Category: Banji Akintoye

  • Don’t ignore Arewa youth voices

    A week ago, hundreds of members of Arewa Youth Development Foundation went on a peaceful protest demonstration in Kano. They took their demonstration to a most eminent Nigerian leader–Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi ll, Emir of Kano.  A couple of days later, they took it to  one of Nigeria’s most respected elderly statesmen, Alhaji Maitama Sule, former federal minister, former chairman of the National Antiquities Commission, former Nigerian Permanent Representative at the United Nations.

    These young people are doing a good job of making Nigeria and the world hear their message. They are conducting themselves in the most respectable manner imaginable – in a manner calculated to make Nigeria and the world listen. According to all reports, they have been perfectly peaceful. They do not speak the language of violence, and they do not act in ways that can promote violence. Peaceful and self-respecting, they are nevertheless persistent in pushing their message. They do not look like ones who can be easily discouraged, or who may give up and quit. In this country in which violence is a common mode of venting group discontentment,  these youths of the Arewa Youths Development Foundation deserve to be rated as a model of sensible democratic youth action.

    Finally, these youths are not children; they are not some bleary eyed school kids rioting against their teachers. No. They are responsible young adults. From even the little we can glean about them from the press reports, they are well educated people, university graduates and professionals. The president of their group is a legal practitioner. In short, these are voices that Nigeria and Nigerians must listen to with respect.

    What then is their message? Principally, they demand that Nigeria should be dissolved. In their group’s prepared speech which they read during their demonstration, they urged all northerners to “rise and support agitation for peaceful dissolution of this union called Nigeria for every region to go its own way.”

    And they want the dissolution to happen right now. To prepare the ground for the dissolution, they are urging all northerners resident in the South, and all southerners resident in the North, “all artisans, students, public and private sector servants, traders, business holders currently operating, residing or  intending to do so in any part of Nigeria” to return to their respective home regions within the next two weeks.

    What reasons are they giving for their demand that Nigeria should be dissolved? They say that Nigeria is not working; that northerners need to terminate their relationship with Nigeria; that northerners have been suffering “continued intimidation” in the hands of the federal government; that northerners are being insultingly regarded by southerners as economic parasites in Nigeria; that northerners are generally discriminated against in Nigeria and treated like non-citizens in the South.  They say “Southerners are not welcome in the North”, and that “Southerners must go”.

    What should the rest of us, Nigerians, make of all this? First and foremost, if I were a southerner living in the North or a northerner living in the South, I would start packing now.

    Secondly, these youthful voices represent a very vital part of Northern Nigeria’s elite. They have the credentials to speak authoritatively for the Arewa North. Also, we need to note the kinds of responses they get when they speak directly to the older members of the Arewa elite. After listening to them, the Emir of Kano enjoined them “to imbibe the lesson of peace in their entire endeavour”. The elder statesman, Alhaji Maitama Sule, was more forthcoming. He said, “It is true that we have been suffering a lot in the northern part of the country, humiliation, discrimination and so forth – – – We believe that the best way out of this dilemma in which we have found ourselves is to have a dialogue.  – – – And that is why we have been trying to have a dialogue, we believe that we can bring to an end the ugly things that are happening in this country if all of us can come together and tell one another the truth. – – – The world can never be governed by force, never by fear and even, never by power”.

    One clear picture emerges from both the complaints of the Arewa youth leaders and the responses of their elders. Northern leaders of all generations are seriously disturbed about the way that federal power is now impacting the North. This is something they have never experienced, something they cannot live with. Rather than continuing to live under these conditions in the country to which they belong, they would prefer that the country should be broken up – “for every region to go its own way”.

    I am sure that most southerners would find this picture from the North very interesting indeed. All the years since 1962 (the year that the federal government launched an attack on the Western Region), the peoples of Southern Nigeria have suffered increasing “intimidation” and even subjugation by the Federal Government of Nigeria. Because the Northerners controlled the federal government until only recently, they did not see or appreciate our sufferings in those years. Because of the unjust impacts of the federal government on our lives in the South, we the youths of most of the South (Southwest, Southeast and South-south) became radicalized in various ways, most desiring that Nigeria should break up, and that we should have separate little countries of our own. The response of the North in all those years was to make the federal government more and more powerful, better and better equipped with coercive force, more and more ruthless in dealing with “dissidents”.

    When, at long last, a Southerner (Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo) somehow found his way to the presidency, we thought that change would follow. But we soon found that we were deceiving ourselves – that the builders of the federal behemoth had built it so perfectly (on roots of human frailties) that it would always operate as designed, no matter what part of Nigeria the president comes from. In fact, the presidencies of Obasanjo and Jonathan are final proof that the character of the Nigerian federal establishment is unchangeable. As the system is, anybody who is president will always presume that it is part of his prerogative to handle Nigeria’s vast revenues as personal estate, to rig elections in any part of Nigeria, to discriminate against any region or people, and to bully and subdue the government of any state.

    Even now that the northern elite have discovered the oppressive side of federal power, they still, strangely, out of habit, want to preserve it – while complaining against it! In the ongoing National Conference, they are still fighting might and mane to preserve the federal status quo.

    Therefore, there is no other option than to do what the Arewa youth leaders demand – namely, to dissolve Nigeria, “for every region to go its own way”. Alhaji Maitama Sule wants dialogue. Hopefully, the dialogue will be to pave way for our new countries – the Republics of Delta, Biafra, Oduduwa, Arewa, Niger-Benue, and Kanem.The Arewa youths speak for most Nigerians.

    Alhaji Maitama Sule is right: The world can never be governed by force or by fear.

     

  • Nigeria: Way out

    These days, I am often profoundly puzzled whenever I look at Nigeria. From all significant indications, Nigeria is gradually deconstructing. Commonly, what held together fairly well only yesterday is today markedly disintegrating.

    And the most troubling part of it all is that nobody – no Nigerian of note – seems to be aware or care. The politicians go about their nebulous games of politics with their usual crookedness and vicious manipulations while the country they lead or hope to lead crumbles inexorably. These days, when one sees pictures of Nigerian leaders or rulers in any gathering, it is as if one is watching people in a funeral event.

    Nigeria is disintegrating. Our very best ploys at self-deception have become too fragile to hide that fact. This past Monday, July 14, TV stations worldwide carried scenes in which Boko Haram hoodlums – really looking like the worst of hoodlums – mocked the “Bring Back Our Girls” demonstrations by the rest of us Nigerians. Watching that sickening satyr, no self-respecting person would wish to be counted among Nigerians. A friend who watched the news in faraway California grabbed his telephone and called me and asked, “Listen, is there no government left in your country?”

