Category: Idowu Akinlotan

  • Federal government so detached from reality

    Federal government so detached from reality

    As an indication of just how far down on the realty scale the government has descended, huge contracts have just either been approved or budgeted for in the 2013 budget. Among these are N2 billion additional fund for the construction of the vice president’s residence in Abuja, N2.2bn for the construction of a ‘befitting’ banquet hall in the presidential villa, billions more for the maintenance of the about 10 aircraft in the presidential fleet, and stupendous amounts for the official accommodation of the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives. There are other hefty allocations for all sorts of sundry matters including meals, cutleries, entertainment, etc.

    Asked why the VP’s residence was a priority, the Federal Capital City (FCT) minister made this remarkably indifferent explanation: “The Vice-President is staying in a guest house meant for visiting heads of state. It is not right, it is not befitting for the Vice-President…The Vice-President has no accommodation; certainly you will agree with me that it is unbecoming for any government not to provide accommodation for its Vice-President. We will now embark on the construction of a befitting residence for the vice-president.” The minister, you will notice, wasn’t talking of necessity in these dire economic times; he was talking of what is befitting and what is not befitting. It’s the same rationalisation everywhere in government. The Aviation minister, for instance, is also preoccupied with building airports that can compete with the best in the world. Have they been able to run and maintain the ones they inherited as best as they should?

    The Goodluck Jonathan government is not just spending billions without rhyme or reason; I am beginning to suspect that the government has run berserk. Only last week, the Minister of Finance, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, disclosed that some 50 oil firms fraudulently collected N232bn from the government. Only N29bn has been recovered so far through debt swap. Were the gatekeepers sleeping when the crime was being committed; or was it sheer criminal collusion by government officials? In the midst of this horrendous mismanagement and wasteful spending, the president has not spoken with the gravitas the situation calls for. Instead, he has announced that eventually fuel subsidy would have to be removed completely. Neither he nor his ministers could tell us accurately the volume of fuel we consume, how they computed the subsidy, and why they think the economy can survive the social and economic dislocations the subsidy removal would precipitate.

    The Jonathan government has not provided fresh ideas on how the country can best manage its resources, develop the economic and political paradigms that are efficient and best suited to our needs, and energise the system to succor the rising number of poor people who cannot afford to pay for shelter and healthcare, educate their children, and enjoy a decent standard of living. More people are unemployed today than at any time in our history, are cripplingly less skilled, more criminally minded, and die much younger than their counterparts in most other African countries. In brief, Nigeria fares very badly in every social or economic indicator. What plans does the government have to remake the country and its people? Practically none. Instead, the government continues to embark on a spending spree so violently opposed to the reality of the moment, and almost without a care for the future, that it is a miracle order has not completely broken down.

    Sadly, as democrats, we will have to cope with this sorry situation for the next two years and more. There is little anyone can do to redirect the government. It believes it has the brightest ideas and the best men and women to run the affairs of the country. Whatever we say will simply bounce off their thick skins. The best we can hope for is to wait for the next polls and vote in rational and realistic leaders who have workable ideas for re-engineering the country. Meanwhile, we must also hope that the damage this band of indifferent and financially reckless politicians will do to the system will not be irredeemable. Indeed, I am not sure we can survive a wrong choice after 2015.

  • Sanusi: The limit of candour

    Sanusi: The limit of candour

    There is little anyone can do to change Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi’s mannerisms and worldview. He is 51, and set in his ways. He does not shy away from battle, sometimes seeming to be even foolhardy, and cannot help but speak forthrightly on any subject that draws his attention, especially one that annoys him. This was why in Warri, Delta State, last Tuesday he again indulged his habit of not caring whose ox was gored and speaking candidly about economic issues. Speaking at the Second Annual Capital Market Committee Retreat, Sanusi had declared: “At the moment 70 per cent of Federal Government’s revenue goes for payment of salaries and entitlement of civil servants, leaving 30 per cent for development of 167 million Nigerians. That means that for every naira government earns, 70 kobo is consumed by civil servants.”

    Inflamed, as he always is when he addresses a large audience, Sanusi then turned on the heat: “You have to fire half of the civil service because the revenue of the government is supposed to be for 167 million Nigerians. Any society where government spends 70 per cent of its revenue on its civil service has a problem. It is unsustainable. The various tiers of government should cut down their recurrent expenditure and use the fund to provide basic infrastructure like schools, hospital, etc. How can we be using the proceeds from our major source of revenue to service recurrent expenditure, by paying salaries, allowances, etc. The country should be thinking of enhancing its productivity base rather than spending on things that cannot create wealth.”

    This was very hot stuff, a red rag to a bull. Predictably, the civil service bull, under the auspices of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC), picked up the gauntlet and has been calling for the sack of Sanusi. Candour, it appears, has its limits. Perhaps affrighted by the sheer volume of the calls for his sack and the near unanimity of opinion against him, Sanusi has begun to prevaricate, if a news report from London is believable. Speaking to Channels Television in London at the end of the 13th Session of the Honorary International Investors Council Meeting, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor explained that he was misunderstood. After saying those calling for his sack were “shying away from the reality of the time,” he added, according to Channels, that he was only asking for downsizing of political appointees, not civil servants, who take 70 percent of government revenue leaving a mere 30 percent for the 160 million Nigerians.

    He’ll still probably modify what he told Channels, if that also becomes controversial, for it is not conceivable that he believed political appointees took 70 percent of government revenue. Coming to his help, however, was the General Secretary, Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN), Comrade Alade Bashir Lawal, who wondered whether the CBN governor could not tell the difference between civil servants and public servants. Lawal suggested that the strength of the entire civil service was below 100,000, while the public service, comprising the Army, Navy, Customs, EFCC, NAFDAC, etc. had 970,000 workers. “The civil service is just a subset,” he continued. “If Sanusi now says we are the ones taking 70 per cent of the budget, we have to doubt his CV. The IMF said for every N100 spent on services in Nigeria, 80 per cent goes to private pocket; it goes to corruption. Only 20 per cent is spent on projects.”

    The NLC was not as patient or charitable as the ASCSN. In a statement by Comrade Abdulwaheed Omar, the NLC president said: “We see in Sanusi an agent of death that must be defeated and crushed before he further destroys the Nigerian economy. While President Jonathan is promising to create more jobs, Sanusi is calling for mass sack of civil servants in a country with one of the highest number of unemployed, which has indeed led to gross deprivation and the current state of insecurity in Nigeria. While we believe the Federal Government will ignore the ranting of this hollow economist, Sanusi has never demonstrated patriotism in all his advice on economic and financial management in Nigeria. Sanusi’s only understanding of governance is simply about saving money and not saving lives, as his proposals are repeatedly devoid of human content and without consideration for the implications on the larger society. The burden that will come with mass sack as high as 50 per cent of civil servants, in addition to the already saturated unemployment market, can better be imagined. Governance is about improving the quality of lives of the people and not destruction of productive lives.”

