and so-called zero population growth.

    It is no secret that since his appointment in 2014 as the Chairman of the NPC, Mr. Duruiheoma has been campaigning vigorously for family planning as a tool for population control. Now, I do not know whether or not the National Population Commission boss sees himself as a Malthusian. Definitely, he is neither an economist nor a professional demographer; by profession he is a lawyer and an administrator. Which is why it is with this caveat in mind that I call him a Malthusian of the more benign tradition. All the same, it is remarkable how, in the speech earlier this week in which he declared in New York that Nigeria’s population is now 198 million, the first and second propositions of Malthusianism jockeyed with each other for pride of place. Which parts of his speech belonged to the first proposition and which to the second proposition respectively?

    Dear readers, don’t take my word for it but go and look for the speech itself and judge for yourselves. [It was very well reported and published in virtually all of our major newspapers in both their print and online editions] On the one hand, there are the details of the galloping nature of population growth in our country: currently, we are the most populous nation on the African continent; we are currently the seventh most populous country in the world; by the year 2050, we are projected to become the third most populous nation on the planet! And along the way, by that same year 2050, 70% of all Nigerians will live in cities or urban conurbations. That is on one hand.

    On the other hand, the speech is also grim with specters of severe lack or shortage of virtually all the physical infrastructures and amenities needed to sustain the indicated levels of population growth in our country, now and in the years and decades ahead. And the NPC boss does not leave out mention of the wars, the insurgencies, the massive displacements of populations plaguing Nigeria. Thus, the Malthusian vision is unmistakable. Indeed, I confess that if I had not been aware of the long tradition of demographic nihilism from which this vision came, I would have, quietly but gratefully, thanked providence that by that year of 2050, I would have been long gone and would thus be spared of the looming Malthusian doomsday. The third most populous nation in the world in which the cities, indeed the entire country, are/is overrun by calamities caused by the chasm between the “arithmetical” and the “geometric”!

    Of course, the National Population Commission boss did not in his speech completely give way to despair. Far from it, he in fact seemed to silently relish the fact that we have already become and are consolidating our status as one of the largest countries in the world – in terms of population. The “giant of Africa” seems poised to become a “giant of the world”. More precisely, Mr. Duruiheoma ended his speech on an unmistakable tone of hope, resolve and optimism. Hear him in his own words:

    “Nigeria continues to commit to solving the challenges of insurgents in the Northeast, which has (sic) induced a high number of internally displaced persons. We acknowledge that women, children and particularly the girl child are often the most vulnerable in these displacements, and in this regard, we remain focused on the wellbeing of these vulnerable parts of our population. We are committed to providing adequate health care services, reducing maternal mortality, rebuilding safe schools and empowering our women, ensuring no one is left behind in terms of achieving sustainable development.”

    But nothing in the speech provides justification for this tone. It is as if before a foreign or international audience in, of all places, New York, the NPC boss had to assure his audience that the government that he represents has not completely relinquished or abdicated its obligations and responsibilities to its present and future populations. Note that he is not himself a member of the inner circles of those in power. Certainly, as the boss of the commission for conducting censuses for Nigeria, he is potentially a very consequential public official. But beyond that, the NPC boss has little chance of influencing governmental policy. What he could do, what is within the horizon of possibility is for him to articulate a vision of demographic and political-economic change in Nigeria that goes well beyond benign Malthusianism. This observation leads to my concluding remarks in this piece.

    The galloping explosion of population growth in our country is a real, pressing problem that is already close to crisis proportions. Malthusianism provides a useful perspective or lens through which to frame and engage the crisis. As a matter of fact, I suggest that it would be useful to see Malthusianism in its benign, commonsensical dimension as the sort of advice that one gives to relatives or neighbours that do no family planning at all, indeed that count their blessings from God in the number of children they have, regardless of their penurious economic or employment realities. But Malthusian ideas and attitudes, especially in the realm of governmental policies and actions are far more negatively portentous than that!

    When the boss of our National Population Commission gives a speech to the country and the world and makes an either conscious or unconscious linkage between, on the one hand, galloping population growth and lack or insufficiency of infrastructures and amenities and, on the other hand, wars, insurrections and insecurity of life, property and possessions, then we must point out as vigorously as possible that there are no necessary or inevitable connections between the two. Let me put this claim as simply and as concretely as possible: population growth is not the cause of shortages of amenities, wars, insurrections and insecurity in our country, even though it may contribute to the problem. Saying so or even implying it is Malthusian humbug or claptrap!

    Permit me to end on a note that no Nigerian could possibly misunderstand. It would be the height of insult, of great umbrage, for Muhammadu Buhari to give a Malthusian explanation for why the herdsmen and farmer’s standoff, or the Boko Haram insurgency, each has killed and displaced hundreds of thousands of Nigerians, most of them poor and vulnerable to the thieving, barawo capitalism that the APC, like the PDP before it, is imposing on our country. But it is not enough to make this ringing verbal declaration, even if it is palpably true. What is needed is Anti-Malthusianism to be activist: thieving, barawo nation-wrecking capitalism is the foundation of the problems and crises buffeting our country; those who embody and perpetuate it must be confronted with unrelenting critique and peaceful but resolute oppositional movements.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

     

     

     

     

  • 70 Gbosas For Our Pre- and Post-Nollywood Cinematic Maestro: For Tunde Kelani @70

    It was a matter of pure contingency and chance that just about the time that Tunde Kelani turned 70 about two months ago, his great mentor and collaborator, Akin Isola, passed away. Both events were and are milestones, one obviously more so than the other. (Isola was older and is gone; Kelani is still here with the living, still in full stride as a prolific producer-director). But it is remarkable that the news of Isola’s transition did not eclipse the birthday notices and celebrations marking the entry of TK (as Tunde Kelani is popularly known and called) into the ranks of the inspiring septuagenarians and octogenarians of our arts, culture and humanities, with particular reference to the medium of film. Speaking only for myself, I could not write this commemorative tribute before now primarily because I had, first, to deal both privately and publicly with the passing of Honestman.

    It is for a special reason that I invoke Esu’s anti-teleological essence in this tribute, as contained in the verse from the god’s praise poetry that serves as my epigraph. This is because although he has worked tirelessly and productively in diverse areas of the audio-visual media of television and film for five straight decades now – cameraman, cinematographer, director, producer and documentarist – the nature of his contribution is anything but simply linear and teleological. In other words, as in the wonderful Janus-faced bidirectionality indicated in the epigraph to this piece, TK’s work and achievement simultaneously look far back in time and far forward into the future, most especially in those aspects of his oeuvre that were inspired by his collaborations with the late Akin Isola and Adebayo Faleti. This is the main line of the celebratory ‘testimony’ of this tribute, this claim that in the best of his work and his legacy, TK invites us to think and act creatively, expansively and humanely in matters pertaining to relations between the past and the present. Before we come to this central claim, first a few words to contextualize the nature and the scope of TK’s contribution.

    Considered in isolation, TK’s filmography begins in the year 1993 with the three-part film, “Ti Oluwa Nile”. This almost makes his emergence as a producer-director coincide with the emergence of Nollywood about the same year and/or time. But this is deceptive, since for the previous two decades that go all the way back the 1970s, TK had been working as a cameraman for television and a cinematographer in the productions of other filmmakers. More precisely, TK had worked in and completely mastered the technologies, the technical and artistic means of cinematic production related to both 35mm and 16mm cinematography. Thus, long before the advent of Nollywood’s total, constitutive being in instant, cheap and free-for-all video filmmaking, TK paid his dues to those older and restrictive technical means of filmic production. Which is why, by Nollywood standards, TK’s total filmography of some 20 films in about 25 years is nothing to write home about!  Indeed, there are Nollywood film directors that boast uninhibitedly about having made dozens upon dozens of films!

    Except, of course, that the overwhelming majority of the films made weekly or monthly in Nollywood are so poor in content and form, in storyline and technique that they are both forgettable and quickly forgotten. But not so the films of TK, virtually all 19 or 20 of them, including the most recent one, “Sidi Ilujinle” that is an adaptation of Wole Soyinka’s best work in comedy, The Lion and the Jewel, that was released just this past January. This is why, in the title of this piece, I describe TK as “pre-Nollywood”: his filmmaking career may have begun almost around the same time that Nollywood became known as a distinctive national tradition of African cinema, but TK’s sensibilities as a cineaste have a chronological and professional base that significantly predates Nollywood. We shall presently get to the more interesting “post-Nollywood” dimensions. Meanwhile, far beyond the local, indigenous context of Nollywood and all that came before and after it, in the professional ethos of world cinema everywhere, to produce 20 films in about 25 years as TK has done, is an outstanding achievement, especially considering the fact that around a dozen of them are major or even “breakthrough” films. Moreover, TK, in my opinion, stands alone in Nigerian cinema in this achievement – there simply is no other filmmaker that has produced, again and again, this number of films of considerable quality both in content and form.

    The formal element, the dimension of technique and style alone is worth its weight in gold in the cinema of Tunde Kelani. In making this observation, I must reveal the embarrassing fact that I have a confession to make. What is it? Well, with regard to form and technique, I was initially not a great fan of TK’s. I respected him, I recognized the technical and professional competences that were everywhere in evidence in all his films, to the degree to which they are famously absent in most of Nollywood films. But competence and professionalism do not idiosyncratic and delightful style and technique make! In other words, though I immediately saw and appreciated the fact that all the embarrassing elementary lapses of sound, visual, editorial and post-production qualities and effects were not in TK’s films at all, I did not go away from his films with a sense that I had been in the company, the world of a cinematic stylist. Which means that it was only very slowly and in a sort of delayed impact that the best of TK’s work as a filmmaker grew on me.

    This is of course such a huge subject that I can only very briefly discuss it in the present context. Perhaps some day in the future, I shall write a major paper on it. Meanwhile, in the present context, I can only say that it took me a long time to discover that what I was missing with regard to style and technique in TK’s cinema had been staring at me all the time with an obviousness that paradoxically served to hide it! What was it? Well, quite simply this: he had discovered or reinvented a diegetic, storytelling style of filmmaking that transferred the resources of the oral tradition into the celluloid medium of film. There is nothing like it in Nigerian cinema; in African cinema, perhaps two or three other filmmakers, all of them of the Francophone school. But unlike these who tend to be ironic and ludic in their deployment of oral resources as material for storytelling techniques in film, TK tends to be quite serious and high-minded in the use of oral resources without being ponderous or artificial.