    No, there is nothing substantial left in Nigeria, except, of course, the royalties and rents from the oil of the Niger Delta. Those fees are now the totality of what we call Nigeria. If they were to disappear, or even seriously diminish, Nigeria would vanish immediately. Participation in politics, all of governance, service on the judiciary, the police, the other regulatory agencies, and most of what we call business  – all are underpinned and motivated by the sharing of bounties and grafts from the oil revenues. A real country no longer exists here.

    About three months ago, we were elated when our president inaugurated a National Conference. Many of us hoped that a National Conference would sort out many of our deadlocks and tangles. It is not happening. Nothing so constructive is possible in Nigeria. After bruising its path through some decisions that seemed fairly valuable, the conference has now capped everything with an overwhelmingly disastrous decision – namely, the decision to increase the number of states in the Nigerian federation from 36 to 54. Yes, 54 states!

    For years now, there has been no doubt that having as many as 36 states has been hurting our country. It resulted in small weak states that the federal establishment has easily been able to roll over and subdue; states incapable of developing their resources or resisting poverty among their citizens. This has distorted out federation, increased poverty among our people, and generated widening insecurity and conflicts. In spite of these experiences, our National Conference has now decided to increase the number of states. And we all know why. Most of the persons gathered in the conference are politicians or aspiring politicians whose only serious desire is to create more opportunities for themselves to become state governors, deputy governors, commissioners, advisers, contractors, etc. It is about creating more outlets for sharing the oil money. Nigeria’s well-being is not a consideration – because, of course, Nigeria and the citizens of Nigeria do not exist as far as most of our politicians are concerned.

    Naturally, a lot of informed Nigerians are speaking out – and most of them are proposing that the mirage called Nigeria be terminated, in the interest of all concerned. Among such statements by prominent Nigerians, I am looking at a few right now.

    Some days ago, one of our most prominent citizens, former vice-chancellor of one of our leading universities, Professor Ango Abdullahi, granted a public interview. From his chosen angle in Nigeria’s political life, Professor Abdullahi has been undoubtedly one of our most successful politicians. But, in the bruising tensions and conflicts of the politics of a Nigeria that has no core of values, no generally accepted game rules, and no commonly shared goal, he is becoming exasperated. It is therefore not surprising that he is now saying that he would gladly accept the breaking up of Nigeria – in fact, that the Hausa-Fulani leadership of the Arewa North would gladly subscribe to the dissolution of Nigeria, if that is what others want.

    As things stand today, I don’t think that there is much doubt about the wish of Nigerians. If Nigerians were asked  today about their wish concerning Nigeria’s future, most are likely to agree that the failed experiment of Nigeria should now be given up (peacefully), and that the brutalized and suffering peoples of Nigeria should be given a chance to re-discover hope for themselves in smaller countries of their own. We have come that far.

    I also have before me a piece written by another Nigerian intellectual who writes: “It is high time we dissolved this big beast called a country”.  He adds that Chief Awolowo and his contemporaries “believed a big, strong and prosperous Nigeria like the emerging United States would take its rightful place on the world stage and be the pride of Africa and the black world. Instead ever since, Nigeria has stubbornly refused to be anything other than a global disgrace. Now is the time to split the country…We want a good-bye-to-all referendum now.  And the National Conference sitting in Abuja should make itself useful by setting a date for one.  Enough is enough”.

    However, there are two big questions about our parting. One concerns the sharing of the huge oil revenues; and the other concerns the fact that large numbers of citizens now live beyond their ethnic homelands. Professor Abdullahi touches upon the first, and his position is that the oil does not belong to any one section of Nigeria, but to Nigeria as a whole. Significant Northern leaders have said repeatedly that it was Nigerian money that developed the Delta oil industry, and that they will go to war rather than lose the oil.

    The bottom line to the oil situation, therefore, is that if we are to be able to part peacefully, we must find a generally acceptable solution to the sharing of the oil revenues. Two years ago, a Nigerian scientist resident in the United States offered a constructive solution to this problem. His proposal is that Nigeria’s parting settlement should include a clause providing for continued sharing of the oil revenues among the new countries for an agreed number of years (five or ten years) after the parting. Each new country would thus have an assured amount of oil revenue for a number of years as it strives to take off. For the implementation of this, an international commission, participated in by the United Nations, will be charged with the revenue receiving and sharing, for the agreed number of years. Among the pluses of this arrangement, it will bring peace to the Niger Delta oil industry – peace that it has lacked for decades.

    For the second question, the solution will have to be a cast-iron agreement for the protection of folks where they live and choose to remain in the new countries.  According to countless intellectuals who have explored this subject, no non-Yoruba folks have any reason to fear in the new Yoruba country. The other countries will need to follow suit.

     

  • Lesson from Singapore’s success story

    In 1976, as president of the Nigerian chapter of the World University Service (WUS), I had to go and attend a seminar in Hong Kong, and the international convention of WUS in Manila, Philippines. I discovered that, with a little addition to my flight ticket, I could visit a few more countries in Southeast Asia. Many small countries in that region weremaking great progress in economic development. These countries were similar to our country, Nigeria, and to the other countries of Africa, in many respects. Like our African countries, they were former European colonies. But they were doing very well indeed, becoming technologically developed and growing rich, while our own countries in Africa were all engulfed in political turmoil and becoming poorer and poorer. I decided to see the Asian economic miracles.

    As I tried to learn about the countries that I should visit, I found that I must, at all costs, include Singapore. Singapore had an almost unbelievable story.  Singapore had been a federating member of the Malaysian Federation until 1965. But Singapore had been desperately poor then; crimes and violence were rife there; and massive riots were always taking place – riots by masses of unemployed youths.  The federal government frequently had to send large police and military forces there to tackle riots. One great riot in 1965 went on for three months. As a result, the Malaysian federal parliament voted unanimously in 1965 that the federation could no longer bear the burden of Singapore; and they expelled Singapore from the federation.

    Left to find its own way as a suddenly independent country in 1965, Singapore found itself in a terrible situation. It had no natural resources – no minerals, no farming land, no forest resources. The poverty was stifling. The youths milled nosily and violently in the streets. Food supply was in trouble. Businesses were fleeing the country. The man who suddenly found himself as leader of Singapore, Lee Kwan Yew, wept as he addressed his sad country. He said, “For me, this is a moment of anguish…“

    Yet, 10 years later, Singapore had become an unbelievable success story. I didn’t have enough money to see it for more than two days when I visited it in 1976. But I had a chance to visit it again in 1982, in the company of my colleague, Senator Lere Adesina. By this date, Singapore had become famous worldwide as one of the strongest economies in the world, one of the best places for investors to go and invest, one of the safest and cleanest places on earth.