    It’s unlikely anyone would heed the NLC’s call, or that the campaign against Sanusi would go far. As this paper’s Hardball column observed on Friday, the president, who is a politician and whose priorities are often carefully circumscribed by electoral exigencies, will simply ignore the CBN governor’s recommendations. Said Hardball last Friday: “Nigeria can use the candour and common sense of someone like Sanusi. But whether that candour befits a CBN governor is a different thing altogether. Nor is it likely that President Goodluck Jonathan will find Sanusi’s brave talk amusing. Jonathan is a politician, and he has an election to win in 2015, if he decides to contest. Sanusi on the other hand has no election to contest or even care about. Instead he has repeatedly announced he has a death wish – to be sacked. For someone who derives fulfillment in speaking candidly and making people squirm, which characteristics he deeply covets, the last thing on his mind is to please anyone or suffer fools gladly. Sanusi may have spoken idealistically, but Jonathan can be relied upon to act realistically.”

    The integrity of Sanusi’s views appears sound, even if slightly misplaced. The number of states is truly unbearable, unwise and burdensome. It is in fact shocking that Nigerians can be so far removed from reality that they are campaigning for additional states. Consolidation is needed to reduce recurrent expenditure in states and to increase efficiency. Even though the solution to civil service bloatedness is not the drastic downsizing Sanusi recommends, there is little doubt that something still has to be done, whether in direct relation to the civil service or, as the Association of Senior Civil Servants argued, in relation to the public service as a whole. And if we do not need a 36-state structure, why would we need a 774-local government structure? We have been financially too reckless for far too long. In addition, the national and state legislature simply must be restructured to reduce expenditure on them. Like the structure of the federation itself, the structure of the legislature is inoperable, downright inane and unrealistic.

    The problem with Sanusi is not so much his views – many of those views are in fact heartfelt and sensible – but the way he delivers them, and the fact that they come from him, the governor of the Central Bank. It is indeed unfortunate that his controversiality is beginning to overshadow his responsibility as the governor of a financial institution that regulates the financial health of the country through very sensitive monetary policies. The CBN governor should seldom be seen, and heard from sparingly. But Sanusi is voluble and gives the impression he is averse to working in the background where he would be more effective. He gives the impression he is more at home with incendiary statements, politics, religion and traditionalism. His position requires somebody who should hardly stir. But Sanusi is restless, verbally aggressive, sometimes showy, and even obtruding. If he eventually gets the boot, it will not be because he had ceased to be intelligent, as the NLC inferred last week, but because he lacked the requisite restraint Nigeria’s apex banker should possess.

    Surely, there must be a limit to controversy, even for a politician, let alone a top banker. Consider, for instance, that Sanusi pursued banking reforms, not with the studious patience and empathetic firmness required of the apex bank, but with the messianic and inquisitorial zeal of an extreme and opinionated campaigner. Consider also whether it was appropriate for him to appear in office in full traditional regalia following his installation as a chief in his native Kano State. Did he know the implication for his image? And what of his stubborn resolve to introduce the N5,000 note, in spite of the thunderous opposition against the project? Were he to be governor or president, he would be a dictator, probably even of the malevolent variety. It is certainly not enough to say controversy dogs him; given his predilections and his idiosyncratic leadership of the apex bank, it must also be said that he actively courts controversy. And it doesn’t matter whether the victims of his fiery denunciation is the influential National Assembly, which he says exasperates him, secular bankers, whom he says criticise non-secular banking because they do not know banking regulations, and those who denounce his partiality for directing the apex bank’s corporate responsibility in favour of Kano, his home state, and never for once in favour of other major northern states hit more lethally by Boko Haram and other terrorist attacks.

  • It’s surprising Ojukwu’s will is described as shocking

    It’s surprising Ojukwu’s will is described as shocking

    The last will and testament of the late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu has finally been read. It provides for his widow, the former beauty queen, Bianca, much more than it offers something to any other member of the family. Perhaps we will have more insight into the will later on. But for now, the leader of the defunct Republic of Biafra has not seemed to give reasons for the drama embedded in his will. Most newspapers that reported the reading of the will described it as shocking, unexpected, or surprising. Ojukwu’s life was all about drama, shock, irreverence, boldness and surprise. He would be untrue to himself if he went into the celestial realm without the drama and shock he was reputed for in his lifetime.

    One of the items in the will that surprised many is Ojukwu’s acknowledgment of a daughter, Tenny Hamman, unknown to family members. I do not know what is surprising about it. Was such a man that gave public indication he had an eye for beautiful women, and was not dissuaded by religion or any other consideration from giving free rein to his passion, not expected to engage in mysterious dalliances, made more adventurous by the longtime secrecy that accompanied them? I doubt whether he was afraid to acknowledge Tenny while he lived, or that he had to make provision in his will to secure the property (or the cash value) for her, or that he felt it was harmful for her to be known. Knowing him for who he was, Ojukwu acknowledged her because there simply must be something dramatic and newsworthy in the will. The press will try their best to discover the face of the mysterious daughter, who was born of a Sierra-Leonean woman, and I am not sure she will try her least to hide her identity.

    The media disguised their shock by saying the hefty provisions for Bianca was expected, though not by the margin with which she thrashed other members of the family. If anyone is shocked, it is because the person is unrealistic in his appreciation of the power of women over men. When a man is smitten, as indeed Ojukwu experienced thunderbolt when he met Bianca, he becomes a child again and is held in permanent thralldom by her charms. There was no way Ojukwu could have freed himself from Bianca’s charms, nor did he try, nor did he want. He was enraptured by her when he was alive, and he took scintillating memories of her to the grave, memories that are probably not attenuated by any supposition of her later marriage. When a man is in love with a beautiful woman, and that love waxes stronger as the man becomes enfeebled and the woman grows more resplendent, any other heir would be lucky to receive more than a gesture.

    Above all, I think Ojukwu’s will reveals more about men’s overrated power than about women’s underestimated power. How many men do not have one Tenny Hamman or the other somewhere? Perhaps, someday, a bright photographer will be able to match her face and her mother’s with the faces of two ladies who were at his burial, and who, unknown to the family, somehow managed to secure prime positions at the graveside. And very soon, too, we will know why the name of Debechukwu Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who continues to insist he is first son, is missing in the will. Ojukwu, it turns out, is having the last laugh.