    The best examples in TK’s films of this unique achievement are – in a chronological, not a meritocratic order – “Ayo Ni Mo Fe” (1994), “Koseegbe” (1995), “O Le Ku” (1997), “Saworo Ide” (1999), “Agogo Eewo” (2002), “The Campus Queen” (2004), “Arugba” (2010), “Dazzling Mirage” (2015) and “Sidi Ilujinle” (2018). As I have not seen the last item in this list, “Sidi Ilujinle”, I am making an extrapolation from the trailers of the film that I have watched on YouTube. In all the films, the pace of narration is unhurried, but this is not because the camera prolongs its focus on an idle or trivial action like the parking of a car or the opening of the iron doors of a gate, as in the typical Nollywood film in which every opportunity to lengthen the playing time of the film is seized upon and overused. No, in TK’s films, the unhurried pace is an effect of the doubling of the narrative thread with a song, a mini-tale, a dance sequence, a dramatized proverb or aphorism, a play of lights and shadows to indicate a twist in the plot, or the use of camera angles or the soundtrack to underscore an either ominous or hopeful moment in the unfolding of the overarching story. Since nearly all of these instances or illustrations come from what we might describe as ojulowo Yoruba (deep, catechismal Yoruba), this means that one of TJ’s great achievements in film is to have reinvented Yoruba narrative and oral arts in the medium of cinema. Except of course that many of the same oral narrative and diegetic resources are found in other African languages and cultures. We might note here also that before Kelani, Hubert Ogunde had preceded him in the use of Yoruba oral resources in such films as “Aiye” (1979), “Jaiyesimi” (1980) and “Aropin N’Tenia” (1982). However, Ogunde was not ever a filmmaker in the degree to which he had been a giant of the arts of theatre and stage performance; indeed, he never quite made a successful breakthrough into the medium of film.

    The communal or ethnic Yoruba element that TK successfully wove into the forging of a unique style of filmmaking is perhaps at its most significant dimension in his cinema in the collaborations that he made with Akin Isola and Adebayo Faleti. The most obvious level, the most noticeable level of the impact of this collaboration happens to be also its most easily missed: in all the films produced or inspired by the collaboration, Yoruba is not only the linguistic medium of communication, it is rigorously and exclusively the only one. Permit me to express this concretely: in such films as “Ayo Ni Mo Fe”, “Koseegbe”, “O Le Ku”, Saworo Ide”, and “Agogo Eewo” it is Yoruba all the way; there is not a single word of English or any other language for that matter. Please note that in terms of a rigorous social realism, this is quite artificial, especially in the context of the middle class, educated social background of most of the characters of these films in which, as first theorized by the late Professor Dapo Adelugba, the amulumala mixture of English and Yoruba known as Yorubanglish would have been the standard if not dominant idiom of speech. But in these films that were collaboratively produced by the trio of TK, Isola and Faleti, there is not a single word of English, not a single word of Yorubanglish. In their stead, what you have is an elaborately stylized and ornate Yoruba the like of which only the most fluent and gifted speakers of the language use and then only in quite specific, delimited contexts!

    I knew Isola and Faleti well; TK I do not know as well as those late departed friends and elders. I can tell the readers of this piece that neither Isola nor Faleti spoke the exclusive, idealized and stylized Yoruba of these films all the time! No one does. But then, why create it? Why expend so much creative effort to capture and emblematize it in film? This leads me to the post-Nollywood aspect of TK’s cinema, the aspect with which I wish to bring this tribute to its conclusion.

    A superficial reading of language in the collaborations of TK, Isola and Faleti in cinema might seem to imply a retreat into a past golden age of Yoruba as a language, a culture. Indeed, the plot in most of the films might superficially give the same impression: in all the films, all the colonial, postcolonial, neocolonial and neoliberal economic and cultural ravages buffeting Nigeria and Africa are dramatized only within a monolingual Yoruba city state, most especially in “Saworo Ide” and “Agogo Eewo”. SAP? Right-wing military coups? Predatory transnational corporations? Disastrous economic and financial policies like inflationary monetary policies and devaluations that render both the rich and the poor penurious and vulnerable? Workers that are unpaid for months, years? Restless, unemployed and so-called ‘unemployable’ youths? They are all in these films, but only in the framework of a monolingual Yoruba monarchical order struggling to adapt its linguistic and cultural heritage to forces and crises that that were unknown in foundational past ages. The achievement of stylization is immense, but the strain of representation is so awesome that in some films like “The Campus Queen”, “Dazzling Mirage” and “Thunderbolt”, exclusive, stylized Yoruba gives way to either English or a diversity of varieties of both languages.

    And other “languages”, especially those of the new information age that brought us Nollywood, only to show us that its cheap, meretricious cinematic victories will not do much for us. In documentaries of aspects of Yoruba culture, language and metaphysics that TK has released within his tundekelani.tv production outfit – itself a branch of the Mainframe Productions and School powerhouse – he has taken up the challenges and possibilities of this new age. This is one of the least known aspects of TK’s work and achievement, these documentaries of tundekelani.tv productions. I cannot think of a more auspicious project for TK as he enters the ranks of the elders in life and art, even as I know that his old projects are still pushing him for their completion. Welcome, welcome, welcome!

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.havard.edu

  • Bill Gates, the Nigerian Power Elite, the Social Contract – and the Differend

    The differend? What does it mean? Dear readers, do not be unduly confounded by the term. It comes from contemporary French critical theory and was coined by the late eminent theorist of postmodernity, Jean-Francoise Lyotard. Drawn from the two words, differ and defer, the differend applies to the moment in a dispute when one of the contending parties finally realizes that in order to get justice, she or he must break out of the existing order of discourse or frame of rationality. Here’s an example of the differend at work: extra-judicial activism has always been used by activists and revolutionaries all over the world and throughout history to supplement or even totally replace judicial means of seeking redress for social evils.

    Here is another example: throughout military history, small and poorly equipped armies have not stood in one place to fight large, well-armed armies in line with strategies derived from manuals for conducting and winning wars written by and for prestigious military commanders; they have used hit and run guerilla tactics that avoid pitched battles. In sum then, the differend is the weapon of choice for the weak against the strong, the defenseless against the protected, the powerfulness against the powerful. Thus, the differend may sound like a big, fanciful word, but what it really means is that for the talakawa of this country and the world, if they want economic and social justice, they must be prepared to use the differend, they must be ready and be able to depart from the usual or normal way of doing things, especially in speaking to the powers that be.

    Bill Gates did not have to resort to the differend in his widely discussed and deservedly praised speech to the Nigerian Economic Council at which the most eminent members of the Buhari administration, including of course Buhari himself, were present. The reason for this is fairly obvious: Gates is one of the two or three richest men in the world; and quite possibly, he is the world’s most generous and compassionate philanthropist. Moreover, Nigeria has been one of the most favoured nations in the world in the disbursement of his philanthropy. It is of course always an extremely delicate matter when one who gives, even very generously, lectures the receiver of his generosity on how to run his life as this always smacks of condescension and paternalism. But by a stroke of discursive genius, Gates found the right tone for his “lecture” and this he accomplished by basing his speech on the fundamentals of our shared humanity. Giving a plethora of data and statistics, he declared that Nigeria is one of the worst places in the world into which any human being could be born. [He might have added that our country is also one of the worst places on the planet in which to die, though he did imply it] But the speech was not well received by the government, proving that the differend is what Gates should have used in addressing the stolid Nigerian men and women of power with hearts of stone!

    Many commentators have rightly pointed out that Gates said nothing that Nigerians themselves have not been saying for a long time, especially the most independent-minded and prescient critics of our present political (dis)order. But it takes nothing away from us when the outside world takes up our cries for relief from the policies and the misdeeds of the predators that rule over us. Moreover, it is important to recognize that Gates was not speaking truth to power, as many commentators have mistakenly declared. He was speaking truth to the mendacious, justice to the unjust and compassion to the heartless. You can only invoke the familiar trope of “speaking truth to power” when the speaker is powerless, when what he or she says carries grave perils to her or his freedom or even life itself. Don’t we all know that Gates is completely untouchable, completely immune to any form of “punishment” by the Nigerian state? No, dear readers, Gates did not speak truth to power; he used power to speak truth to the mendacious and the iniquitous!

    More precisely, Gates spoke from a long and tested tradition of the enlightened self-interest of the rich in modern Western capitalist societies that is virtually unknown in most of the developing world, most decidedly in Nigeria. This is the heart of what I have to say in this piece: there is a long tradition of enlightened self-interest of the wealthy and the privileged in Western capitalist societies, a tradition that American capitalism has taken to its utmost limits through the extent to which they have institutionalized philanthropy far beyond any other region of the world. Those who speak out of this tradition not only feel no cause whatsoever to deploy the differend in resolving disputes arising from struggles over the social contract, they in fact tend to strongly oppose any attempt to do so, any attempt to go out of the established avenues and protocols of the existing legal and political institutions. Thus, I argue that as we justifiably praise Gates for the forthrightness and candor of his speech, we must also draw attention to the implications of its location in this tradition of enlightened liberalism that is almost completely unknown and unpracticed in Nigeria. Permit me to briefly give an elaboration of the point I am making here.

    Capitalism in Nigeria has not always been as illiberal, as predatory and heartless as it is now and has been for about three to four decades. I doubt if Gates and those who are praising him are aware of this fact, are aware of the fact that in the runup to independence in 1960 and for about a half-decade after that before the outbreak of the civil war, every one of the four regions was more or less run on the basis of welfarism of one kind or another. That being the case, what was lacking was a distinct group among the political and economic elites ready and willing to give to the poor and the needy on a consistent basis. The reason for this? Welfarism was considered only and purely a governmental affair, not the burden, the obligation of the rich, individually and collectively. If one looks very closely at the structure of welfarist ideas and practices at the time, one discovers that with few exceptions, there were no philosophical or “theoretical” voices enjoining the wealthy and the privileged to be philanthropic, to give to the poor if only to ensure and consolidate social peace. This is the reason why when significant state welfarism of one kind or another vanished with the advent of the prebendal, predatory capitalism of oil doom, no enlightened self-interest of a notable kind operating though institutionalized philanthropy surfaced among the rich and the privileged.