    How did Singapore people achieve this revolution, this miracle? How did they do it in only about 10 years? First, Singapore was fortunate to have the right kind of leaders. I have studied Lee Kwan Yew’s story as leader of his country. I find that, in many respects, he was very much like our own Obafemi Awolowo. In these two leaders of men, the central secret was unswerving, undistracted, unstinted, devotion to the task of building a rich and great country. Neither of these two men allowed himself to be distracted by any desire to become rich. The unyielding focus of each was on progress, improvement, success of the fatherland. Like our Awolowo, Yew had the almost supernatural belief that any leader can build a great country from scratch in only a few years. In the years when we, under Chief Awolowo, were putting together the wonderful plans of the UPN for Nigeria – in moments of intense thinking and planning – Chief Awolowo used to say to us, “Look, we don’t need more than four years; in less than four years we can put Nigeria’s foot firmly on the path of stability, prosperity and power!”  Those words were like magical words. Many of us became imbued with the powerful faith that we could make our Nigeria a great country in just a few years.

    Obviously, that is what happened to the leaders and rulers of Singapore under Lee Kwan Yew. As they set out to embark on their economic miracle for their country, they firmly agreed upon one fundamental fact – namely, that to make their economic miracle possible at all, their country must have dependably orderly and stable political life. The political leaders must be disciplined, strictly respect the law, respect the legal boundaries of power, and have the greatest respect for due process in all actions of government. They went on to lead and rule in obedience to those principles. Orderly governance naturally stimulated an atmosphere of law and order, so that the security situation improved rapidly.

    With that, they emphasized work. A lot of the youths were educated, but most had no job skills. The government went massively into training programmes for modern job skills. Steadily, Singapore’s youths became a skilled work force.

    At the same time, the government devoted  efforts to promoting a business culture – various programmes to teach and encourage entrepreneurship;  to promote and assist small businesses;  to make loans and loan guarantees available to businesses through banks; plans (such as tax incentives, export incentives, etc) to attract investors to come and establish businesses in Singapore. They placed special emphasis on businesses that would produce high quality goods in Singapore for export to the biggest and most advanced markets in the world. Tax and other incentives ensured that Singapore’s businesses could export their high quality goods at low prices to the outside world. One of their ministers summarizes these policies as follows: “We are a small country with a small internal market… Our economic goal…is to create good jobs for our people by enabling Singapore’s businesses to take advantage of opportunities around the world. We are constantly asking ourselves what the markets (of the rich big countries) need, and how we can develop the capabilities to meet them. We want local as well as international companies to find it worthwhile to establish a presence and invest in Singapore”.

    The economy began to grow rapidly. Investors from the rich countries of the world hurried to go and invest in Singapore. Great banks, manufacturing establishments, commercial enterprises, arose. Singapore became able to embark on great infrastructural developments – great highways, bridges, water supply systems, massive sewage systems, port development, etc. By 1975, Singapore was already famous as one of the most successful of the world’s small countries – known around the world as “Asia’s success model”.

    As we sat under Chief Awolowo’s leadership in 1976-79 planning mightily for the UPN and Nigeria, we were sure we could achieve greater development for our country, and faster too. Well, we all remember what happened. We were denied the opportunity.

    I believe that most Nigerians would now agree that Nigeria is just too incoherent and too complex to allow any leaders to achieve this kind of progress for Nigeria. I am sure many would agree that it can be accomplished in smaller and compact countries like Yorubaland (what some youths are already calling Alafia Republic or Kajola Republic), Igboland (or Biafra), a carefully negotiated federation of the Delta, and even Hausaland. Why not try these – instead of continuing in poverty and conflicts?

  • The right path for the Yoruba today

    Some statements which I made in this column last week now make it necessary for me to explain certain things more fully. I refer to the followings statements:  “We cannot be producing streams of educated citizens from year to year without putting forth the kinds of programmes that can create opportunities for their education and skills… After turning ourselves into a very educated people, what we have needed for decades and have not been doing is to consciously turn ourselves into modern business folks”.

    We Yoruba have succeeded greatly in educating ourselves. We are universally recognized as Africa’s most literate people. We owe the success to our national tendency to seek education and enlightenment, and the very heroic efforts of our leaders in the 1950s to make education available to all our children. Today, most Yoruba families can boast of university graduates.

    But the intention of our leaders of the 1950s was not to stop with educational development, but to use education as the foundation for wider fields of development. In this regard, I remember some things that Chief Awolowo said in a conversation with a small group, including me, in December 1978. He said that, after providing access to education for all our children in the 1950s, the next step intended by our leaders was to provide opportunities for our increasingly educated people to use their education to serve themselves, their families and their society. That, he said, meant that the government of the Western Region needed to embark on programmes that could turn our educated people into modern skilled workers, modern entrepreneurs, modern businesspeople, modern farmers, etc. Unfortunately, the Western Region crisis started at that point in 1962, and it stopped our progress. As a result, in the years that followed, even the most patriotic of our leaders have tended to concentrate only on education – leaving the wider fields of development unattended to.  It is this failure that is responsible today for the very high rate of unemployment among our educated youths, and for terrible poverty in our South-west.

    The governments of our states must return to the things we have not been doing – or that we have been doing sufficiently. We must consciously nurture a modern business culture among our people. The way to do that is very well known in the world today. Many countries in East Asia have done it successfully and in short periods of time. Japan started it all. Then some other countries of the region – like Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea, and others – followed Japan’s example. China is doing it. Israel is doing it very successfully in the Middle East. The basic ways to do it are as follows:

    First, emphasize a culture of work among our people. For us the Yoruba nation, with our great history of work, enterprise and achievements, and with our well-known love of the beautiful life, this ought not to be difficult at all. Our state governments must find ways to do it, and to discourage the typical Nigerian dependence on hand-outs, hustling and begging.

    Second, improve the work skills of our people – through emphasis on technical skills in our whole educational system, through well-established apprenticeship systems, and through technical schools and colleges of technology. Some of our existing schools and universities can, with the help of our state authorities, be easily modified for these purposes. We must also nurture good work ethics among our workers. For modern farming skills, we will need to have farm centres and institutes.

    Third, establish various kinds of institutions (schools, institutes and colleges, university programmes, short-term training centres, etc) for developing entrepreneurship, business management, etc.

    Fourth, and very importantly, a rich variety of ways to provide financial helping hands to businesses – well-managed micro-credit loans systems, business loans guarantee systems, etc, for business starters, capital interventions. These must be professionally structured and managed and must be free from the influence of partisan politics. In short, our states must invest in our people.

    Fifth, we must set up a conscious programme for encouraging and assisting exports. This will include encouraging all our producers to emphasize high quality in their products, so that the products may be acceptable in markets worldwide. Achieving a great and growing amount of exports must be central to our whole economic objectives.

    Sixth, we must encourage a culture of research and development – through financial assistance to research, inventions and product development; and through laws that protect inventors.