     

  • Appeal Court crisis:  It’s a question of character

    Appeal Court crisis: It’s a question of character

    Since the suspension of the President of the Court of Appeal (PCA), Justice Ayo Salami, in August 2011 and the crisis that action unleashed, the National Judicial Council (NJC) has vacillated between wary avoidance of confrontation with the executive branch and studious reluctance to defend its independence and integrity. This may be because the judiciary is unlike a trade union or a political party where radicals and hotheads tend to dominate affairs and cultivate fame. The best that sometimes comes out from the judiciary resembling radicalism is what some legal scholars and analysts have nebulously described as judicial activism, a term even the late Justice Kayode Esho once questioned its appropriateness.

    After sustaining the illegality of appointing and reappointing Justice Dalhatu Adamu as acting president of the Court of Appeal for a record five times of three months in each instance, much to the discomfiture of the NJC and stakeholders in the judiciary, President Goodluck Jonathan has eventually found a novel way of perpetuating that illegality and making it look and sound like progress and resolution. He has appointed Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa as the acting president of the appellate court. Reports indicate the appointment was based on the recommendation of the NJC. Were the eminent justices intimidated? Did their consciences not prick them? Unlike the serial reappointment of Justice Dalhatu, only one of which was approved by the NJC, Bulkachuwa’s appointment, it seems, followed the letter of the law.

    Let us briefly remind ourselves of the genesis of the crisis in the Court of Appeal. After the March 2010 arrest of the Appeal Court’s (Sokoto Division ) verdict in the governorship election dispute between the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) candidate, Alhaji Maigari Dingyadi, and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Alhaji Aliyu Magatakarda Wammako, a face-off ensued in which the PCA, Justice Salami, alleged unhealthy influence and unethical behaviour by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu. The Salami allegation unleashed a maelstrom on the judiciary, leading the NJC to recommend to the president the PCA’s suspension. Both the NJC resolution, which was reportedly controversial, and Katsina-Alu’s readiness to cut NJC’s nose to spite its face in turn created more crises and disaffection within the body and armed the executive branch to unconstitutionally meddle in the affairs of the appellate court.

    Not only has the Sokoto verdict stayed unprecedentedly arrested since 2010, making a mockery of justice in Nigeria and lowering the country in the esteem of the civilised world, politicians have managed to instigate court-ousted and disaffected governors in the Southwest to petition the manner their defeat in the appellate court arising from the 2007 elections in Osun and Ekiti States came about. It is also recalled that Justice Bulkachuwa, who is now the acting president of the appellate court, was involved in the Sokoto governorship petitions (which sat in Kaduna at the time) when, leading other justices, she gave a defiant denunciation of the shenanigans that accompanied the Wammako victory. Even though she denounced the subterfuge that procured victory that victory in the 2007 governorship election in a brilliant and stirring judgement, and that election probably triggered the main crisis in the appellate court, it is doubtful whether there is anything substantial she can do to reclaim the integrity of the court.

    With the appointment of Justice Bulkachuwa, the message is clear. The presidency has somewhat temporarily salved its conscience long tormented by its disloyalty to the constitution. The presidency is not driven by a passion for justice or logic. It is driven solely by politics and by private and distorted expediency. At least, now, it has bought time, and may even have stumbled into some sort of less reprehensible solution, which rotating the presidency of the appellate court in acting capacity offers. All these manoeuvres are doubtless designed to prevent Justice Salami from regaining the court’s presidency, for he is rigid in favour of the law and indifferent to the blandishments of the ruling party or its bullying methods, and is arguably a veritable palladium of judicial rectitude and activism, if we can agree on the meaning of the term. After all, we recall that for more than one year after the Sokoto rerun in 2008, the then PCA, Justice Umaru Abdullahi, refused to constitute the appeal panel to hear the Dingyadi petition. Salami daringly did it soon after he became the PCA.

    As embarrassing as the crisis in the appellate court is to everyone, especially a simple majority of the NJC, an overwhelming majority of members of the Court of Appeal, and the rest of the country, there may never be an administrative solution. Ignoring Katsina-Alu, his successor had made a determined attempt to redress the wrong. The Appeal Court, the sick physician, is powerless to cure itself. A vast majority of legal experts and practitioners watch in total helplessness, and tens of millions of Nigerians, minus of course the presidency, are left bewildered. But if there cannot be a solution to the mess in the appellate court, we must at least understand why. I do not think the lack of resolution has anything to do with lack of knowledge; we have enough brilliant minds to chart a way out. I do not think it has anything to do with political, legal or bureaucratic power; we have enough instruments to redeem the law and repair the damage to our image if we choose.

    The problem, I think, is the lack of character in high office. When you observe a country drifting, it is because men of character have not assumed office. When you see a community, family or an organisation embracing expediency, do-or-die tactics, or Machiavellianism, it is because their leadership are unscrupulous, unprincipled, and even sometimes diabolical. The appellate court crisis endures because there are no people of character in critical and sensitive positions in the judiciary and in the presidency to make the difference – people who have a passion for the country, for justice, for humanity, and who have a great and lofty vision for the future. President Jonathan talks endlessly about patriotism, the rule of law, fairness, equity and justice. The Appeal Court crisis was the perfect opportunity to put his money where his mouth was when he assumed the presidency. He chose not to. More than that, he in fact muddied the waters further, encouraged himself in the unreasoned choices advanced by sycophants and court jesters, and engendered a situation that may undermine his legacy for life. It requires an unfathomable depth of understanding and character to appreciate these consequences.

    Up till now, Salami’s predecessor, Justice Umaru Abdullahi, has not offered persuasive reason for not constituting the appeal panel in 2009 to hear the case arising from the Sokoto governorship rerun. Justice Dahiru Musdapher, on becoming the CJN, resolved to get Salami reinstated. We may never know what transpired when he and Salami presented themselves before Katsina-Alu, except to appreciate that it was his word against Salami’s when both gentlemen gave their versions of the then CJN’s attempt to influence the Sokoto governorship petition verdict. But Musdapher failed to achieve Salami’s reinstatement because even he recognised the behemoth he had to move to get the job done. He knew the president was ready to fight to sustain the injustice against Salami, and anyone who wanted a different outcome had to be prepared to fight to the death. If, as Salami suggested, Musdapher could not and did not fight Katsina-Alu, would it not be expecting too much to nudge him into an even bigger and messier fight with the president, especially a president not deterred by constitutional niceties and patriotic zeal, and the full weight of executive wrath?

    When Justice Mariam Aloma-Mukhtar assumed office as the CJN, her genuine words and honest body language indicated she wanted to resolve the Salami stalemate. But with the recommendation by the NJC to the president to appoint Justice Bulkachuwa as acting president of the appellate court, that resolve seems to have collapsed. There does not seem to be any elbow room left for her or anyone else to manoeuvre. She and her fellow justices in the NJC and Federal Judicial Service Commission will have to stomach the continuing indignity of being treated shabbily by an imposing and excessive presidency. Katsina-Alu’s unprincipled and undignified actions played into the hands of the executive; now the consequences will linger far longer than the acquiescent justices in the NJC projected. Would to God a Ribadu had been CJN.