    But what of the Elumelu Foundation, what of the Dangote Foundation, you might ask? My answer to this question can only be properly posed in the form of other questions: Where are the intellectual voices of consistent, sturdy liberalism in Nigeria? Especially: where are the thinkers espousing the liberalism of economic and gender equality within the capitalist order, our own Nigerian brand of neo-capitalism? What of the liberalism of social and human rights like free speech, freedom of association, a free press, an independent judiciary, secularism and freedom of conscience? Which persons consistently write in their defense?

    Dear reader, can you name a single writer, pundit or commentator that is deservedly known and celebrated as a consistent thinker or voice in the propagation and/or reinvention of liberalism in our country? I think hard, very hard, and I can think of only one person and that is the late and sorely missed Stanley Macebuh. To his lonely example, I might add a few other names, Ayo Olukotun, Sonala Olumhese – and Idowu Akinlotan, to the right of the center-left location of the others.  In the struggle for independence, liberal values were keenly articulated and consistently promoted, only for most of them to disappear when military autocracy emerged as the defining ethical background for Nigerian political elites even long after its formal termination. So, yes, there is an Elumelu Foundation and there is a Dangote Foundation, but who can deny the fact that they – and virtually all the other foundations in the country – operate in a liberalist void created by one of the most vicious and unregenerate predatory capitalisms in the world.

    And indeed, this is the heart of the matter: as neoliberal, barawo capitalism has become more and more entrenched as the reigning mode of capitalist organization of society and economy in our country, no significant voices of consistent liberal dissent have arisen to challenge it, to reclaim egalitarian and redistributive liberalism as a philosophical and ideological realm within capitalism itself. Yes, corruption, looting, defiance of the rule of law, wastefulness, squandermania, nepotism, ethnic jingoism, religious bigotry, all these ills of the political class have been stoutly denounced. But capitalism itself, the capitalism that has privatized and massively dispossessed millions of Nigerians while falling behind nearly all the other developed capitalisms of the world, this capitalism has been left untouched by critique, that is to say, liberal-democratic critique. For there have been critiques from the Left, from the socialist and popular-democratic axes of political and ideological discourse in the country.

    I submit that Bill Gates does not know, or if he does know, makes little of the fact that present-day Nigerian capitalism has very little in common with the capitalism of his country, the United States, the capitalism that allowed Gates, a gifted dropout from Harvard, to become a multi-billionaire without having stolen a single dollar in his vast cache of dollars countable in the billions. There was Gates at that National Economic Council meeting, preaching compassion and enlightened self-interest to men and women who have neither compassion nor enlightened self-interest in their minds and hearts. Mohammadu Buhari? Give me a break, as the Americans would put it! Gone, long gone, are the days when Buhari, as military dictator, following Islamic principles against usurious capitalism, wanted to refashion the Nigerian economy along the lines of a populist redistribution of credit and capital assets in favour of the poor. Under his civilian presidency, the looting has not only continued, it has been openly and arrogantly condoned by the presidency itself!

    Well then, to conclude: if Gates could not have invoked the strategy or principle of the differend in his speech to that gathering, what should, or could he have done instead? He could have let it be known, within the existing civility of discourse that operates among all the economic and political elites of the world, that for a country to be a true and perhaps also benevolent capitalist order, you must at the very least not consume the capital, human and material, through unregulated and unregulatable looting. What is capitalism without the capital?

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

     

     

  • Revolutionary fabulist, humourist and moralist who, to the very end, remained young at heart and in spirit

    Ko si ede ti olorun ko gbo [There is no language that is unintelligible to God]
    A Yoruba adage fashioned out of a radical metaphysics of language

    Besides being one of the all-time greats among writers in the Yoruba language, Akin Isola was arguably one of the most ardent promoters of the use of the language. He was the ultimate mother-tongue nationalist and activist: in passion and dedication, he was second, in all of Africa, only to Ngugi wa Thiong’o of Kenya. But Isola was also a radical advocate of multilingualism, of exchanges and conversations between languages, on our continent and in the world at large. Thus, while he wrote primarily in the Yoruba language, he also wrote original texts in English and translated many works from English into Yoruba, the most important of which is Wole Soyinka’s Death and the King’s Horseman. Indeed, in some of his scholarly essays – nearly all of which are in English – Isola intriguingly teased out a connection, a dialectic between the bio-diversity that is everywhere evident in nature and the linguistic and cultural diversity that is so pervasive as a dominant feature of social life in our world, most especially in our continent.

    There is a link between these two quite distinctive aspects of Isola as a writer and thinker and it is this: he loved the Yoruba language and he loved life, all of life. In other words, the great delight in the Yoruba language that is everywhere in evidence in his works is closely linked with his delight in the joys, the challenges and the mystery of life itself. This is the reason why to him, the threats to the survival of the Yoruba language were indissociable from the threats to life in our country, our continent and our world. This is the main line of my exploration of Isola’s works in this tribute, this connection between linguistic and socio-economic disempowerment in his thought and works. Needless to say, this is such a big subject that it can be explored only in a rather summative manner in this tribute. Bearing this in mind, we turn, first, to Isola as a mother-tongue nationalist, a culture and language activist.

    In the year 2013, Isola delivered the Convocation Lecture for the year at the Adekunle Ajasin University (formerly Ondo State University) at Akungba, Ondo State. He delivered it in Yoruba, the first time anywhere on the African continent that an indigenous African language was used as the medium of a university convocation lecture. Now, what is a convocation lecture? It is a very special public and ceremonial lecture that serves as a sort of climactic end to the school year linking the academic and social dimensions of the modern university. Thus, at a convocation lecture, the audience comprises lecturers and professors themselves and the general public, typically over-represented by dignitaries and elites decked out in all their normal and pretentious fineries. For these reasons, both the convocation lecturer and the university authorities that invite her or him are always anxious that everything should go right. But on that occasion in Akungba in 2013, how could anyone be sure that everything would go right since that was the first time in history that a university convocation lecture was being given in Yoruba, indeed in any African language?

    Since I was present at the event, I can report that Isola was more confident than the university authorities that things would work out well. However, to put the Vice Chancellor and his officers at ease, Isola provided an English translation of the text of his lecture and this was simultaneously projected on a wide screen as the lecture was verbally delivered. With this arrangement in place, members of the audience that so wished could ignore the Yoruba text and follow the lecture in its English version. Unobserved but observing, I watched keenly what proportion of the audience preferred the English version of the lecture and I came to the conclusion that this was more than two-thirds of the audience.

    Did I say that Isola was confident that everything would go well? Permit me to revise that report a bit. This is because for morale boosting and solidarity, Isola had invited Femi Osofisan, myself and a few other scholar-friends of his to accompany him to Akungba for the occasion. This had the effect of making all of us accomplices in Isola’s “crime” of giving a convocation lecture in an African language in an African university! Of course, the lecture was both very well delivered and warmly, even pridefully received by the audience.

    The essential point that I wish to make about the lecture is best captured in its title: “Kin ni a fee maa fi ede Yoruba se?” Here is Isola’s own English translation of this title: “What really do we want with the Yoruba language?” Before writing and delivering this lecture in 2013, Isola had been writing novels, plays, poems and film scripts in Yoruba for nearly a half century. And he had garnered considerable critical and popular acclaim for these works. Yet, there he was in that convocation lecture feeling, as the title clearly indicates, very exasperated, very unsure about the fate of the Yoruba language.

    What is the basis of this disjuncture between, on the one hand, the tremendous artistic and critical success of Isola himself and, on the other hand, the great exasperation and discouragement about the state of the Yoruba language among the populace at large? I suggest that there is a factor about this disjuncture that arises from Isola’s acute sense that his individual, personal success in Yoruba-language writing was barely reflected, if at all, in the general population and the general zeitgeist. In other words, with his own success in Yoruba-language writing in mind, Isola looked around him and much of what he saw was not advancement and consolidation but retrogression and crisis for Yoruba as a language with more than adequate resources for literature and the arts and, more generally, for modern life.

    In essence, this is what Isola saw in contradistinction to his personal successes as a writer in the Yoruba language: the elites and their children were abandoning Yoruba for English; the reading of Yoruba-language texts was at an all-time low; and the ethical and spiritual heritage of Yoruba was crumbling. The sense of disjuncture, the angst that arose from this contradiction between his own immense success in Yoruba writing and the general state of the language and the culture haunts virtually all of Isola’s works in Yoruba, not as a closure, a limit case but as a challenge, an inspiration for action. This is the driving leitmotif in the stories and the dramas of virtually all of Isola’s writing in Yoruba. Permit me to explain what I mean by this with a brief discussion of relevant themes and expressions from his works.

    The most obvious, indeed the most clamant expression of this feature in Isola’s Yoruba-language texts is the extent to which he always goes to make use of every single opportunity that arises in the course of a novel, a play or a film script to teach a moral lesson or explain a custom or a practice whose basis is no longer clear or understood with the help of corrective gems from the storehouse of what we might describe as “deep Yoruba”. The texts that best illustrate this point in Isola’s oeuvre are the two films, Saworo Ide and Agogo Eewo. But all his texts in Yoruba have this feature and they have it plentifully. In almost all instances, Isola is skillful enough as a writer or a dramatist to make this didactic element in his writings aesthetically pleasing and intellectually stimulating. But there are a few occasions in which this essential didacticism, this pedagogical and moral imperative seems obtrusive or even heavy-handed. Thankfully, this is so rare as to be almost unnoticeable.