    Seventh, we must create various means of attracting investments to our region from the outside world. The volume of investment capital seeking places to invest in the world is very large and is constantly growing. We must set out consciously to attract much of it to our region. Being part of Nigeria, we are not totally free to do all we might want to do in this matter, but we must find creative ways to achieve our purpose.

    Above all, we must ensure political peace and stability in our region. Investors want predictable peace, stability, protection, etc, for their investments – and they want these to be so for long in the future. Without this, we cannot achieve much. The Eastern Asian countries recognized this early and seriously controlled the nature of their politics, and their political stability is one of the principal reasons why they are able to attract most of the investments coming from the developed world to the developing world. Unfortunately, Nigeria is already too notorious worldwide as a country forever disturbed by rigged elections, violent electoral and political conflicts, ethnic and religious conflicts and terrorism, etc. In spite of this, we can still get most of what we want if we control the quality of politics in our region.

    We will have to nurture a culture of political discipline in our region – including cautious politicking, free, fair and peaceful elections, and respectful surrender to the will and voice of the people as expressed through their votes. Since our six states are likely to be controlled by different political parties, we must establish institutions that bring our governors together responsibly for the good of our whole region. In recent times, some of our governors have promoted the idea of integrated regional development for our region. We must now try and develop this – or even better still, we might unite as one region (plus, of course the Yoruba in Kwara, Kogi, and our Itsekiri people).   In our elections, we must reject the cantankerous and overly noisy kind of politician – because our prosperity depends on our political peace and stability.

    In summary, I write all this on the assumption, and the faith, that we Yoruba can develop and become as prosperous as we wish even in the context of Nigeria – and that any other Nigerian nationality can do the same. Of course, our having a separate country of our own  would be much better; but, while we are still in Nigeria, it is wrong for us Yoruba as a nation to continue to operate on the debilitating belief that Nigeria necessarily limits out progress and prosperity. It does not. Everything depends on our own choices, our discipline, and our seriousness.

  • Battle line for the Nigerian patriot!

    Some of us Nigerians think that all that is needed to preserve Nigeria as one is to love it as it is, and to proclaim our love as sincerely, romantically, and persistently as we can. Such Nigerians mean well – but they are wrong. If the roof of your family house is leaking, the ceiling is caving in, and the walls begin to wobble, you are a nice and admirable person if you constantly and sincerely say that you love your family and the house you grew up in. But all that is not going to save the dear old house. You people who own the house and live in it would have to repair what needs to be repaired in it. Otherwise, it will collapse – you will lose it.

    This past week, in the public domain, I stumbled upon the following lovely passage, written by someone whom I must confess I admire very deeply: “Let me profess and proclaim” he wrote, “ that, in spite of the passing phase of poor and naive leadership,abjectly deplorable governance at all levels and the moral vices of cancerous corruption,unbridled excesses in our lifestyle, its slow development at all areas of its life and the lack of finesse in our private and public life which have been plaguing Nigeria, I still love my country. I will not trade it for any other. I have no other country than Nigeria. The Lord’s purpose for locating me to Nigeria, which is to share in its blessings, work with others to build it to the country of my dreams and rid it of its weaknesses and vices, fully participate in its development, rebirth and progress and enable it to be positioned as a worthy member of the comity of nations, shall not be defeated. I will discharge my duties to my country. I have no reason to abdicate my responsibilities to Nigeria, abandon it at the hours of its needs or forsake it because things are at present going awry. I will, for as long as I live, cling psychologically, morally and patriotically to Nigeria. For me, Nigeria is home, my home, my country, my fatherland, my root and my land of birth!!!”

    Wow! Isn’t that a lovable declaration of patriotic passion? I admire this writer, furthermore, because he is honest. He is able to see that Nigeria is beset by various serious ailments. I can see that he is capable of becoming a serious warrior for the survival of his country. All he needs is to identify, beyond the plethora of ailments, the core weaknesses of Nigeria, and become a dedicated and consistent fighter in that direction. That is the only way to win the war for Nigeria.

    I am sure that there are very many Nigerians out there like this man. They recognize, and are unhappy about, Nigeria’s poor leadership, deplorable governance, cancerous corruption, unbridled excesses among our rich and influential, the consequent poverty of most Nigerians even though our Nigeria is one of the naturally richest countries of the world.

    But it is not enough to recognize and lament this pattern; it is crucial that one should understand the root of it. There are people who say that the root of it is that we Nigerians, as nationalities and individuals, are by nature crooked and incompetent. That is not true. We are not by nature crooked or incompetent. Most of the nationalities that today make up Nigeria developed respectable cultures of their own, and were led by capable rulers and leaders, long before the coming of the British. They are able today to prosper in the modern world if given the chance. And the individuals who lead us in politics and other areas of life today are not naturally crooked and incompetent.

    The big mistake we have been making – the very root of our country’s troubles – is that we do not sufficiently give respect to the central truth of our existence as a country. That central truth is that we as a country are not one nation. We are a country of many different nations – each with its own history, its own culture, its own way of responding to the challenges of the modern world, and its own expectations and desires even in our one country of Nigeria.

    Of course, we know that we are a country of many different nations – that fact is self-evident. But, in trying to build our one country, we do not pay enough respect to that great fact. Paying enough respect to it would have led us to design our country as a proper federation – with a federal government responsible for our country’s joint services (like our foreign relations, defence, inter-state relations, etc) and respected by us all; and states based on our nationalities – meaning a state for each large or sizeable nation, and a carefully negotiated combination of small contiguous nationalities in each area to form a state. It would have meant that each state would control and develop its own natural resources, and that there would be well-considered arrangements for federal taxes and levies over such resources, and the sharing of certain parts of the federal revenues to the states. It would have meant that, in addition to federal police and security forces, each state would have its own police and thus be able to maintain security in its own domain. We would have consciously promoted a culture of decent respect for the cultures of our various nations and for the cultural differences in our country.

    Instead, what have we done? Since independence, the people in control of our federal government have pulled all powers and resource control in our country into the hands of our federal government, and gradually made the states impotent and incapable of promoting development in their domains. They have destroyed all local initiative and morale. To make the states amenable to control by the federal government, they split our country into smaller and smaller states. They set up a system of federal rigging of elections all over our country, so as to be able to decide who will rule our states. Even worse, with the endless ocean of cash in their control, they promoted a culture of corruption and unearned wealth among our leading citizens so as to subvert them and thereby easily control all of Nigeria. They have thus nurtured poverty in our land – with all its attendant evils.

    For the true Nigerian patriot who wants his country to survive and thrive, the battle line is clear. It is to reverse the crooked distortions of our federation and create a new and true federation. Fighting corruption is honourable. But corruption is not the root of Nigeria’s sickness; it is only a symptom. With power and responsibility for development restored to our states and their local governments, and with our federal, state and local governments respected in their various spheres, weNigerians would have a much better chance to fight and beat poverty, corruption and crimes.  Our country can be saved; it can be developed into a great country in the world – by organizing it as an orderly and stable federation.