    Now, how would a man of character resolve the logjam? Isn’t Palladium asking for too much, nay, the impossible? Indeed, what could Bulkachuwa do when neither Musdapher nor Aloma-Mukhtar could land even one limp blow on the presidency’s gloating face? First, I think a man of character could do so much, in fact limitless much. Second, I think Palladium is not asking for too much. It is when choices like these face a man in high office, and he makes the right call, that history is made. It is not Palladium’s fault that Jonathan and the justices that have yielded to his assault have no sense of history, not to talk of sense of a country’s great future. In any case there are two options. One is for Bulkachuwa to have declined the appointment based on the principle of not profiting from a moral and historical wrong. If she had taken this option, would there not have been countless others angling for the post and jumping at it if offered? There would of course be; though if in theory they all had a sense of history and all of them declined the nauseous offer, the president could not hope to keep the ineffective Justice Dalhatu for much longer without precipitating a major crisis capable of consuming even the presidency itself. Moreover, if Justice Bulkachuwa declined the offer and others accepted, it would be impossible for any apostate to conduct himself in clear conscience.

    The second option is to accept the offer and hope that one’s meagre principles would suffice to give some fair amount of decent leadership to a distressed and reluctant, if not disoriented, Appeal Court. Since somebody has to take the position anyway, it is argued, better it should be taken by someone who can to some extent still call his soul his own. To decline the position and let it be taken by an arrantly acquiescent justice is to further push the beleaguered appellate court into the abyss. I suggest there is no one who would not tremble just considering how shorn of choices our country’s parched moral landscape has made us. It is indeed a reflection of our troubles that the Supreme Court did not have unanimity over this crisis, nor did the appellate court, nor did the NJC, nor most importantly did the presidency. As the judicial subterfuge to enthrone favoured judges in Kogi and Adamawa States a few years back showed, we are in far deeper trouble than we imagine.

    I get very angry when we tamely excuse our failings, when we use extenuating circumstances to condone our lack of character, when we suggest joining a bad gang to activate reform from within that soulless bunch, when we use our perennial impecuniosity to justify our crass behaviour, and when because of our religious, ethnic and class preferences we colour arguments, deny truth and logic and pervert the cause of justice and fair play. I have no patience for Jonathan’s fancy footwork on the Court of Appeal crisis; and I am not amused by the depth of infamy the justices have made us to plumb, nor of the consequences their betrayal will bring upon us and future generations.

     

  • Fuel subsidy and Jonathan’s surgery

    Fuel subsidy and Jonathan’s surgery

    It wasn’t many weeks after the crown settled over his ears that President Goodluck Jonathan, and perhaps some of his minders, knew that Palladium would be a lifelong opponent. The columnist’s grouse is of course not congenital; it was triggered by the president’s disagreeable worldview that sees him being shifty when firmness is desired and rigid when compromise is required. Even before the election that enthroned him was conducted, this column had concluded that the president, who was then an acting president, would win, but would be incapable of governing with the innovativeness and discipline a harassed and broken nation needed. The columnist, readers will recall, had endorsed Mallam Nuhu Ribadu for the presidency, but also concluded that the young man’s time was not yet, for too many things were loaded against the uppity anti-graft czar, not least his age, judgement, and frequently misplaced candour . I am happy to restate that the president has not made a disciple of me.

    I single out for consideration today Jonathan’s fuel subsidy removal policy. Speaking a few days ago while receiving the report of the graduating participants of the Senior Executive Course 34, 2012 of the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, at the Presidential Villa, the president insisted that what was left of subsidy must be removed in order to free the industry and attract investors. It was an inelegant perspective couched allegorically in patient-doctor format. Hear him at his rhetorical best: “Why is it that people are not building refineries in Nigeria, despite that it is a big business? It is because of the policy of subsidy, and that is why we want to get out of it. To change a nation is like surgery. If you have a young daughter of five years who has a boil at a very strategic part of the face, you either, as a parent, leave that boil because the young girl will cry or you take the girl to the surgeon. So, you have the option of just robbing mentholatum on the face, until the boil will burst and disfigure her face, or you take that child to the surgeon. On the sighting of a scalpel of the surgeon alone, the child will start crying. But if she bears the pains, after some days or weeks, the child will grow up to be a beautiful lady.”

    Not only has the president determined that the subsidy problem is a boil, he has also concluded that it is located on the face. He also assumes that the boil was left untreated until it became ripe and reached the ugly dimension he talked about. Finally, he assumes that the patient cannot have a second opinion, and that the surgeon is competent enough to make the incision required to prevent scarification. But suppose the so-called boil is only imaginary and indeed psychosomatic? Suppose the patient is a haemophiliac or a diabetic? In Jonathan’s allegorical world, we are after all permitted to cavort among many suppositions. Judging from his antecedents and his responses to Nigeria’s enduring problems and challenges, Jonathan cannot, however, be supposed to be a qualified surgeon, let alone one whose diagnosis is accurate. In January this year, in his attempt to perform surgery on this same boil of his finding, he almost decapitated the national head. In surgically addressing a boil he says is strategically placed on the face – thank God he sees us as a potentially beautiful girl – how can we be sure he will not remove an eye?

    Has Jonathan treated the cancer that has made our roads death traps? Has he tackled the security problems in the Northeast and all over the country? Has he responded well to the decay in the education sector, the misery in the health sector, and the confusion in transportation and electricity generation and distribution sectors? He pursues boils but leaves cancers and cardiac problems unattended. He is preoccupied with saving a girl’s pretty face when the patient is suffering from the far more devastating afflictions of leukaemia and haemophilia. The fact staring us in the face is that in his allegorical world, Jonathan seems more appropriately a self-trained nurse who has picked up bits and pieces from eminent surgeons during ward rounds. He depends on the apolitical Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala for his knowledge of economics, though the economic orthodoxy she purveys has doubtful utility for Nigeria’s unique cultural, social and political milieux. In her first coming, she was obsessed with the desire to pay off the country’s debts; in her second coming, she is now obsessed with the countervailing desire to acquire debts. She reminds us of the illustrious and self-satisfied Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who at his first coming was obsessed with nationalising what he described as the commanding heights of the economy, and at his second coming was so fixated with privatising everything we briefly feared he would privatise the presidency or the country itself.