    Speaking of this categorical moral and pedagogical imperative, its most successful instantiations in Isola’s works pertain, in my professional judgment, to the considerable artistic skill with which he deals with the centrality of the Yoruba Orisa religious and metaphysical order in his works. What does this mean? Simply stated, babalawos and their worldview, their wisdom, their claims of prophesy deliverance are at the emotional and ethical core of many of Isola’s texts, so much so that anyone familiar with ancient Greek tragedy would see echoes or resonances of that classical Western tradition in Isola’s works, especially the films, “Saworo Ide”, “Agogo Eewo” and “Ofin Ga” (in my view the best Yoruba-language film barring no other film). However, unlike the ancient Greek writers for whom the Delphic divinatory order had to be tested against the then rising and imperious claims of Rationalism with a capital R, no skeptical counterforce confronts divination and prophecy in Isola’s works. But all the same, Isola was a firm and passionate believer in human freedom and agency. And this is why, in all his works, divination and prophecy are astutely balanced against the wisdom or, as the case may be, the folly of human individuals and communities.

    I know no other way of putting this towering accomplishment of Isola’s thought and works across than in converting it to this simple proposition: in his imaginative universe, the sacred and the metaphysical are not vehicles of superstition and intellectual doltishness as they are or have become in the faddish tradition of Nollywood Ifa priests, Moslem clerics and Christian evangels. Yes, the babalawos, the ancestors and the deities are given respect, veneration and even neo-romantic mysticism in Isola’s works. But his devotion to human agency and freedom were unswerving. Above all, neither the gods nor the expressions and manifestations of human agency were abstractions or reified presences for Isola; he was far too much concerned by actual social and cultural upheavals around him and around the dialectic of servitude and freedom. This observation leads us to the second aspect of Isola’s thought and works, this being his multilingualism and multiculturalism, his devotion to conversations and exchanges between languages and cultures, his revolutionary commitment to social justice for all in our country, in Africa and in our world.

    At the most basic level, this dimension of Isola as writer and thinker is clearly indicated by the fact that he was a citizen-of-the-world cosmopolite who also wrote in English, spoke French fluently and actually did write essays on the subject of the necessity for diversity and multiculturalism in our world. On one occasion when, as a representative of Nigeria, officially an English-speaking country, he had to address a UNESCO international conference, he chose to speak in French to demonstrate his belief that we were not, as an African country, rigidly and uncritically Anglophone! Moreover, Isola was a translator of works from English to Yoruba whose interest in the dialogue among and between languages may have its roots in his childhood experiences in learning English, a theme that runs through some of the stories in his memoir, Ogun Omode that has been translated into English and published as Treasury of Childhood Memories.

    Apart from Isola’s scholarly essays in English, the best work in which to explore his multilingualism and multiculturalism is perhaps the film, “The Campus Queen”, a work in which interculturalism works at many levels. In tis film, the dialogue is mostly or mainly in English, but it is English in its many Nigerian varieties and inflections. And as a musical that draws on an incredible range and diversity of idioms from Fela to Afro-American Hip hop, and from Yoruba Fuji to funky, in-your-face youth Afropop, the linguistic and imaginative universe of this film is so far from that of “Saworo Ide” and “Agogo Eewo” that one might be forgiven if one thought that they are not, or could not be, the works of the same author. Indeed, every time that I have watched this film again, I am struck by a sense, an intuition that Kako Farioro of Isola’s youth wrote it. And of course, he did, except that this was nearly a half century later. To the end, Isola remained young at heart and in spirit. I do not forget that he went into the Shade as an old, senescent man. But in my memory of him, by the side of that departed octogenarian will always be the image of Kako Farioro. Sun re o, Honestman!

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

     

  • Revolutionary fabulist, humourist and moralist who, to the very end, remained young at heart and in spirit

    Ile lati n k’eso r’ode [The treasures that we gift to the world come from our hearth]
    – A Yoruba adage

    I solemnly swear that I had no of premonition of his death at all. And yet when I called Femi Osofisan a day after our last visit to Akinwumi Isola to unburden my mind concerning some deeply saddening intimations I was having, our conversation was dominated by echoes of my time with Abiola Irele on his last day, indeed his last hours and minutes. As I wrote in my tribute to him, in his last days, all cognition had left Irele, thanks to the massive stroke that took him away from us. What is life without cognition and what is Abiola Irele without his vast gift and stock of cognition and knowledge? In our last visit to Isola, we discovered to our great sorrow that speech and language had largely left him, that the only full sentence he could formulate and utter was the full version of his cognomen – “the only Honestman in the whole world!” Everything else came out as half sentences, incomplete phrases or disconnected expressions. He was not rambling; and he was not speaking out of turn. But he was not remotely close to the richness, the élan of his usual conversation. The supreme master of words, of speech and language, was almost completely bereft of those building blocks of his being, his unique identity. For the first time, I came to a profound appreciation of Martin Heidegger’s famous description of language as the house of Being.

    All the same, unlike Irele in his last hours, when we had that unbeknownst final encounter with Isola, apart from the matter of speech and language he was in all other ways present to us. He made eye contact with everyone; he laughed; and he seemed to appreciate the jokes that we cracked. Indeed, at one moment that seemed epiphanic, his whole face lit up as he said the words “oree mi!” (my dear friend) to Femi. With a mix of envy and gratitude, I saw and heard this incredible affirmation of comradeship and without knowing it at the time, I pinned all my hopes on it – the man and friend we knew was not gone from us; the time had not yet come when his tales, his fables, his riddles, his songs and jests would have become memories, mere shadows of the incomparable raconteur that Isola was. This was what I emphasized above all else in my conversation with Femi the day after that fateful visit to Isola: yes, the uncanny similarities with the last days and hours of Irele were there, but Isola would be here with us for a long time yet. My hopes, my prayers were wrong; alas, my intimations were right; he was gone within a week.

    But the last word or laugh does not belong to death! Apart from the treasured memories, Isola left a vast and distinguished body of works that will be appreciated and studied for as long as the human community survives. In this tribute, I will deal primarily with the works, but first, permit me to deal briefly with the memories. There are of course so many memories to choose from that I can write about only a few, especially those that I consider defining of who and what Isola was in uniqueness and essence.

    Paradoxically, the earliest memory comes from a time, an experience, when I was yet to meet him in person. As Isola had graduated from UI before I arrived there for my undergraduate studies in 1967, it had not been my privilege to know and come in contact with “Kako Farioro” in person. Who and what was “Kako Farioro”? That was his moniker as a member of the Pyrates Confraternity. Kako is of curse derived from the name of the leader and the most fascinating character among the band of the seven hunter-warriors that serve as the collective protagonists of D.O. Fagunwa’s classic Yoruba-language hunters’ saga, Ogboju Ode Ninu Igbo Irunmale. And Farioro? Roughly, it can be translated as “He-Who-Shaves-Oro’s-Head-Clean”. “Oro” is of course the term for emanations of terror and dread in the universe, emanations that constantly have to be ritually appeased. Joined together, the two words in this “pyratical” moniker meant “Kako, the Vanquisher of the Dreaded Oro”. But enough of these emendations on the moniker; the point is that the “pyrate” whose cognomen it was apparently lived up to the fabulous, suggestive resonances of his “name”.

    How so? Well, we who came into the Confraternity after Isola/Kako had left heard stories, indeed legends, of his “exploits”, all indicating that he had been regarded as a pyrate among pyrates. But who or what was a pyrate? To be a pyrate, you invented a name different from the one that your mother and your father gave you and you then built a persona, a ludic and expressive doppelganger around it that, on the sails of songs, tales and yarns, took you on imaginary voyages around both the known and the unknown oceans and worlds. Yes, a lot of it was silly, juvenile stuff, but it was also incredibly liberating of the mind, the imagination and the spirit. Any wonder that the Pyrates Confraternity in our day – and the days before us – was reputed to have attracted to its fraternal order some of the brightest and most gifted students that would go on to succeed in many areas of life, from the arts to the sciences, from the professions to self-employed, self-made entrepreneurs, and from socialists to venture capitalists. [Parenthetically, I might add here that Kako Farioro did not go on to become a capitalist, venture or non-venture; he was an independent, undeclared socialist, a man of the Left]

    I admit that in this tribute, I am thinking from the Akin Isola that I eventually came to know back to the Kako Farioro whom I encountered only through the tales, the fables, the jests and the songs attributed to him in his days in the Confraternity. But it is noteworthy that it was in the “Kako Farioro period” as an undergraduate at U.I. and a pyrate that Isola wrote his first work, the acclaimed Efunsetan Aniwura; and when he got married not too long after his years at U.I., the Confraternity formed an honour guard for himself and his bride as they left the grounds of the church where the marriage vows were consecrated.

    So, yes, I am making much of the ease with which, in my imagination, “Kako Farioro” melded into “Akin Isola” when I finally met him in person. In my memory of him, this is crucial, this blurring of the lines between the real and the imaginary and between the facts of life and the promptings of the imagination. In the Confraternity, my generation of pyrates had been told that no one told stories, “fabus”, “yappies” and jests like Kako Farioro; that no one could create gripping narratives out of physical objects, animal characters, the phenomena of nature and all manner of experiences big and small like he did; and no one contributed more songs than he had done to the musical repertoire of the Confrat. This was exactly the fabulous spinner of yarns that I met in Isola when I finally met him when we were colleagues at the University of Ife. Often combining the comic with the serious, trivia with gravitas, and absurdity with epiphany, Isola’s endless stock of stories delighted and astonished. Let me retell one of these stories, knowing fully that I can never match the panache with which he told it.

    One day, a “hot” argument erupted between the goat and the monkey. Of all places in the world, this took place right in the front of the king’s palace. What was the argument about? Each one claimed to have more children and therefore a more numerous family than the other. Eventually, the noise disturbed the king and he ordered the disputants brought before him. When he heard what the dispute was about, the king laughed and ordered goat and monkey bring their respective families for verification of their number the following day.

    The goat arrived first with her husband and her children, all four of them. Next came the monkey, with her husband and a troop of twenty-three children, making a family of twenty-five. The sight of the monkeys in their numerical strength was impressive and everyone, including the king, felt that the contest had been won by the monkey even before it had started. All the same, the king ordered the “contest” to be formally started.