  • The truth about Nigeria

    It never stops coming. The truth – the lesson – about Nigeria never keeps coming and striking us in the face. It never stops coming too – our uproarious reactions to the pains inflicted by Nigeria’s truth.

    The Nigerian truth came upon us strongly again last Saturday in Ado-Ekiti. And it will keep coming, no matter how loudly we scream our pain. One more mother among us lost a son –the last of the thousands of Yoruba mothers who have lost sons to violence caused by Nigeria’s culture of violent electioneering and election rigging. And more and more mothers among us will keep losing sons in the same circumstance. That is the inescapable ramification of our nation’s membership of Nigeria.

    In a speech by Prof. Banji Akintoye to a large gathering of Yoruba leaders in Lagos on April 26, 2010, I find the following words:

    “In Nigerian politics, the controllers of federal power will never cease rigging the elections, and will never cease using federal resources and power to (do it).

    As long as we Yoruba are in Nigeria, there will always be some of our men and women who will be recruited, and some who will think it is smart to take advantage of the things being offered (by the rigging of elections). The majority of our Yoruba  people, on the other hand, will always detest rigged elections and reject the insult that the rigging of their elections represents. What this has meant is that many of  our young men have been dying violently and needlessly in the course of elections.

    It also has meant that some of our most educated and most productive men and  women of all parties have routinely had to waste their trained and productive lives  before so-called election courts  – and that those who find themselves in state governments are never able to settle down and govern properly. For us as a people,  it is an awful prospect of “head you lose, tail you lose”. For how long should any people surrender its life to this debilitating bleeding? All our political leaders are forever blaming one another. But as a perceptive elder in our nation, all I see is that they are all to be pitied – because our whole nation, like other nations in Nigeria, is trapped in a debacle and is not sure of a way out. I see all of our politicians, strong and strongly nurtured men and women, compulsively acting on a stage that we their people did not choose and do not want but cannot quit – like a pet tethered to a post, circling the post perpetually”.

    The only way to get out of this terrible prospect, of course, is that more and more of us should commit ourselves to finding the way out of it. As Chief Awolowo often used to say, if you want to go to the moon (no matter how difficult that may be), the first step is to take the firm decision that you want to get to the moon; that way, you create for yourself the problem of finding how a person can get to the moon. People who do not so decide, who do not commit themselves to reaching a goal, cannot reach any goal. All I see and know about the Yoruba nation convinces me that the destiny of a nation like the Yoruba nation cannot possibly be to sink forever in a country like Nigeria. As the ancient Greeks used to say, “One may not be able to prevent the birds of misfortune from flying over one’s head; but one is certainly able to prevent them from settling and making nests in one’s hair”. The Yoruba nation needs to stop and consider the path it finds itself upon. The Yoruba nation needs to stop and take stock – no matter what any Yoruba persons might have gained, may currently be gaining, or may be hoping to gain, from the corruption, confusion and mess that is Nigeria. The Bible says that it is only a fool that trades without stopping to take account. The Yoruba nation is not a fool – and Yoruba people are no fools.

    To return to the Ado-Ekiti incident in particular,and to the probability that such incidents will soon multiply, not only in Ekiti State but also in Osun State, I would wish to counsel the president of Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan. As we Yoruba are accustomed to doing, we have been watching you intently, Mr. President. Your attitude to, and relationship with, the Yoruba nation have developed in ways that can only be described as weird.

    Hardly any of us Yoruba knew anything about you when your boss, President Yaradua, died five years ago and there arose a strong demand that he be succeeded by another Northerner – according to established agreements in your political party. Yet, out of principle (because we are a people dedicated to principles), we arose stoutly to support your right to become Acting President on the basis of the Nigerian Constitution. While some of our leading citizens at home led great demonstrations in the streets to support your right, some of us abroad spoke out boldly. You became Vice-President, and later President.

    Throughout your tenure in these exalted offices, you have generally treated the Yoruba people with disrespect – in fact with a kind of petty disrespect unusual to the Nigerian presidency. If you are convinced that you are president of all of Nigeria, then you have never, in your appointment of people to high offices in the presidency,regarded the Yoruba people as part of Nigeria. Concerning this, some of our topmost rulers and leaders visited you again and again, all without much effect.

    Now, the fear has grown among the masses of our people that, for unknown reasons, federal powers will be used to generate conflict and confusion in the Yoruba South-west. The calculation, it is said, is that a state of communal collapse in the Yoruba South-west will somehow help your re-election bid in 2015. Certain recent changes of senior federal personnel in Ekiti and Oshun States, where state elections are due in June and August respectively, are said to be part of the federal preparations for this scheme. And the Ado-Ekiti incident, in which the federal Mobile Police reportedly employed excessive force to break up a peaceful rally, resulting in the death of a citizen, is regarded by most of our people as the kind of federal behaviour to expect in the South-west in the months to come.

    Mr. President, I would urge you to reconsider this whole situation, and to use your great power and influence to ensure free, fair, and peaceful elections in Ekiti and Osun states. In spite of the usual lines separating citizens belonging to different political parties, Yoruba people know their interests and their friends. And Yoruba people have acquired, worldwide, an enormous capacity to defend the interests of their nation against any person, no matter how high in Nigeria, who may try to hurt their nation. As a friend, I wish you good success, Mr. President.

    Needless to say, I speak for, or against, no political party. I speak only for the well-being of the Yoruba nation.

  • Is Nigeria’s dissolution near?

    For Nigeria, breaking up has always been a probability. From day one in 1914, the composition of Nigeria was starkly unreasonable. The British ought to have taken cognizance of the fact that their own country, Great Britain, was not much larger than each of the Hausa-Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba nations in population – and in land area was only about the size of the Yoruba homeland in Nigeria, and less than half of the Hausa-Fulani homeland. How could they have decided that it made sense to strap together into one country these three largest nations of Black Africa? Separation hovered over the destiny of Nigeria from the very beginning.

    And virtually everything that has happened in Nigeria and to Nigeria since the beginning has carried the banner of ultimate separation. For over 40 years (until 1949), the British simply didn’t know how to make Nigeria a country. The Southern and Northern Protectorates went their separate ways in almost all things.