    There is not only no convincing proof of the existence of fuel subsidy, as the trial of the so-called subsidy thieves has indicated, it is also clear that neither Jonathan nor his favourite aides and mannequins in the oil sector have given us statistical illustration of what is happening in the industry in terms of production, consumption and refining. Nigeria’s oil industry is so immersed in confusion and inefficiency that it must require extreme arrogance and insouciance for the government to focus only on the financial rewards of removing the subsidy, and ignoring the unsavoury fact that the burden of such removal will be borne mainly, if not only, by the poor. The surgeon-general has spared no time to consider the consequences of the subsidy removal, nor even talked about it, except to refer to it in exasperating tones. Never has a government anywhere, not even in autocracies, sailed near the wind as recklessly as the Jonathan government and his colluding cabals. The poor are overtaxed, over-levied, can’t afford school fees for their children, have no access to decent or qualitative healthcare, and have no access to housing. They are left hungry, isolated and dangerously alienated.

    President Jonathan fancies himself a political, developmental and financial surgeon, and is impatient with any talk of second opinion. He wants to railroad his patient into surgery, in the tenuous hope that the patient will not die on his poorly equipped operating table. He knows the threat from the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) is mere noise, and he believes the Save Nigeria Group (SNG) has discredited itself by its indiscriminate accusations and hysteria. He is convinced it would be a mark of courage to defy the patient’s alarm and to proceed urgently to surgery, and in 10 years, as he said at another forum, Nigeria would enjoy a turnaround. He will probably expatiate on this wild and unsubstantiated optimism in today’s presidential media chat. But there is nothing he says that will persuade us he has the discipline and the team to remake Nigeria. Except to the jobholders around him, everyone knows his government lacks the depth and initiative to snatch the country from the jaws of poverty and underdevelopment.

    Sadly, now, there is nothing anyone can say to persuade Dr Jonathan that the world is not flat, as his subsidy theory imagines, or that the consequences of subsidy removal, which he and his aides deigned to give only palliative gestures, would not far outweigh the benefits his economists talk about. We hope it is not superfluous to remind him he is a democratically elected president, and that that singular fact makes it obligatory for him to convince us of the existence of a subsidy regime in the downstream sector of the oil industry, and that that subsidy is of such magnitude that except we did away with it, we could not hope to prosper. We may not trust that he would grasp what we readily see, namely that an indifferent and illogical policy issuing from him could mix lethally with an impoverished and alienated public to produce such effects as no revolution is sufficient to mimic. But we have a responsibility to restrain this eager surgeon, lest he make an incision purporting to save a girl’s pretty face only to destroy the patient, and with her, bring an entire republic down.

  • Sex scandal claims another dignified scalp

    Sex scandal claims another dignified scalp

    An eight-month affair, short in duration by Nigerian standards, has doomed the reputation and career of General David Petraeus, 60, Director of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Petraeus, who has just resigned his appointment, made his reputation in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars as the successful US military commander in both countries. After a stint in the CIA, which position he assumed only last year, he was expected sometime in the future to run for the White House. That will no longer be possible because of the sex scandal inadvertently unearthed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) while looking into a petition by a 37-year-old Florida socialite, Ms Jill Kelly, who sought protection over threatening emails sent by an anonymous woman.

    The FBI traced the threatening emails to Paula Broadwell, Petraeus’ biographer, who thought Ms Kelly was her rival for the attention and love of the CIA boss. Ms Kelly is married and has three children; so too is Ms Broadwell, with two children. One of the Broadwell emails reads: “Stay away from my man,” and another says: “Does your husband know you are touching Gen Petraeus under the table?” Like a domino, however, the FBI has also discovered thousands of pages of emails exchanged between Ms Kelly and Gen John Allen, who was recently nominated as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) commander in Europe. Investigations are still ongoing to find out whether there was any inappropriate relationship between Allen and Kelly, and whether there was an affair between Kelly and Petraeus in the past.

    It is clear Kelly did not know the identity of Broadwell when she sought protection from the FBI, nor do we at the moment have insight into whether Broadwell’s allegation against Kelly is true or false. It is, however, amusing that married women could fight over other women’s husbands. What should the legitimate wives do? Petraeus and Allen’s families would be praying that more seedy revelations do not come to light as it happened in the Tiger Woods case. Petraeus, for instance, is reputed to have mentored many people; his family must hope that he had no affair with some of the women he mentored.

    Here are Palladium’s homilies on mentorship and biographical writings. First, as much as possible, let a man mentor a man. Cross-gender mentorship is fraught with difficulties and temptations. Second, considering the acute closeness biographers have with their subjects, let a man write the biography of a man, and a woman that of a woman. As every schoolboy knows, and as every worker can testify, interacting with the opposite sex on a continuous basis breaks down all barriers – including looks, religion, class etc. – to starting a relationship.

    I do not pretend that my homilies are applicable to Nigeria. If the same moral yardstick used by Americans and Europeans were applied to Nigeria, there is hardly a state house, military formation, civil service, media house (tee-hee), hospital etc. that can stand up to scrutiny. Indeed, I would like to be challenged by one state house, just one, from the topmost echelon of government to the lowest rung (ha-ha). After all, according to the late Bola Ige, in his book People, Politics and Politicians of Nigeria (1940-1979), pages 299-300, the flamboyant Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh, a former Finance minister, remarked in the heat of the British Parliament Profumo scandal that no Nigerian minister would resign his portfolio simply because of sex scandal. That doctrine has endured; so too has our age-long turpitude which is clumsily hidden under a tapestry of cultural, religious and social permissiveness.

  • Boko Haram’s curious peace offer

    Boko Haram’s curious peace offer

    Last week, the Islamic sect, Boko Haram, unexpectedly proposed dialogue with the Goodluck Jonathan government wearied by years of uprising in the Northeast. The structure and terms of the dialogue, which the sect expects could lead to a truce and possibly peace, are truly bewildering. But the offer comes at a time of increasing turmoil in that region and amidst fears the violence could still spill over to other parts of the country and even beyond. The sect says it is prepared to give dialogue a chance if the government in turn shows some sincerity in negotiating an end to the violence that has undermined governance in that region since 2009.

    Interestingly, the terms of the Boko Haram offer are neither complex nor controversial. Speaking in a telephone conference with journalists in Maiduguri, the deputy leader of the sect, Abu Mohammed Ibn Abdulazeez, says the sect wants the government to arrest and prosecute the former governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sherrif, with whom it has a long-standing axe to grind, compensate the sect for its losses, rebuild Mosques destroyed in the 2009 uprising led by the former leader, Mohammed Yusuf, release all arrested sect members, rehabilitate displaced wives and children of members, and ensure that the dialogue take place in Saudi Arabia. It is not the business of the sect what the government hopes to do for Boko Haram victims whose lives and businesses have been shattered. But as difficult as these terms seem, it is unlikely they would be impossible to surmount.