    The goat went first. “Thank you very much, Your Highness. Permit me to introduce the members of my family. First, this is my husband, Mr. Obuko”. Obuko saluted the king smartly and everyone clapped for him. “This is me”, the goat continued, “I am Madam Ake, the mother of these four children”. She curtsied to the king as she said this and received an applause from the crowd. Then she continued: “By the way, Ake is the name given to the fattest goats and is the type preferred by priests, babalawos, for sacrificial rituals. Such priests have many akes in their backyards tied to pegs or trees in readiness for sacrifice as the need may arise. This is why babalawos have the nickname ojakenide fisebo which means he who cuts the rope to release ake for sacrifice. It is from this nickname of babalawos that the name Jakande arose”. The king and the crowd applauded the goat for this display of deep knowledge.

    “This is my first child”, the goat continued after acknowledging the applause. “His name is Layewu.” Layewu, the hairy one, bowed in greeting to the king and the crowd and he, too, received an applause. “This is my second child, Miss Ideregbe.” She too bowed and received an ovation. “Her sister, my third child, goes by the name of Asinrin.” She too curtsied to the king and was given her own applause. “Finally, Your Highness”, the goat said, “here is my last child, the baby of the family, whom we call Larondo.” Larondo bounded three times, bowed, saluted smartly and was given a wild ovation. Then the goat yielded the floor to the monkey.

    The monkey’s testimony or evidence was brief and unceremonious. “Your Highness”, she said to the king, “I am Mrs. Monkey, and this is my husband, Mr. Obo or Monkey. Here is the eldest of our twenty-three children and he too is also called obo, monkey. This is his brother, also called obo. His sister, my third child, is also called obo. And our fourth child” … “is also called obo!”, the king and the crowd completed the sentence for the monkey, roaring with laughter. The decision of the king and the crowd was unanimous: the goat had won the contest even though she had only a family of six compared with twenty-five for the monkey and her family. End of story.

    Yes, basically this is a simple and uncomplicated tale about names and naming as indices of cultural identity. But like nearly all of Isola’s fables, it contains much deeper and wider cultural and philosophical meanings and implications. Thus, beyond the obvious indication that names and naming matter for cultural identity, pride and dignity for peoples and nations that have historically been the objects of devastating deracination and primitivization, the tale contains the additional implication of diversity and heterogeneity as powerful countercurrents to the forces of global homogenization and reification. Additionally, the tale suggests that culture and meaning are as much about depths as they are also about surfaces, that what seems obvious and uncomplicated at first sight may in fact contain stories and codes that will yield their treasures only with the hard but endlessly rewarding work of hermeneutic interpretation.

    In Nigerian letters of the 20th century, in my estimation, Isola ranks with only Chinua Achebe, as two masters with the great gift of the ease and facility with which they combined simplicity with profundity, together with the deployment of a consummate mastery of the art of storytelling as a vehicle for progressive, humanistic causes with implications for our survival as a nation, a society, a civilization. Achebe wrote only in the English language, with a few poems in Igbo. Isola wrote primarily in Yoruba but also in English though he did not invest a great deal of his creative endeavors in English as a medium of expression. This idea leads us from memories of Isola the man and the friend to consideration of his legacy as writer, scholar and translator of published, staged and filmed works.

     

    • To be continued.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • “We’ll keep them off the streets so that we can sleep at Banana Island!” –  plaudits and posers for Governor Ambode

    “We’ll keep them off the streets so that we can sleep at Banana Island!” – plaudits and posers for Governor Ambode

    First, let’s deal with the praise, the plaudits, before ending this piece with the questions, the posers. Before I watched and heard him on television conduct an extraordinary “town meeting” with the business community in Lagos this last Monday, I hadn’t known much about Governor Akinwunmi Ambode of Lagos State. As a matter of fact, the very little that I knew about him was not exactly flattering, to say the least: the razor-thin margin of only 150,000 votes – out of over 2 million votes cast – in his electoral victory over his PDP opponent in the gubernatorial race of 2015; and in 2016, the ugly spats between Ambode’s wife, the First Lady of Lagos State, and a state-employed chaplain of a church that had led to the rather highhanded sacking of that man of the cloth. Moreover, when the Governor had come to Harvard last year to give a talk, I had been absent from my “duty post” at the time and thus missed the talk. All of which serves as the background to the pleasant surprise of the following things that I now report about Ambode’s televised meeting with the leaders of the business community this past week.

    It is a well-known secret that most of the governors and high officeholders in Nigeria do not write the speeches they deliver in public. In addition, in general, once a speech is delivered, most of our rulers and politicians do not, indeed cannot, effectively field questions arising from speeches they deliver. This is one aspect of the foul underbelly of democratic governance in our country, this fact that our rulers are in general incapable of conducting meaningful public dialogue with the citizenry, especially in the English language. As this is a huge subject, we cannot deal with it in this piece. Coming back to Ambode, I do not know if his speech on Monday was written by speechwriters; what I do know is that from his passionate and eloquent delivery, one can conjecture that he must have had a hand in writing the speech – if in fact he did not himself write it in its entirety. The speech was masterful in its combination of technocratic prowess with social vision. Within five minutes into the speech, I recognized that I was watching and hearing something extraordinary and I immediately started taking mental notes. This essay is written entirely from those notes.

    The formal delivery of the speech was followed by “Question Time”. Again, Ambode acquitted himself brilliantly on this point. The proof of this came from the extraordinarily impressive manner in which the governor dealt with all the questions posed to him, questions that went to the heart of the problems, challenges and crises confronting Lagos as one of the buoyant but festering megacities of the world. Here, I place emphasis on the word all – that is to say, all the questions without exception.

    As the questions were posed, Ambode took notes, copiously. There were two sets of questions. The first set of questions were over a dozen in number; the second set had slightly fewer questions. In any case, as questioner after questioner after questioner had his or her say, Ambode did not stop taking notes. After the number reached 12 in the first set of questions and the questions did not stop but continued, the teacher in me became attentive and I asked of no one in particular, “why doesn’t the official directing the programme limit the questions to one or two at a time and how is the governor going to be able to respond meaningfully to all these questions”? Needlessly and wordlessly, I answered my own question: “of course, he is not going to answer all the questions – he is a politician”! But Ambode did answer every question – and painstakingly so!

    Please bear in mind, dear reader, that although all the questioners were from the business community as a very influential social group, the assembled audience of the governor’s performance at the “town meeting” came from an impressive diversity of interests and loyalties. Permit me to identify the ones that I remember. Representatives of the big transnational corporations were there, but they were completely silent; they could be recognized or identified only by their white skins and by their silent but hegemonic embodiment of the vast economic and ideological muscle that runs planet earth in the name and interests of benign capitalism. The Nigerian-owned big companies were there also in the persons of their MD’s or CEO’s; they addressed the Governor and were in turn addressed by Ambode with rather exaggerated politeness or even deference. Media and communications moguls were also present; and they posed questions pertaining to their own interests. The Nigerian-American Chamber of Commerce was also present, represented by my old friend and hallmate at Kuti Hall UI, Bintan Famutimu, who put in a spirited plug for closer ties and links between the Lagos State government and major cabinet members and representatives of the American government.

    And then, there were the women who spoke on behalf of SME’s, the small-scale enterprises. Please note, dear reader, that I say women. A there were only two of them, this made their under-representation at the forum rather coincident with the gender inequality that is so prevalent, so constitutive of economic and social power in our country and our continent. Significantly, both women spoke about industrial activities linked with the recycling of waste products and the training and retraining of our unemployed and putatively “unemployable” youths. In other words, of all the business people who posed questions to the governor, these women were the most upfront, indeed the most insistent on the social good that their industrial and business activities and products entail. For this reason, I admit that I watched the governor’s response to them with much greater attention than I did with his answers to the others. I can report that the governor did not condescend to them and that his response to these two women, these two representatives of SME’s, was of the same passion and eloquence with which he engaged all his interlocutors at the forum.

    An astonishing feat then, that Ambode responded fully and robustly to all these interlocutors equally. Having been a teacher and a speaker at public forums for large segments of my adult life, I know what this implies: only she or he who is filled with passion, focus and dedication can respond to more than a dozen interlocutors with diverse interests, constituencies and loyalties as if every issue matters and everybody counts. But every experienced teacher, every gifted public speaker knows that although all pupils and all issues and their representatives matter and count, they do so differentially. I saw this knowledge, this intuition play out astutely in Ambode’s responses to a good number of his interlocutors.

    For instance, to the CEO of a company who posed a question about her and her company’s “tax fatigue”, Ambode was respectful while slyly justifying the crucial importance of taxes and even more taxes for a state like Lagos. To big entrepreneurs who wondered about the logic behind the bloated number and scope of workers on the public payroll in the state, Ambode was polite, even deferential in his endorsement of the logic of rationalization on which big companies are run; however, he insisted that governments cannot, indeed should not, be run exclusively or even primarily on the same logic; human and social interests, the governor argued, should override logics of rationalization and profit maximization that drive the activities of big corporations.

    I have stressed the fact that the interests, perspectives and constituencies represented by the governor’s interlocutors were quite diverse. I must now observe that it seemed to me as I took in the whole performance that Ambode felt that as diverse as these interests and forces were they not conflicting and whatever tensions and conflicts might exist between and among them could be reconciled to the advancement of the progress and development of Lagos state. The old Marxist term for this idea is “non-antagonistic contradictions” as opposed to and in contrast with antagonistic contradictions. Ambode did not use these terms, but I was deeply moved by two particular instances when he expressed a passionate advocacy for contradictions especially characteristic of the city of Lagos in the apparent belief that they are non-antagonistic contradictions. Permit me to briefly relate these two cases.

    People think that one of the worst present and future nightmares of life in Lagos pertains to the number of cars plying the roads, relative to how many cars the roads, the streets, can take. Not so, argued Ambode passionately; the worst problem of street life, the governor argued, is the number of people on the streets with absolutely no provision for them to be on the streets in safety and comfort. No pavements, no sidewalks, no margins at the edges of the asphalt for people to walk on in safety, relaxation and even leisure. You hear talk about cars and congestion all the time, Ambode declared, but who speaks for people without cars, people that happen to be the overwhelming majority of Lagosians? As a columnist who has in the past both humorously and seriously argued for a “Pedestrians’ Bill of Rights” in our cities, I was particularly moved by Ambode’s eloquent and impassioned restatement of this issue.