    But the separation was even deeper than the north-south dichotomy. Each of the three major peoples went their separate ways. The Yoruba, who had been living increasingly in towns and cities since about the 10th century, and who were therefore the owners of the only urban civilization in Black Africa, enjoyed, because of their towns and cities, a big head-start in attracting and absorbing the formative foreign influences that were dramatically changing the face of Africa from the mid-19th century on. Mission churches and schools were sprouting in the Yoruba towns by the 1850s. By the late 1860s, ambitious Yoruba families were sending their children for higher education abroad, and by the 1870s a Yoruba literate professional elite (of lawyers, doctors, engineers, architects, writers, journalists, teachers, pastors, merchants, etc) were emerging. The first newspaper (ambitiously written in the Yoruba language) started publishing in a Yoruba city in 1859, and others soon followed in various Yoruba towns and cities. By the time the British created their Nigeria in 1914, the Yoruba southwest was already far ahead of the rest of the new country in all facets of modernization.

    In the rest of Southern Nigeria, Western education did not begin to take off until the 1920s. The Igbo and Ibibio peoples, the first after the Yoruba to produce university graduates, did not do so until the mid-1930s.

    By and by, Christianity spread in all of Southern Nigeria. In Yorubaland, which had been a terminus of the ancient trade across the Sahara Desert from the Middle East for centuries, Islam had long had some presence, and it began to expand greatly in the course of the 19th century. By the 1880s, Christianity and Islam were locked in serious rivalry among Yoruba people. Happily, the traditional Yoruba religious tolerance and accommodation kicked in, and Yoruba folks of different religions lived on harmoniously, not only in Yoruba towns, but even in Yoruba households and families – thereby building what many observers now regard as perhaps the most religiously harmonious society in the world.

    In the large, sprawling, Northern Nigeria, Christianity and Western education trickled ininto the homelands of the small peoples of the Middle Belt. Some of the peoples here even became predominantly Christian. But further north, in the homeland of the large Hausa-Fulani nation, where a radical brand of Islam held sway under Fulani rulers whose forebears had carried out a successful jihad in the 19th century, Christianity had little chance, though some localities accepted Christianity. Moreover, the British officials made the situation worse here by urging that the Christian missions should limit their activities to the homelands of the “pagans” and leave the Islamized peoples alone. Both Christianity and Western education were thus mostly denied to the large Hausa-Fulani homeland.

    In short, though Nigeria was legally one “protectorate” ruled by the British, the most important developments had only reinforced the pre-British lines of cleavage. There was no direction towards, and no sense of, ONE COUNTRY. By 1946 when the British at last began to attend seriously to Nigeria, the logic of the realities of the situation pointed more towards separation into a number of different countries than towards the evolution of one country.

    Many prominent persons in the Nigerian situation of the time voiced out these truths. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, then a rising leader among the Yoruba people of the Southwest, wrote in 1947: “Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression. .. The word “Nigerian” is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not”.

    In 1953, Sir Ahmadu Bello, leader of the Northern political elite, said: “Sixty years ago there was no country called Nigeria. What is now Nigeria consisted of a number of large and small communities all of which were different in their outlooks and beliefs. The advent of the British and of Western education has not materially altered the situation – – -”.

    Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who was to be the first Prime Minister of Nigeria, said that “the southern tribes who are now pouring into the North in ever increasing numbers are not welcome…. We . . . look upon them as invaders. Since 1914 the British government has been trying to make Nigeria into one country, but the Nigerian people themselves are historically different in their backgrounds, in their religious beliefs and customs, and do not show themselves any sign of willingness to unite. So what it comes to is that Nigerian unity is only a British intention in the country.”

    Today, for good reasons, lots of Nigerians regret that the wisdom of these leading men of our race was ignored, and that the people in control of our corporate life went on to concoct a Nigeria for us. That that Nigeria has not worked is almost too trite to be repeated. But, the events of the past few years have brought the pains of Nigeria’s failure to levels of unbearable intensity. How can we get rid of the nagging pain and fear about the unknown fate of the Chibok school girls, or about the hundreds of other Nigerians who are being killed, maimed, and burnt alive, or about threats by Boko Haram that they will spread their terror to wherever we live, or about the total destruction of our country’s effectiveness by the crooked interplays of our differences?

    How can we feel confident or comfortable to be Nigerians when we now find, as we are finding from various writings, that prominent citizens among us are at the bottom of the terror outrage, some prominent citizens who armed and funded terrorist gangs and sent some youths abroad for terrorist training – for the purpose of hurting the rest of us Nigerians, all because they want to control the country we all call ours?

    Now, after learning of these horrendous breaches of confidence by men at the highest peaks of our country’s political life, how can the rest of us happily choose to continue to be citizens of this country? Surely, it does feel as if Nigeria’s dissolution is near.

  • No, Nigeria will not be preserved

    There is only one way to preserve Nigeria. If we follow that one way, we succeed. If we do not, we fail, sooner or later. And that one way is to be realistic – to accept the FACT of things as they are, and to make our nation-building steps strictly follow that fact.  Otherwise, we are just messing around. We have been messing around since independence in 1960 – and we have brought Nigeria not nearer to unity but very much farther away from unity. In fact we have brought Nigeria to the verge of breaking up.

    The fact, the indubitable fact, is that we Nigerians are not one people or one nation. We are many nations. We are many different nations – in most cases, very different nations. For thousands of years our different nations lived in their own separate homelands in this area of Africa before the British came, threw a boundary around us together and called us Nigeria.  Each had its own language and its own defining culture. Each organized and ruled its people in its own way. Each responded in its own way to external influences – such as long-distance trade, and contacts with foreign peoples and foreign religions. Each has its own way of responding to the many changes and influences of the modern world – such as Western education, science, technology, industrialization, etc. Each has its own way of responding to close relationships with other nations in the same country. Even though we have all lived in one country of Nigeria for a century, each of our nations has its own kind of desires, ambitions and expectations in that country. And each cherishes its own image of itself and its own pride. All these are true of every one of our nations, even though some nations are large and some are small. This is THE FACT OF THINGS AS THEY ARE in, and for, our country Nigeria.

    It is only by seriously accepting these facts as sovereign, by respecting them, and by working sincerely with them, by structuring Nigeria into a true federation, that we can build a stable and lasting Nigeria. In the last years of British rule, the British helped us to start correctly along these lines. The structure they helped us to create was rough and imperfect, no doubt. Unable and unwilling to do the detailed structuring that they knew we needed, they helped us to create three broad regions – each region appearing somewhat plausible. In spite of the anger and agitations of many of the nations in each region, the three regions succeeded quite well, and they brought considerable socio-economic progress into the lives of their citizens. Of course, there was no doubt that we needed to carry the system further, and the British left with the hope that we ourselves would do that.

    As we celebrated independence, there was a lot of hope among us that we would do it and make a success of it. It was fortunate, most observers thought, that the politicians – the Hausa-Fulani political leaders – who were dominant in the independence federal government, were known to be strong defenders of regional and local autonomy. In the years before independence, they had stood very stoutly for such principles; in fact, at some point, they had suggested that Nigeria should be constituted into three separate countries joined together by only a customs union. Now that our country was independent and they were in control, what doubt could there be that the federal principle, with strong regions managing most of their own affairs,  would go on to triumph?