    What is in fact difficult is the structure of the dialogue. The sect has asked for what is unprecedented in the annals of peace talks, a request the federal government in its first reaction has not appeared to give deep thoughts to. The sect takes the unusual step of listing the names of those who should represent the government in the talks, and also supplying the names of those who should represent the sect. In other words, the sect does not really expect the government to have a say over who should represent the country, and definitely no say whatsoever over who should represent the sect. As a chronicler of modern history, Palladium cannot recall one instance in which those who levy war against the state have such total control over peace terms and structures. Though the sect was gracious enough to list only five names to represent it, it magnanimously conceded six names to the government side. But it retains control in its entirety over who should sit at the negotiating table. Such temerity.

    If indeed it is true that the dialogue offer is really coming from the Boko Haram leadership, it is likely the Jonathan government will give the sect some attention. My private doubts, however, are that the sect merely wishes to needle the government with carrots that are far from anyone’s reach, and taunt it with an offer the sect knows will be rejected offhand. I have never supported dialogue between the government and terrorists, in particular because of the nature of the Boko Haram war against the people of Nigeria. Though Abdulazeez is now attempting to dissociate the sect from much of the violence that has brought the northern parts of the country to heel, claiming that criminal and political Boko Haram were behind some of the violence, it is a fact that the sect itself had in the past claimed responsibility for bombing places of worship and remorselessly indicated its proselytising mission to subject about a half of the country to Sharia rule.

    However, I acknowledge that the poignancy of my suggestion that the sect be defeated, both because of its incendiary objectives and its cruel and divisive methods, has been considerably blunted by the scorched-earth methods deployed by the Joint Task Force (JTF) in fighting the insurgency in the region. This column had in recent months drawn attention to the complaints by Borno Elders against the indiscriminate use of force by security agents and the extra-judicial killings that have become a part of the war against the sect. As the latest Amnesty International (AI) report on the crisis shows, the Nigerian government’s unorthodox approach to pacifying the region has led to massive human rights violations. But rather than investigate the Borno Elders’ and Amnesty’s claims, the government has appeared to connive at the unlawful means employed by the JTF in tackling the crisis.

    The sect is probably right to say that much of the violence taking place in the Northeast is inspired by forces outside the control of the original Boko Haram. Having set the genie loose, however, the sect’s leaders have proved unable to rein in the renegades who carry out killings in the name of the sect. This ubiquitousness of the sect and its look-alikes, apart from weakening their control, may also have partly convinced the sect’s original leaders that in the end both their goals and the control they so earnestly desire to exercise may even prove difficult to sustain in the long run. The fact is that violence in the region is spiralling out of the control of any group, whether of the real Boko Haram or of the fake Boko Haram, including out of the hands of those who are suspected to be the sponsors of the sect. And as much as the people would have loved to cooperate with the JTF to help end the menace, the security agencies have themselves virtually completely alienated the local populace by their hostile and spiteful methods.

    The Boko Haram offer may be curious and dishonest, but it is even more unlikely that they sought the approval of those whose names they have haughtily put forward to represent the government side in the negotiations. Gen Muhhamadu Buhari would of course not agree to by pigeonholed by the sect, for he is smart enough to know that whatever he undertakes in the search for peace would be misconstrued and even used against him both now and in the future. Already, his party, the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), has spurned the mediatory offer to the general to be a part of the negotiating team. He is unlikely to accept the offer even if it came from the government itself.

    Though I have long advocated that the sect be defeated, I do not see that prospect happening anytime soon. The reason is that the security agencies have alienated the local populace, carried out extra-judicial killings, and generally fought the terrorists with unremitting brutishness. The crisis will naturally continue to spiral. Worse, there is a high possibility that the government’s repressive tactics will gradually turn the hearts of the people towards Boko Haram, especially if the sect cleans up its act, fights those it describes as criminal and political Boko Haram, and shows more consideration to the local populace and sensitivity to their plight. To prevent this from happening, the military authorities must urgently reorganise the fighting forces in the region, insist that officers adhere scrupulously to the rules of engagement, and openly punish every infraction by undisciplined soldiers.

    Given some of the recent high-profile killings in the Northeast, many of which were carried out by unknown gunmen, I believe the saddened elders and people of the region would welcome and back concrete and sensible initiatives to bring the violence to an end. The killing of the distinguished civil war general, Muhammadu Shuwa, is a case in point. The government must not think it has all the time in the world, or that the longer the war goes on the more likely the sect would run out of steam. The fear in some quarters is that the longer the war, the higher the chance that one careless killing, whether normal or extra-judicial, or whether inspired by government security agencies or Boko Haram itself, could push the country over the cliff.

    Boko Haram has made its own suggestions, as dishonest as the sect may seem. Let the government, which has so far proved incompetent in fighting the menace or finding a way out, also come up with its own initiative to bring the insurgency to an end, re-establish peace, more importantly enthrone justice, which it appears incapable of, and begin the process of rebuilding the blighted Northeast and extirpating the reasons that provoked the rebellion in the first instance. Certainly, we do not have all the time in the world.

  • Ribadu committee, oil politics and test of leadership

    In unseemly disagreement broke out on Friday among members of the Petroleum Revenue Special Task Force as the committee chairman Mallam Nuhu Ribadu submitted the final report to the Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs Diezani Alison-Madueke, and President Goodluck Jonathan. The disagreement, which took place at the Presidential Villa, was triggered by two committee members, Mr Stephen Oronsaye and Ben Oti, who both tried to rubbish the report by describing it as one-sided, hasty and full of inaccuracies. But Ribadu and other committee members stood their ground and described the two dissenters as compromised board members of the NNPC who absented themselves from the committee’s meetings since the special panel was constituted in February.

    The substance of the quarrel was that the report was too harsh in its conclusion that Petroleum ministers since 2008, including Alison-Madueke, gave out seven discretionary oil licences, and cannot account for the $183m (N28.73bn) signature bonuses which the government should have received. The report also contained even harsher verdicts on the unprofitable way Nigeria’s oil and gas resources have been managed over the years. Though the president tried to assuage passion by calling on the dissenters to prepare a minority report, and the Petroleum minister also indicated she was neutral in the whole affair, it was clear to everyone that the disagreement suggested that far worse scandal lurks in the Petroleum ministry. In fact, Ribadu was so peeved by both the scale of indiscretions in the management of the oil industry and the attempts to cover them up that he took the unusual step of telling the public that aspects of the report leaked by Reuters to the world last week were emphatically no misrepresentation at all.

    I rejoice that the unseemly exchange happened before newsmen and in the presence of the president. As Ribadu hoped in his remarks during the presentation of the panel’s report, let us all believe that the government will have the courage to tackle the rot in the oil industry and rejigger its modus operandi. I am, however, privately pessimistic. Were it to be any other civilized country, the former oil ministers to whom the Ribadu report pointed the finger of guilt would be preparing their briefs to defend their integrity, and the current minister would be preparing to step aside.