    Even more moved was I by the governor’s playfully ironic joke that serves as the title of this piece: “We’ll keep them off the streets so that we can sleep at Banana Island!” The “we” here apparently refers to Ambode and his audience, his interlocutors at the “town meeting”, the crème de la crème of Lagosian society, the economic, social and political elites of the city and the state of Lagos. What of the “them” that are to be kept off the streets? These are the talakawa, the denizens of the “Other Lagos” none of whom was present, indeed could be present at that encounter between the Governor and the business elites. Of the 25 million that constitutes the population of the city and the state, “they” happen to be the vast human and demographic majority whose internal majority is a whopping 65% that are under the age of 35. If we can find gainful employment for “them”, if we can keep “them” busy and engaged in productive activities that keep “them” off the streets, Ambode was in effect saying, then we, the elites, can sleep at night without being haunted by the specter of their invasion of our homes, our rest, our peace, our security, our conscience. I do not think I have heard or read of a more powerful expression of the social contract between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless from any of our rulers and politicians in a long, long time, in fact since the days of Obafemi Awolowo and the People’s Redemption Party.

    In conclusion, I now go, briefly and succinctly, to my questions for Governor Ambode and indeed for all of us. I have only two posers. The first one pertains to the forces and interests involved in the realization of the social contract. Basically, I ask: who is present and who is absent, who is included and who excluded in the adjudication of struggles over the social contract? At the “town meeting” of the Governor with the business elites, the poor, the talakawa, together with their representatives, were absent. Would it have made a difference if they had been present and had also been vocal about their interests? Please note that as I stated at the start of this essay, Ambode’s electoral victory was about 150,000 votes out of over 2 million votes cast. The two million was itself only a fraction of the population of the state, which is 25 million. Will Governor Ambode correct this massive disenfranchisement of the majority of the people of his state? Will he bring the “Other Lagos” directly to the table and not only raise their presence as a specter that to disturb the peace and the good conscience of the rich?

    Second poser: In the 1990 and 1999 Constitutions, Second Chapter titled “Fundamental Objectives and Directives of State Policy” it is clearly stated that it is unfair, as all previous Nigerian Constitutions had assumed, that the goals of development and social justice cannot be pursued simultaneously and indivisibly, that “development” must take place first before economic redistribution can take place. Both Constitutions made it mandatory for the Nigerian state to pursue both goals together; however, this was made non-justiciable meaning that the Nigerian state and its functionaries cannot be legally forced to observe or actualize this provision, this clause in the Constitution. From his speech last Monday, especially in the segment wherein he fielded all those questions, I conjecture that Ambode is on the side of this constitutional clause. Will he step forward now and say so? More to the point, will he state what forces, what allies, what coalitions he, his administration and his political party intend to mobilize to realize this objective?

     

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

     

     

     

  • The longest stretch of good, well- maintained, motorable road in West Africa?

    The longest stretch of good, well- maintained, motorable road in West Africa?

    This week’s column is woven around a particular stretch of road in West Africa, our region of the continent. This stretch of modern roadbuilding is long. It runs from Porto Novo in Benin Republic through Cotonou, the capital city of Benin, across the border of that country with Togo into Lomé. From Lomé, it goes along the shoreline of the Atlantic Ocean right through the narrow strip that is all of Togo from east to west. Finally arriving at the border of Togo with Ghana in Aflao, our stretch goes all the way to Accra, the Ghanaian capital. Altogether – and with a driver whose love of speeding was so elemental that one began to think that his ancestral totem animal is probably a thoroughbred champion racehorse – the journey through this long stretch took us about eight solid hours to journey through. I swear it: in all my decades and years of traveling in and through Nigeria and our West Africa sub-region, I had never travelled on such a long, long stretch of first-class motorable, macadamized road.

    As we journeyed through mile after mile of this seemingly “un-African” road, I marveled and rejoiced at the extreme unusualness of the experience. From this, questions came to my mind so spontaneously that it seemed that my mind, my psyche had been taken over by a force of nature. Is this not the same stretch of road on which I had traveled so many times in the past, a road pock-marked with rutted potholes and traversed by uncountable patches from which the asphalt surface had long melted away thereby exposing unmotorable dirt or earth? When had the change, the sea change that transformed the old road into this ultramodern wonder taken place? And how long will it last before our legendary incapacity for effective, consequential road maintenance reassert itself, its sovereign self? Like the stretches of road within Nigeria on this long strip that are still primitively built and maintained, the sections in Benin, Togo and Ghana had also been very bad, very traveler-unfriendly. Now, the soul-wearying stretches were to be found only on the Nigerian side, from Ibadan where we began our journey through Abeokuta, Ilaro and Idiroko into the short, beginning part of the Benin segment before one reaches Porto Novo. And almost immediately, one enters into the marvel of modern roadbuilding about which I have been raving in this discussion.

    But I have moved too quickly; I have been too much in the grip of the rush of the emotions of wonder and elation that I had felt on that journey that took place barely two weeks ago. Time now to pause and provide some context, some clarifying explanations. Thus, let me reveal the fact that I went on the trip mainly to get away from “Nigeria” with the perfect excuse of visiting an old friend in Ghana. For decades now, Accra has served that function for me in periods when I spend a long time at home away from my place of employment in Cambridge, Massachusetts in the United States.

    In such periods, when I need time and space to do serious, engaging and sustained writing, it is to Accra that I go, precisely the University of Ghana, Legon, where my relative anonymity provides a perfect cover for working in full view of everybody but free of the permanent and ultimately futile struggle at home in Nigeria for the time, the space and the atmosphere in which to work, simply work! Additionally, for this recent trip to Ghana, I had the reason of recuperation from recent and ongoing illness to entice me to travel to the relatively saner and quieter place that that country is in contrast with our country. But also, there were much deeper and more complex factors linking travel with illness, recuperation and mortality that prompted me to make the journey, particularly by road, not by air travel. Let me explain.

    Except as a metaphor, the road that we literally travel through in this world – within and outside our countries – is not the same “road” that we experientially journey through in life. This is particularly true of the so-called developed countries of Europe, North America and parts of the Far East. For the most part, the roads and highways in these parts of the world are well constructed and maintained. But like all of humanity, the populations of these regions and countries experience at least part of their journeys through life as if they have been travelling on very bad roads. In other words, in virtually every space and corner of the planet, life, existence itself, is littered with actual or potential “bad roads”. However, it makes a big difference if, in addition to the metaphoric “bad roads” of life, you do not also have to spend a whole lifetime traveling on literal bad roads, the death traps in highways and byways in and through our villages as well as our cities. By contrast, in our part of the world, for the overwhelming majority of the people, the journey through life itself is like journeys through our terrible roads, the literal journeys mirroring the metaphoric journeys and vice versa, heavens help us! For this general reason, as I have grown older over the decades, I have been travelling less and less on our roads, alas…

    Alas? Yes, because I love traveling, a passion that has persisted throughout the entirety of my life. Even more specifically, I love traveling by road, a hundred times more than air travel. Of course, I am realistic enough to know and duly acknowledge the fact that for the really very far distances that exist between different regions and spaces of the planet, you simply cannot but go by air. But for any and in any distance where road travel can get you there as efficiently and pleasurably as air travel, I will choose to go by road any day, thank you very much. Indeed, sometimes, I will sacrifice pleasure and forego air travel and go by road if the distance is not excessively long. I have long given up the effort to understand this wanderlust and have simply accepted it and have tried as much as possible not to let it affect my work and my basic commitments, familial, social and ethical. How much I have succeeded in doing so, I do not know. At any rate, this much I know: alas, increasingly over the years and decades, I have travelled less and less by road, bowing inevitably to the dictates of aging and the vagaries of illness. And at the back of everything else, the looming specter of mortality.

    A very quick gloss on that word, mortality, especially in the context of the present discussion. Thus, I am talking, not so much about mortality in general as about death on the roads and the highways. And so, I admit it: as I have grown older over the decades, I have grown more aware of, and more troubled by the possibility of dying on one of our terrible roads. And as a consequence of this, I stay away as much as possible from traveling on our roads and highways. As a matter of fact, I shudder to think now about how utterly, utterly indifferent I once was to the danger of dying on our roads. Considering how much time I spent on the roads and how recklessly I probably drove, it is nothing short of miraculous that I am still alive and undamaged today. But the “courage” and the daring of the young and reckless are gone now and I have no illusion as to what the cause is: as you grow older, you become more aware of mortality, not just as a phenomenon that awaits all of humanity, but lurks around the corner of existence for you, for your irreplaceable and infrangible self.

    But why go to Ghana then by road and not by air, especially with my keen memories of how bad the roads were in all the four countries that you travel through or across on your way from Ibadan to Accra? In all and starting from my first road trip to Accra in 1968 when I was an undergraduate at UI, I have gone on this journey perhaps a half dozen times. Of course, I have gone far many more times by air, but the road journeys have been more memorable, more to my enjoyment and fascination – as bad as the roads were. It was this recollection, this memory that spurred me to, once more and perhaps for the last time, make the recent trip to Accra. Something like “see the world before you leave it – even if it might end up being your very last trip”! Life is never more precious when you are close to leaving it, when, because of age and/or illness, you are at the departure lounge of life. You must set forth at dawn, Wole Soyinka had famously written. He meant the “dawn” of the day that begins with sunrise and ends with sunset. But when you are at the dusk of life, you can still set forth, traveler. Except that it does not help if you live, not in the developed spaces of the world but in our region, our continent, our sub-region. The memory of how bad the roads were between Ibadan and Accra weighed heavily on me. But I set out all the same, steeling my nerves and will with the mantra that I was not born to perish on the roads, otherwise I would have done so on one occasion out of the uncountable journeys I made by road between my late 20’s to late 50’s.

    From Porto Novo through Cotonou, Lomé, Aflao and ending in Accra, the roads were incredibly welcoming and reassuring in the state of their “asphalt modernity”. The sensation was almost visceral as the muscles and nerves in my body relaxed and the tension went away completely. Well, not completely, for we had the owner-driver of the car which I and my traveling companions chartered whose nickname is “A Luta” to contend with. The man is in love with speed. And he has made the journey countless times. And being in his early 50’s, he is still relatively young and mortality, his mortality, is not something he thinks much about. And so, I had to “monitor” his actions and behaviour from my seat beside him in the front compartment of his minibus. Other than that, the journey, going and coming back, was pleasant. That long stretch of road helped a lot. If all our roads, if indeed many of our roads were like that one – a long stretch of good, well maintained and motorable road – to the very last of my days on this earth, I will still be traveling by road, Insha Allah.