    But it did not happen. Someday, some bright historian will reveal to the world the causes and details of this most unfortunate turn in Hausa-Fulani attitudes to the political development of Nigeria. Much of what we know is encapsulated in the statement credited to Sir Ahmadu Bello, the leader of the Hausa-Fulani political elite, only 11 days after the day of independence. “This new country called Nigeria,” he was reported to have said, “should be an extension of the empire of our great-grandfather Othman dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of government. We use the peoples of the Middle Belt as willing tools and the peoples of the South as conquered territory, and never let them rule over us, and never let them control their own future”.

    That is the path that Hausa-Fulani politics has pursued ruthlessly since then. The central piece of it is to hold the power of the federal government by all means, and to use it to subdue the other peoples of Nigeria, in order to mould Nigeria into a de facto Fulani empire – what some now call a “Sultanate”.

    The Hausa-Fulani agenda has succeeded wonderfully. But, unhappily, that success has brought a whole lot of disasters with it. Thirty-six small and essentially impotent states, created to ensure unrestrained federal power and control, sit over the progressive impoverishment of Nigerians.  At the fond wish of the controllers of federal power, all sections of Nigeria depend more and more on the revenue from oil, and abandon all efforts at developing local resources. Corruption becomes the soul of Nigeria’s public management and public life, and every election, because of crookedness and criminalities, becomes almost a war of all against all. The spirit of enterprise plunges everywhere, as most ambitious citizens become hustlers for some share of the oil money. Poverty escalates relentlessly, until the federal government itself acknowledges that 62% of Nigerians now live in “absolute poverty” – that is, subsisting on about one US dollar per day.

    Unemployment among Nigerian young adults is estimated at over 70%. Crimes, conflicts and insecurity grow exponentially, making Nigeria one of the most unsafe places in peace time in the world. Terrorism, veiled with cloaks of religion, subdues a whole region of Nigeria. Nigeria’s military and security establishments, heavily riddled with corruption, are in a shambles. Almost visibly daily, Nigeria stumbles towards disintegration or implosion.

    But this dubious success is not slowing down by any means. The news from the National Conference in Abuja is that the Hausa-Fulani leaders, greatly empowered by nearly 50 years of control of Nigeria, are succeeding yet again in defeating every attempt at change. The South-west, South-east and South-south delegations all went to the National Conference with proposals strongly demanding the restructuring of the Nigerian federation. But, talk with these delegates now, and you will find that very many have become ambivalent at best. Close observers believe that many delegates have been “settled”. South-east and South-south delegates are now commonly saying that their chief concern is that President Jonathan should win re-election in 2015 for a second term, or that the South-east should have one more state!

    In short, returning Nigeria to a true federal structure is not going to happen. But this can only be a pyrrhic victory for the champions of total federal power and control. When the National Conference has finished compiling its unrealistic and foolish decisions, the masses of Nigerians will still be faced with the awful and hopeless conditions that they have been living with. Then, the world will see what happens. It is becoming more and more unlikely that Nigeria will remain on the map.

  • What can break Nigeria?

    Fears and predictions grow worldwide that Nigeria could soon break up. In the light of that, the National Conference has become phenomenally important – important as a forum where we Nigerians could critically and carefully look around and inside us to see what, in fact, could make our country break up soon, and try very sincerely to fix it.

    One factor that threatens Nigeria is growing poverty among us Nigerians. In terms of natural resources, we are by no means a poor country; in fact, we are one of the very richest countries on earth. Our natural resources are a solid base upon which we could have built one of the world’s richest and most powerful countries. Poverty is not in the making of our country; we are poor today because we have chosen to be poor. The men and women who have managed the affairs of our country since independence have, step by step, succeeded in turning us, the citizens of one of the naturally richest countries in the world, into a huge mass of paupers and beggars – paupers and beggars who must be crooks to survive, paupers and beggars increasingly driven by anger, hate, and an urge to violence.

    We have reached the point at which this situation must change.

    Apart from growing poverty, researchers and writers are talking more and more of what they call Nigeria’s “fault-lines”. By that they mean the differences inherent in the fact that Nigeria is not a nation, but a country of many nations. Yes, we are a country of many nations – each nation with its own history, culture, worldview, desires, expectations, ways of doing things, etc. Making one coherent country out of this intense diversity cannot be easy, even with the best of intentions and commitments. In fact, there is an additional reality that makes the task harder – namely, the fact that the three largest Black nations on earth (Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo) are part of the Nigerian plurality. These three nations should never have been brought together into one country. Each of them is too big a fish to be swallowed. The manifest destiny of each of these three giants – in a Black Africa consisting almost entirely of very small nations – is to belong to the forefront of Black Africa’s development in the modern world, and to show Black Africans the path to prosperity. Huddling them together in one country inhibits the development of each of them, and distorts its proper vision of itself and of its duty in modern history. Are there, in the world in our times, many other nations of the size of the Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani or Igbo, each of which is subject to the sovereignty of an entity above itself? In our trying to contain these three giants together in our country, have we Nigerians, perhaps, been attempting to accomplish the impossible?

    It is true that, even in spite of these almost daunting ethnic national realities, the desire of Nigerians to preserve Nigeria has been, on the whole, considerable. It was against that desire that the Igbo nation’s Biafran venture of 1967-70 failed. However, since then, especially since the 1990s, various ethnic nationalist movements and “self-determination” groups have been springing up in all parts of Nigeria – and, altogether, these have today become a force that Nigeria can only ignore at its own peril.

    Meanwhile, a powerful factor has entered into the Nigerian equation. Most Nigerians are no longer ignorant about the cause of the terrible poverty under which they live – the poverty that makes their lives insecure from crimes, various species of conflicts, terrorism, etc. The root of the poverty is simply this: when the people who controlled most of the power over Nigeria chose to pull all power, all funding and resource control of the country together in the federal centre, they gradually destroyed the ability of Nigeria to generate economic growth, economic innovations, productivity, and wealth. The explanation for that is that it is the states in a federation, plus the local governments – the agencies that are nearest to the lives of the people – that generate most of economic growth and innovation in a federation.  Cast your mind back to the 1950s, the years of Nigeria’s growing prosperity, the years of our prosperous cocoa, groundnuts and palm produce export industries, the years of the development of a cobweb of standard roads across the face of our country, the years of the Regional Development Boards and of our first public industries, the years of the proliferation of primary and secondary schools all over our country, etc,and you will find that our regional and local governments were the engines generating almost all the prosperity. In that kind of setting, the coming of petroleum money since about 1970 would have benefited Nigeria unbelievably. When the controllers of our country down-graded our state and local governments, and turned them into impotent zombies incapable of acting strongly, authoritatively and creatively in their states and local areas, they set the stage for vicious poverty for us the masses of Nigerians. Nigerians now know these things.