    The open disagreement in the Council Chambers on Friday is also a testimony to the consistency of Ribadu himself. I once described the former EFCC chairman as too much in haste, too ambitious, and his judgement sometimes questionable, even wondering whether he could ever be a level-headed president were he to assume that office. But there is no question that he is a patriot and is unalterably committed to the stability and progress of his country. I was worried early in the year, when he was appointed to handle that special assignment, that the probe exercise was government’s gimmick to buy time over its fuel price hike misadventure, and to exploit the credibility of Ribadu. It is a relief that the former EFCC boss has acquitted himself well, though he sometimes finds it hard to disguise his inquisitorial tendency.

    Since his first public appointment, Ribadu has repeatedly given indication that he has the character of true leadership. It is not just honesty that fails most Nigerians when they face grave and impossible tests; what often fails them is the courage to look power in the face and say and do what is right. No matter how much the Jonathan president wants to dither over this report, I rate Ribadu’s performance as exemplary, and recommend his fearlessness and patriotism to aspiring leaders.

  • Ondo election: A post-mortem

    Ondo election: A post-mortem

    Chief Olu Falae, Afenifere big wigs, Pastor Tunde Bakare, Mr Yinka Odumakin and key members of the Awolowo family have joyfully and spontaneously congratulated Governor Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State on his victory in last week’s governorship election. There is of course nothing wrong with that, for these eminent Yoruba sons and daughters are entitled to support anyone they like and, whether the victory in question is tainted or not, congratulate whomsoever they wish. I support their right to do whatever the law vouchsafes to every citizen. However, they also added, both before the election and after, that Mimiko’s victory would trigger the rejigging of Southwest politics to the extent of precipitating the extinction of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), a progressive political party now dominant in the region. But they offer no replacement. They also added that ACN’s progressive identity was spurious, and that even if the party had any progressive credential, it was definitely not the only party where progressive politicians could be found.

    I leave the ACN to the task of defending and protecting its reputation. Instead, I will take a brief look at the October 20 poll, the question of Southwest politics said to be in need of rejigging, and the various hoaxes that swaddled the poll. I am not persuaded that the ACN has reacted to the unexpected setback it suffered in the poll with the grace and good humour it is capable of. In fact, if its leaders had patiently examined the facts of the election and the import of the results, they would have discovered there was absolutely no reason to be in a foul mood. They would even discover that the claims by both Mimiko and his eager dupes are exaggerated and wishful. However, I really suspect that Mimiko is far too clever to be duped by the fawning of the Afenifere bigwigs. He can read between the lines in his poll victory, and he knows that many of those who rallied behind him were fired up and united by their common and zealous dislike for the ACN as a party, what they say is its presumptuous claims of ideological purity and superiority, and what Bakare in one of his recent sermons described as the offensive aggressiveness and disagreeable imperiousness of the ACN leadership.

    If the ACN crowd closely studied the statistics of the poll, they would come out to congratulate Mimiko and damn him with faint praise. They would have absolutely no reason to be gloomy, let alone churlish. They would forswear court action, with all the wastefulness it entails and all the distractions; for in the end, it may not serve any useful purpose. They would see the election merely as a setback and an opportunity to address many of their party’s weaknesses and contradictory internal dynamics. They would ask themselves probing questions about the wisdom or otherwise of their party’s methods of selecting or electing standard-bearers, and would do a post-mortem of their standard-bearer himself, Rotimi Akeredolu, and the kind of campaign they ran and the issues they addressed on the stump, whether those issues were appropriate or inappropriate. Surely, the party cannot claim not to have learnt anything from the Ondo setback.

    A study of the poll statistics shows quite clearly that the claims of a Mimiko victory triggering change in Ondo politics, not to talk of Southwest politics, is dishonest, far-fetched and simplistic. It is of course well known that Mimiko scored 41.65 percent of the total votes cast in the election, while his two leading opponents in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and ACN collectively scored 47.94 percent. In other words, more people voted for Mimiko’s opponents than voted for him. If this is not statistically important, then it is pointless studying quantitative methods. It also meant that more Ondo people either disagreed with the credentials presented by their governor or disapproved of the way he ran the state.

    If the ACN crowd had been more studious and good-humoured, they would more crucially have recognised that out of a voting population of 1,638,950, only 38.11 percent voted in the governorship poll. This is hugely significant if the aim is to find out what Ondo people really want; whether, for instance, they disapprove of Southwest integration or approve of it. It is anybody’s guess whether the non-voters were entirely absent from the state on the day of the election, were intimidated by the militarisation of the poll, would have voted for either ACN or PDP if their standard-bearers had been different, or were simply not motivated and charmed enough by the candidates on offer or the issues at stake.

    Probably the most damning of the statistical inferences from the Ondo poll is the fact that out of a voting population of about 1.64 million only about 15.88 percent voted for Mimiko. This shocking fact constrains analysts to use the word landslide guardedly and less recklessly than they have done. More importantly, it becomes even more irrational to build on this very modest base of Mimiko supporters to postulate tectonic shifts in Ondo politics, let alone volcanic eruptions in Southwest politics, as Bakare and Odumakin have wishfully conjectured. If the Mimiko supporters and well-wishers are not discomfited by statistics, should they not be sensibly disquieted by the lack of strong credentials of their presumed champion, a man so vacant of the ideals, vision and character that have hallmarked leadership ascendancy in Yorubaland for centuries? Surely, the region cannot have been so impoverished by time and circumstances and even economic hardship that a group of people projecting their private animosities would seize upon a man so barren of endowments, except of wiles and shiftiness, and make him the inner core around whom to rejig the region’s ideology and worldview.

    The ACN must consider itself quite fortunate at this point in time to have contested the Ondo election and suffered the humiliation of coming third behind the winning Labour Party (LP) and the PDP. It won’t be contesting any major election until 2015 when the country will be in an uproar over feverish permutations between ideologies, power blocs and vested and entrenched interests. But it will fight to retain its hold on both Ekiti State (October 2014) and Osun State (November 2014), and enemies will be plenty. The ACN has not found it easy to maintain party discipline in Edo State, but it will have the experience and outcomes of the 2015 general election to guide its behaviour towards the state and its leaders. In view of its tenuous political and ideological hold on some of the states under its control, particularly Edo and Oyo States, the party will be fully challenged to enunciate dynamic, integrated, structural and productive political processes in those two states, and indeed all states under its control, if it is not again to face the kind of apathy and hostile propaganda that humiliated it in Ondo.