     

    Muhammadu Buhari and the true – not fake – specter of nepotistic power

    About three weeks ago when a group of leaders of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) visited him in Aso Rock, President Buhari surprised the visitors by admitting that his administration, while not doing so intentionally or willfully, might have been responsible for the perception of Buhari himself and his administration as nepotistic. The president then assured the visitors that he would look into the matter. Even more significantly, Buhari went on to say that the presidency would soon be releasing honest and accurate figures and data of appointments to federal posts from each of the states and regions of the country.

    Please, compatriots, don’t be deceived! The specter of nepotistic power does reside in numbers, but in strategic location. Fifty, a hundred, a thousand directors and members of the governing boards of federal parastatals do not remotely have the power, the authority and the influence that a single member of the inner circle of Buhari’s administration has! All Nigerian heads of states, past and present, practiced one form of nepotism or another. But none, absolutely none, was as openly, incorrigibly and dangerously nepotistic as Buhari, especially with regard to strategic location in the structure of federal power. Please, do not expect the figures that will be released to tell you anything meaningful; as a matter of fact, they will be deliberately intended to obfuscate, not clarify and rectify the problem.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Fabulist, humourist, moralist for all ages: for Akinwumi Isola (aka “Honestman”)

    Fabulist, humourist, moralist for all ages: for Akinwumi Isola (aka “Honestman”)

    [About a week before the death of Honestman, Professors Femi Osofisan, Sope and Eileen Oyelaran and myself visited him in his house at Akobo, Ibadan. “Honestman” was of course none other than Akinwumi Isola. This was the moniker by which he was lovingly, respectfully and yet jokingly hailed by friends, colleagues, students and virtually all who knew him, not only in Nigeria but throughout the world. As a matter of fact, the full moniker was, “the only Honestman in the whole world!”. At any rate, two weeks ago, we did not know that the end was near, that that visit would be our last meeting with our friend on this side of the great divide between life and death. Yes, we were worried about the state of his health but none of us remotely thought or felt that he was dying. Indeed, we left him planning a big, momentous celebration of his life and work before the end of the year, probably on his next birthday in December, a plan for which we asked for and got assurances of active collaboration of his wife. (It is still impossible for me to think of her as a widow).

     

    His sudden and unexpected death will not cancel our plans for that big celebration. When we have it, it will be a unique, landmark celebration, nothing short of the worth, the significance of his life and his work. I am still too dazed, too shocked to write a proper and fulsome tribute at this time. But I will write it and it will be a series in this column. For the moment, in the column this week, I am republishing a slightly revised excerpt from the Foreword to one of his books, A Treasury of Childhood Memories, that was published in 2016. Honestman had absolutely insisted that I should be the one to write that Foreword and I willingly, enthusiastically obliged with a version of what appears below. Following his death, praises and encomiums have poured forth about his immense work for the preservation and conservation of Yoruba language and culture. This is of course incontestable. But as I show in the text below, Honestman was also an incomparable narrator of change, of progress and of openness to the richness and diversity of the world’s cultures and civilizations. Fabulist, humourist and moralist extraordinaire, in the wide context of a decolonized world literature, Honestman combined the attributes, the gifts of Aesop, Voltaire and Mark Twain, respectively master fabulist, master moralist and master humourist. Adieu, Honestman. As Wole Soyinka might put it, walk tall among the ancestors, akinkanju okunrin, onigege ara!]  

    The writer of this “treasury of childhood memories”, Akinwumi Isola, is one of the best storytellers, or fabulists, or spinners of exquisite yarns I have met in my life. By this assertion, I do not refer only to his vast corpus of published plays, novels, novelettes, film scripts and tall tales. More extensively or inclusively, I refer also to the experience of hearing him verbally deliver his stories in the company of his close circle of friends, among whom I count myself to be one. That Isola is a master storyteller is partly due to the fact that he comes from a great tradition of published Yoruba writers on whose works he possesses professional expertise as a former Professor of African Languages and Literatures with specialization in Yoruba. But beyond this is the fact that Isola himself is one of the greatest living users of the Yoruba language. Since the Yoruba, like the French, are in a deep and perpetual love affair with their language, this makes the case of our author’s passionate and gifted use of the language very special. In his everyday speech acts, Isola is a fascinating embodiment of this love affair of the Yoruba with their mother tongue. Obviously, this delight in the rhetorical and expressive beauties of one’s language is a universal cultural trait that we find in all living languages. It just happens that the phenomenon seems more widely acknowledged and celebrated in some language communities than others. The analogy I can think of here is the widely discussed socio-linguistic phenomenon of the great celebration that the French allegedly allow themselves to have when they encounter among themselves a writer or a speaker who is acknowledged to be a master of the French language.

    There is also the fact that I am drawing special attention to this factor here because in the original Yoruba version of this book, this element of love of and delight in the use of language stands out clearly as one of the defining achievements of the book: the stories, “the childhood memories” collected in it fascinate as much in the quality of language used as in the vivacity of the tales told. As in those rare occasions in which among friends, relatives or indeed the community a particular man or woman stands out as the one on whose lips and voice everyone else hangs, in humour and excitement, in pleasure and wonder, and in suspense and eventual catharsis, in its original Yoruba version, this book captures all of these fascinating aspects of Isola’s verbal dexterity and panache. To her credit, the translator of this book, Pamela Smith, has done a creditable job of capturing the vivacity of the original version and one expects that the readers of this English version will get nearly as much of the pleasure that one gets in the Yoruba version. I should normally end this Foreword on this note of high recommendation for both the Yoruba original and this translated version, but I ask the reader’s indulgence of a wish to add a few more words about the book itself.

    No concrete or specific dates are provided for the time in which the stories in the book are set, but a careful reading between the lines, so to speak, would indicate late colonial Nigeria in the mid to late 1940s as the historical setting of the events and escapades narrated in the book. In effect, this means that that we are in this book in a period that is not yet a hundred years ago. In other words, chronologically speaking, this is not “olden” or ancient times. All the same and regrettably, in Nigeria as in many other parts of Africa, the rate of change – often for the worse – makes the period indicated as the temporal background for the stories collected in this book seem like ancient history. Add to this the fact that all the stories or chapters of the book take place in a rural, bucolic setting that has more or less vanished from the socio-cultural realities and imaginations of most young people in Nigeria and Africa of the present period of a new millennium. If it has not quite become a completely established demographic fact, the projection is that the movement of rural populations to the towns and cities will reach a point where far many more people will live in the urban areas than in the villages and hamlets of Africa and the world. In other words, at the time that serves as historical and social background for the stories in this book, the overwhelming majority of Nigerians and Africans and indeed the rest of the world lived in rural communities. But this is no longer the case. There is no clear and unambiguous internal evidence in the stories that the author had this huge demographic and historical shift as the framing or enabling template for his tales. Nonetheless, I would argue that like a cultural unconscious, this sense of a vanished world, of a time when rural life was not yet automatically synonymous with poverty and social alienation, provides a powerful narrative undertone for the stories collected in this book.

    Thus, without sentimentality or nostalgia, the stories the reader will encounter in this book tell of a time when years of childhood spent in rural communities constituted a time of perfectly normal and perhaps even wholesome and enthralling experience for the young in our society. It is true that at this period, radio, cinema and television had not yet appeared on the cultural landscape in Nigeria and other colonies of the British Empire, but “modernity”, in combined forms like Western-style education and Christianity, had already arrived and established itself as a permanent dialectic of old and new, indigenous and foreign. Indeed, this was the period when the portentous expression, “aiye di aiye oyinbo” (“the world has become the white man’s world”) entered the Yoruba language as a marker of the ending of an era and the beginning of another. Life and the order of knowledge were changing but some old, time-tested institutions and practices still exerted powerful, cohering and stabilizing influences on behavior, values and identities for old and young, village dwellers as well as city folks: the homestead; family and kinship; farming and trading on the basis of long established processes; festivals and entertainments based on sacred and secular ritual; and ceremonial protocols with powerful moral and metaphysical sanctions undergirding them. For me, there is no doubt that this is why such “culture conflict” as we may find in some of the stories in this book are given comic and satiric rather than tragic inflections and resonances.

    In all then, the stories in this book delight the mind and warm the heart. They tell of a time that has passed, perhaps forever, but they do so with an adult writer’s sense of near total recall of the main outlines of his years of childhood. Quite remarkably, though the narrator is a single person whose angle of vision gives a subtle unity to the disconnected diversity of the tales told, there is a complete lack of self-absorption in the self-presentation of this narrator-protagonist. In my recollection, only once or twice is the name of this narrator-protagonist given; at all times and places in the tales, he is one of a foursome of friends and playmates, content to play the role of witness to, and recorder of the collective experience of himself and his fellows, together with moving evocations of their silently but relentlessly changing world. In this sense, this book is also a paean, a hymn of celebration to friendship and comradeship that is highly gendered male but carries a ring of truth that makes it universally applicable across the divisions of gender, ethnicity, nationality and race. And this is why, ultimately, the resonances in this book of Akinwumi Isola remind us of those great, unforgettable childhood memoirs from around the world that tell of the life of one individual in a time and a place that is culturally specific but that nonetheless easily transcend uniqueness of setting and voice: Camara Laye’s The African Child; Wole Soyinka’s Ake: the Years of Childhood; Thomas Hughes’ Tom Brown’s Schooldays; the early chapters of James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man.