    And the consequence is that the two strains in the popular response to the Nigerian situation–namely, assertive ethnic nationalism, and assertive rejection of poverty and deprivation and its effects – have now concatenated. That is why the demand for a National Conference – any sort of National Conference – has become so popular. And that is why Nigerians are accepting President Jonathan’s offer of a National Conference so avidly. Those partisan political opponents of President Jonathan who are casting doubts on his sincerity about a National Conference, or about his ability to run an effective National Conference, and who are suggesting that we should wait for more dependable leaders to give us a really productive National Conference, may have a point. But Nigerians are not in the mood to consider such a point. Nigerians are in a hurry to gather at a conference and restructure their federation and thereby strengthen their ability to fight their way out of poverty.

    Without doubt, most Nigerians sitting at the National Conference have high hopes –hopes of bursting the door wide open to a better Nigeria, a Nigeria of open politics, of level political and economic fields, of stability, and of greater opportunities for all. In the atmosphere of such high expectations, therefore, the following things can suddenly break up Nigeria. First, any attempt, in the conference, by those who have been controlling most power in Nigeria, to resist the restructuring and the change, and to insist on the preservation of the status quo. Second, any show by the federal government of lack of sincerity or seriousness to manage the conference effectively so as to enable it to achieve the restructuring and the change.

    Therefore, the  question whether Nigeria will survive and go on to prosper, or whetherit will break into a number of separate countries, is entirely in the hands of two groups today – the group that has, since independence, controlled most power over Nigeria; and President Jonathan and his men who today control the federal government. History is watching.

  • Nigeria: Let’s embrace this treasure from the North

    In the midst of the storms and clouds of recent developments, we Nigerians can miss some very valuable treasures. We have been attracted to all sorts of intriguing images from the National Conference – some images of serious leadership, and many more images of shallow self-seeking and  downright irresponsible utterances, all posturing as free speech.  We have been overwhelmed by the horrors of Boko Haram’s atrocities – all of which seem to be a determined effort to drown out the voices of the National Conference. And we have been wooed to the images of an African economic summit – with its dandified images that differ radically from the realities of our economic life.

    In the course of all these, there has appeared one treasure that can be easily missed, but that I am determined that we should not miss. I refer to the statement sent by the former Vice-President of our country, Atiku Abubakar, to the National Conference a few weeks ago.

    Vice-President Atiku Abubakar’s message to the National Conference is a great national treasure for two important reasons. First, it is an excellent statement of the case for the restructuring of the Nigerian federation. It is almost impossible to find a better rendering of the case anywhere else.

    Secondly, because it comes from a very eminent member of the Fulani political elite of Northern Nigeria, it is more than unique; it is historic. What we Nigerians are used to hearing from our Hausa-Fulani political elite is a trenchant defence of the status quo in our country – the status quo consisting of all the distortions that were entrenched in our federal system step by step by the military dictatorships that ruled our country from 1966 to 1999. The military dictatorships, with the very active support of the civilian Hausa-Fulani political elite, turned our federal government into virtually the sole owner of all power, and the sole controller of resources and assets, in our country.  In their hands, our federation ceased to be a federation. Our federal government became an over-bloated, horribly inefficient, and viciously corrupt establishment, actively spreading corruption into our political life, our electoral system, and our management of all aspects of our public business. Ostensibly to satisfy our people’s local demands, the military dictators split our country into more and states – that is, into smaller and smaller states. Our states became impotent entities, easily manipulated by the federal monster, totally dependent on federal handouts for their existence, and essentially powerless to promote development in their domains. The inevitable loss of local push and morale quickly generated intense poverty in all parts of our country. All attempts at the development of local resources vanished, as the federal authorities encouraged every part of Nigeria to depend on oil revenue from the Delta. No truly informed Nigeria has any doubt that these changes are the fundamental causes of poverty, insecurity, and conflicts in our country, and the reason why our country now seems to be about to break up. Yet, unbelievably, the Hausa-Fulani elite insist on the preservation of this whole monstrosity. But now, at last, a prominent Hausa-Fulani servant of our country has taken the courage to step out to contradict his kinsmen. I repeat that this action by Atiku Abubakar is truly historic.

    Step by step, he states the case very thoroughly for the restructuring of our federation, for the reduction of the powers of our federal government, for  giving new powers and imparting new energies to our states, for reviving state and local initiative and morale, and for a new surge of development and prosperity in our country.

    The Hausa-Fulani elite, as well as some others who share some of their views, have made it routine to stigmatize  all Nigerians who advocate the restructuring of the Nigerian federation as enemies of Nigeria who desire to break up Nigeria. Atiku now says loudly that the accusation is not true and must stop.  “We must stop assuming” he says, “that anyone calling for the restructuring of our federation is working for the breakup of the country”.

    The Hausa-Fulani elite and some who agree with them have always insisted that the only way to ensure the unity of Nigeria is to make the federal government overwhelmingly powerful. Atiku now clearly contradicts that. He says, “And the notion that over-centralisation and an excessively powerful centre is equivalent to national unity is false.  If anything, it has made our unity more fragile and our government more unstable.  We must renegotiate our union in order to make it stronger”.

    In support of stronger and more virile states and local governments, he states, “Greater autonomy, power and resources for states and local authorities will unleash our people’s creative energies and spur more development. It will help with improving security. It will help give the federating units and the local governments, greater freedom and flexibility to address local issues, priorities and peculiarities. It will promote healthy rivalries among the federating units and local authorities. It will help make us richer and stronger as a nation”.

    From the way the northern political elite have always resolutely defended over-centralisation of power and opposed any suggestion for decentralisation, it is as if they are certain that a very strong federal centre benefits the North in some special way. Atiku now urges that we Nigerians should learn to discuss these matters dispassionately and objectively. He says, “We need to eschew emotions and knee-jerk reactions and examine these issues critically.  As is to be expected, interests have been formed and entrenched so that calls for devolution and decentralisation (mostly from the south) have been met with very strident opposition (mostly from the north). It is as though the over-centralisation of power and concentration of resources in the federal government benefit the north more than the south. Nothing can be further from the truth. In my view, and the evidence is there for all to see, the excessive dominance of the federal government has been detrimental to the development aspirations of all sections of this country.  It is precisely why we now rely almost exclusively on oil revenues, which come mainly from a small section of the country. It is what has, by extension, killed our agriculture, local control of schools, and promoted corruption that has eroded the quality of our public and even private institutions”.

    Vice-President Atiku deserves the gratitude of Nigeria for this historic intervention of his. And for those who still believe that their ethnic group has a vested interest in the status quo that is destroying our country, here is something to ponder.