    It is likely the ACN may be unnerved by the Ondo setback. It may, for instance, therefore choose to react to the situation by remaining glued to its long-standing political paradigms. It should resist that temptation. The Ondo problem calls for a change of tactics, a change of party structure, a change of general paradigm, especially in terms of how the party views the electorate and the ideas and peculiarities of the individual states in which it seeks to win seats and offices. It should also resist the temptation to doubt its overall vision for the Southwest, particularly integration, which has unfortunately been wrapped in deceptive and hostile propaganda by opposing parties and spiteful individuals. Integration is the way to go, and the party must understand that Ondo people are unlikely to oppose it, as the poll statistics show. Indeed, given the mood of the Southwest, the times call for the intensification of social, political and economic integration in the culturally coterminous states under ACN’s control. The party waited for Ondo State to join its ranks, but hostile and corrupted propaganda insinuating internal colonialism made it impossible. Now is not the time for zeal to flag; now is the time to proceed diligently and enthusiastically.

    After the Ondo debacle, the ACN may believe the Labour Party (LP) had given it a bloody nose, and may begin to fear that the subversive wish of Falae, Bakare, Odumakin and other sundry antagonists concerning the overthrow of the party in the region stands a chance of being fulfilled. Nonsense. That wish can only be realised if the ACN digs itself into a worse labyrinth than it is already in. First, the party must recognise that defeat is nothing but an invitation to re-examine one’s message and methods: it is not a death knell; it is a propellant for change and adaptation. After all, Winston Churchill, with approval rating of 83 percent, incredibly and unprecedentedly lost the general election of 1945 immediately after World War II, which he heroically led Britain to fight. Charles de Gaulle of France was also forced to resign in 1946 in spite of his inimitably heroic actions and leadership of his country during WWII. He was not to become leader again until 12 years later, and was even heard once to despondently remark that the ineffective government that replaced him governed France well in spite of their lack of vision.

    Second, the ACN must also very importantly continue to believe in itself and its progressive credentials and vision. The party’s antagonists argue that you do not need to be in the ACN to embrace integration, and that the region does not have to be ruled by one party to implement integration. These ingenious arguments mask subterranean disdain for regional integration and resentment for ACN leadership. If they cared about integration, they would have realised that Mimiko had all the opportunities in the early part of his governorship to champion the idea, or if a natural laggard, to embrace the idea and wholeheartedly commit himself to its principles. He openly and mockingly did neither. Instead, with the help of other malevolent regional leaders, he concocted the propaganda that regional integration was a ploy at expansionism and domination. Sadly, the propaganda stuck, and a rattled and nervous ACN could find neither the wit nor the logic, nor yet the conviction, to answer that undistinguished regional malfeasance.

    Third, the ACN must understand that it is characteristic of the Southwest to be polarised, often along indistinguishable lines. Apart from the region being overrated in terms of political consciousness, it is also inappropriately described as savvy and futuristic. The Yoruba are an average and quarrelsome people occasionally blessed with visionary and iron-fisted leaders who are often impatient with the disunity and disorientation of the tribe. If they were not average, they would have seen what Awolowo saw in the early 1950s and voted for his party in the 1951 elections. Instead, he had to cobble together a disingenuous political victory reeking of tribalism, an action that continues to haunt his image till today. And as Mr Ayo Opadokun reminded us a few weeks ago in his reminiscences, Awo faced implacable regional foes so strong that they hamstrung regional progress and hobbled his legacy. Those foes were unappeasable in the 1960s, could not be mollified in the 1970s, and it was only in the 1980s, after being tired of opposing the great man to no useful purpose, that they finally sought peace in 1987. But by then it was too late.

    It is one of the paradoxes of history that today, and for reasons that cannot be uttered, supposedly knowledgeable and seemingly progressive Southwest leaders, including members of the Awolowo family, have set themselves in array against the dominant ethos of the region and blunted the region’s effort at achieving national advancement. Afonja was the first notable harbinger of this tendency. It is not certain that the region, in spite of its many talents, can overcome its idiosyncratic love for internal schisms and self-destruction. But if the ACN can patiently study the issues at stake and encourage itself in the region’s future goals, it may be able to rise above the recurring cataclysms that have shaped Yoruba history, subverted their destiny and dissipated the energies and resourcefulness of their children. If the ACN does not rise up to that task; another party will. But that other party will not be led or inspired by Falae, Bakare, current Afenifere leaders, or Odumakin. For if those who genuinely want the region to achieve greatness fail, it is hard to see those ossified in the hateful and divisive politics of the region’s inglorious past succeed.

  • Ondo formula is simply not reusable

    Ondo formula is simply not reusable

    To police some 1.5 million expected voters in yesterday’s governorship poll, half of whom may not even vote, the federal government sent in four police commissioners, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chairman himself, an estimated 8,000 soldiers according to a newspaper estimate, about 11,000 policemen, and a battery of sundry officials, a horde of election observers, and a gaggle of journalists from newspapers nearly all of which are disposed to Governor Olusegun Mimiko, one of the candidates in the election. This certainly cannot be a dress rehearsal for the 2015 polls, for the security agencies would be stretched wafer thin as to be in danger of snapping.

    There is no doubt that the October 20 Ondo poll is hugely significant in and to the Southwest. But to deploy an armada, as it were, to police a relatively small voting population appears to me to be excessive. Not only that, it even suggests to me that we seem to think whenever we are confronted by difficult situations, the magic formula is to overwhelm the problem with all the force the nation can muster. Our governments are not intellectually inclined, have no finesse, and are blissfully unaware of the image and messages they send out to the rest of the world silently but carefully watching our every nuance. Do we think there is no better way of policing votes or ensuring the integrity of elections conducted here? I think there are. The problem is that we have not engaged those novel methods because the government at the centre has not shown the altruism, dignity and detachment required to instil discipline in a combustible polity.

    In the last general elections, what did the government do to punish those who undermined the balloting process in some affected states? Nothing. In a few states in the South-South, voter turnout was too fantastic to be true, in some cases recording nearly twice the national average. What did the federal government do to restore confidence in the face of such brazen thievery? The government implausibly and incredibly argued that since the exaggerated figures merely emphasised the voting pattern, not contradict it, it was needless complaining or doing something about it. The cancer was therefore left unattended. In fact, in the history of elections in Nigeria, the voter turnout in the riverine states has always been excessively unrealistic. If the president had sensibly cancelled those elections and ordered a rerun, he would have sent the message that whether it favoured him or not the integrity of polls must at all times be upheld, and he would be ready even at his own peril to stake his presidency to secure the sanctity of the elections.

    Until we have a president willing to lose an election or to stake his presidency on ensuring electoral integrity, we may never have a poll where the candidates would not be desperate to undermine the balloting process. The use of overwhelming force was first successfully applied in the Edo governorship election, and was again applied in yesterday’s Ondo poll. It will be used in subsequent isolated polls. But it cannot be applied in the 2015 general elections because the country does not have the resources to deploy as much logistics and as many men as it did yesterday. Indeed, such deployments indicate there is still something terribly wrong with the country, which if not tackled urgently may finally consume all of us. But every time I make such an argument, I feel more and more like Cassandra.