    In one of his most influential theoretical essays titled “The Storyteller”, the late German critic and philosopher, Walter Benjamin, opined that the modern story, as we have historically inherited it from past ages, is compounded of two distinct traditions. The first of these is the tradition of stories told by a community to itself and itself alone, drawn from the lore of the land and enshrined in the hearts and minds of those who never travel too far from home. The second tradition is that of tales collected by people who travel widely through near and distant lands and cultures. These stories from around the world are then retold by their footloose collectors everywhere they go and this in effect makes them the intercultural and transnational originators of the modern story. In Benjamin’s opinion, these formerly distinct traditions of narrative are now no longer separate and separable. No stories are now so unique and peculiar to a place that they seem ‘strange” outside the specificity of their original home. Conversely, tales from other places somehow no longer seem to have much about them that make them incommensurable to us, no matter how far they have journeyed in order to reach us. On the surface, it seems that most of the stories in A Treasury of Childhood Memories belong to the first tradition, this being the tradition of tales specific to a time and a place. But as we read and encounter all the tales, we find that paradoxically, in being so true and felicitous in depicting the tenor of life for the young in one obscure little corner of the old British Empire, the tales take on a universality that makes them accessible to readers of all ages everywhere. They seem written for young readers, but I must be young at heart for me, close to “three-score and ten years”, to find them so delightful and instructive!

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    Ibadan, Nigeria and Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A

    July 15, 2015

     

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Plot and plotlessness in the “Buhari script” of politics and history: reflections (2)

    Plot and plotlessness in the “Buhari script” of politics and history: reflections (2)

    Epilogue – 2019 and Beyond: Myth and Counter-Myth; Plot and Plotlessness

    Buhari stands for the presidential elections of 2019; he does not stand for the presidential elections of 2019. Either way, the spell has been decisively broken and the Buhari myth or legend is completely in ruins. Nobody, absolutely nobody thinks anymore that Buhari is the messiah Nigerians have been waiting for; nobody, absolutely nobody thinks any longer that Buhari is God’s answer to the plague of corruption in our country; nobody, absolutely nobody thinks anymore that Buhari is a fair-minded ruler who will do justice to all Nigerians regardless of their ethnicity, religion, region and social status. The myth, the legend has been completely shattered and things are no longer anything remotely close to what Nigerians and the world felt and thought about Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. Thus, the Buhari script of history and politics is very different in its Epilogue than the script in any of its earlier segments: the prologue, the first, second and third acts. And there are different versions of this Epilogue that is itself so different from the other parts of the Buhari script of the future.

    In one version of this Epilogue, the real person that has emerged from the ruins of the shattered Buhari myth has liberated himself from the emotional and psychological burdens of the myth. It is no small thing to no longer have a heroic, larger-than-life reputation and profile but Buhari has reconciled himself to the change with grace and wit. His little-known sense of humour is now known by all and sundry. He retires to his farm in Daura and enjoys his last years basking in the love and the solicitude of dotting children and grandchildren. He is at peace with himself and the world. He receives few visitors and seldom travels out of the country, but the most consistent and devoted of his supporters and followers still sing his praises to Nigeria and the world and Buhari finds this consoling and comforting. To these supporters and followers, he is still “Sai Buhari!”. And thanks to the much better health that he now enjoys beyond the battles with the recurrent and debilitating ill-health crises of the eighth decade of his life, he is now less gaunt-looking, less morose-looking, even though he is frailer in general appearance and demeanor. Politics? No, now he has no time or stomach for politics at all.

    Another version of this Epilogue exists. In it, though the shattered Buhari myth is still in tatters, unbelievably and unfortunately the man that has emerged from the ruins still labours under the unreal, phantasmal burdens of the myth. He is unmoved by how Nigerians and the world now think and feel about him: the bitter disappointment; the widespread fear and even foreboding that his rule may set Nigerians further apart than they have ever been; the worry, the anxiety, the angst that the modern world is leaving the majority of Nigerians behind. Unmoved by such widespread thoughts and feelings of dread, Buhari himself and his supporters and followers in general live in a world of their own, very much like Trump and his diehard followers and supporters in America. Like Trump and the hordes of his most fanatical admirers in America, Buhari and his supporters are in profound denial about the devastating aspects of his rule as an elected, civilian ruler: the ever-widening circles of poverty, joblessness, insecurity and suffering; the billions, even trillions of naira still being looted; the waste and squandermania still perpetrated unabated; the number of youths, women and children that remain economically disadvantaged and socially marginalized. The few scattered achievements are blown out of proportion and proposed as the dominant reality: an increase in the internal production of rice; the Boko Haram insurgency pushed back into its earlier preference for “hit-and-run” tactics, now seemingly unable to conquer, hold and control large swathes of territory; the arrest and prosecution of looters, most of them from previous administrations and opposition political parties. These are all touted as the “dividends” of Buhari and the APC’s “change” mantra for which Nigerian and the world ought to celebrate Buhari while nearly everything else in thje country is unraveling. Partial and misleading statistics, figures and data are trotted out by Buhari’s spin doctors and image-makers to convince Nigerians and the world that what they are seeing is not what they are seeing, that truth is not truth but facts that everyone and anyone can manufacture out of thin air. In this Trumpian or Buharian make-believe world, the Buhari script of history and politics departs totally from Nigeria as it really is for the vast majority of its peoples.

    An even more frightening version of this Epilogue exists, compatriots. Here it is. The presidential elections of 2019 prove deadlocked, inconclusive. APC has imploded, a process that began before the elections; the different factions of the PDP are in total disarray; the smaller ruling class parties seem to have disappeared into the night of history; only the Kowa Party and the National Conscience Party are talking and making sense, though they do not have any electoral legitimacy to give them political salience and moral authority. The Left is weak, divided and politically irrelevant, though a few isolated voices are speaking coherently and passionately out of it and for it. The crisis is so deep and wide that it seems impossible to form a Government of National Unity (GNU) for which there are calls from all quarters of the political class. Law and order have completely broken down in many parts of the country and rampaging, marauding militias and gangs are having a field day virtually everywhere in the country. On only two previous occasions had the country’s political order been so close to total breakdown: the crises of the early to mid-1960s that ultimately led to the civil war of 1967-70 and the meltdown that led to the GNU headed by Ernest Shonekan after Babangida’s cancellation of the electoral victory of M.K.O. Abiola in June 12, 1993. But this crisis of 2019 is deeper and wider than either of these previous instances: Buhari’s personal situation is like the endgame “last stand” of Robert Mugabe (2017) and Jacob Zuma (2018) combined; the country’s general condition is close to that of the Democratic Republic of the Congo of the Kabila (father and son) years.

     

    Concluding reflections

    Let me remind you, compatriots, that since an epilogue is like a postscript that comes after all the actual and/or effective contents of a life or an experience have been reported, narrated or dramatized, none of the versions of the Epilogue outlined in this essay has happened or need ever happen. Buhari’s term in office has not ended and things are still fluid as we move toward 2019. In other words, the Epilogue that I have outlined here is an imagined one; it has no compelling or inevitable plot. Indeed, we can say that it is necessarily plotless. As a matter of fact, in all likelihood, none of the versions of the Epilogue outlined in this piece will happen as detailed; the greater probability is that we will get combinations of parts of these versions, together with parts of other versions that we cannot even imagine at the present time. Time has not run out on us, on our country and its teeming disenfranchised and marginalized communities, groups and individuals. We can still avoid any or all of the frightening visions of the future that the rule of Muhammadu Buhari and the APC in particular and the entire political class in general has unleashed on our country. I would like to bring my reflections in this series to a close – but not a closure – on this matter of an open, plotless future.

    Muhammadu Buhari, as a major protagonist in the drama of Nigeria and its post-independence rulers, is the ultimate if unwitting victim of plotlessness. Let me break this rather abstract observation into an easily understood proposition. Thus, I suggest that plotlessness implies an absence of control, an absence of certainty and of guarantees: if things can go wrong, they will probably go wrong. On the other hand, you might expect that things are going to end badly; they unexpectedly turn out well in the end. That’s plotlessness for you.

    The first coming of Buhari, 1983-85, was dogged by plotlessness, the ultimate expression of which was the coup that abruptly and unceremoniously ended his dictatorship. In the foolish belief that he could impose his own will, his own “plot” on history and politics, Buhari went so far as to promulgate a decree against truth that more less made this declaration: even if what you publish against my regime is true, you cannot and must not publish it if it will bring disrepute to me and my regime. It is one thing to think and act foolishly; it is another thing to think that others will also think and act foolishly because you have decreed that they should so think and act. That, I submit, is the folly and the tragicomedy of Buhari’s rule, both as a military dictator and an elected, civilian ruler.

    Truth and plotlessness have also dogged the second coming of Buhari: Maina, Babachir Lawal, Ayodele Oke and now Usman Yusuf. Add to this list the repeated herdsmen massacres of farmers and their communities. The great majority of Nigerians, North and South, are not with Buhari and his version of “truth” in these and other cases. Here is the ultimate effect of this division between himself and most Nigerians on the matter of truth that Buhari cannot seem to get: he will not change his mind or his action(s); and he will not explain things to anybody. That decree against truth of his first coming still has a profound, unbreakable grip on the president. Meanwhile, all the rationalizations, all the half-truths about Buhari’s incorruptibility, his competence and willfulness are being relentlessly stripped of their power to persuade or to cajole. No man or woman can forever set himself or herself against truth and hope to get away with it. That’s a fallacy, a Buharian fallacy.

    I call it a Buharian fallacy but recognize that it is “Buharian” only because the current president is the ultimate avatar of this political and moral malaise that almost without exception afflicts virtually all our heads of states and a good number of our state chief executives, past and present. And in this respect and only in this respect, Buhari is more “honest” than all our other rulers: he does not pretend, he does not dissemble, he does not hypocritically preach about “truth”. When and if he is exposed, he does not apologize and he does not change. He also does not accept responsibility for the consequences of his stolid indifference to truth. Those who still cling to the Buhari myth and blame the “cabal” for all the extraordinary acts and expressions insensitivity, callousness and power-drunkenness that we have seen in the second coming of Buhari take note: Buhari is the one with the power, the one that must bear the responsibility.

    Where do the Left, the progressives, the true patriots, the popular masses and those who fight on their side stand in all of this? Must we/they just place our/their hopes on plotlessness? No! Plot has never gone out and will never go out of the picture, the narrative, the drama. Plot here implies planning, working and struggling for justice, fairness, equal opportunities – and truth. But this is the subject of another piece or another series.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu