Category: Jide Oluwajuyitan

  • Ungoverned spaces and battle for grazing lands

    Ungoverned spaces and battle for grazing lands

    If only we would love others as we love ourselves as Christ, the social crusader and the greatest teacher the world has ever known commanded, the earth, which according to Pope Francis “is the only paradise we know”, but today controlled by only one per cent of its extremely rich inhabitants would have been  a world without conflict and strife. And if only Nigerians would subscribe to Yoruba “Afenifere” catchphrase, literarily translated as wanting ‘the best you want for yourself for others’ which best approximates the above Christ’s injunction, our youths who today know only violence will be witnesses to an organized society which defined our nation before independence.

    Unfortunately, efforts by Awo and his group to export ‘Afenifere’ policies including free education that has today positioned the old southwest as the most educated part of Africa to the north which according to Trevor Clark, the biographer of Tafawa Balewa, A Right Honourable Gentleman, was 70 years behind the south in western education at independence,  was roundly rejected by northern leaders who demanded to know what gave Awo and his group the impression the north wanted the same thing as the West. When Awo warned that Uthman Dan Fodio would protest in his grave at the legacy the northern leaders would be bequeathing to their youths, northern leaders, according to Trevor Clark, declared Awo’s reference to their grand-father, a sacrilege and an affront for which he must be made to pay a price. He was later slammed with 10 years imprisonment for among other things, an entry in his diary that he dreamt he was a prime minister.

    The late Olanihun Ajayi, a founding member of Afenifere  socio-cultural group, in his last work titled Nigeria: Political Power Imbalance – The Bane and Chain Down of Nigeria’s Progress and Development focuses on how some segment of the country not only  rejected progressive ideas but tried to nationalize their self-inflicted miseries. Consequently, instead of deploying resources towards building capacity, northern leaders became preoccupied with dragging down the south to its own level through various social engineering efforts including quota system and federal character policies.

    In 2019, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) listed Zamfara with “300 public primary schools manned by a single teacher each while many others in remote rural have no teachers” which managed to produce only 16 candidates with five credits at GCE O/level in 2017 along such states as Bauchi, Niger, Katsina, Kano, Sokoto, Kebbi, Gombe, Adamawa and Taraba as having eight million out-of-school children.

    But rather than employ teachers, hypocritical northern Sharia leaders who forgot Islamic religion was the foundation of western civilization would rather employ Hisbah corps (Kano as at 2010 had 9,000) who go around raiding bars or destroying trucks selling or conveying alcoholic beverages, arresting ladies adjudged not properly dressed or wearing sunglasses and preventing women passengers from riding in the same tri-cycle with men.

    But perhaps Olanihun Ajayi’s thesis needs no further validation than the on-going unproductive ‘open grazing’ battle between northern and southern political leaders. Herdsmen and their sponsors rejected modernization of their pastoral business because they claim open grazing is a Fulani culture which they rightly claim is protected by the nation’s constitution. In 2010, northern lawmakers during a heated debate at the National Assembly warned of the dire consequences of rejecting the proposed open grazing bill.  In 2015, Miyyetti Allah threatened violence and actually visited violence against states that passed anti-open grazing laws.

    But while the battle raged, merchants of violence and their sponsors forgot the north controls almost 80 per cent of the country’s landed area, one-third of which was designated special government reserved areas. Such reserved forests include Sambisa, covering an area of   60,000 square kilometres, twice the size of the southern part of Nigeria according to Professor Dikwa; Falgore Forest in Kano State, Kamuku or Birnin Gwari Forest in Kaduna State, Rugu Forest in Katsina, Kuyambana Forest, Zamfara and Alewa Forest. Others include  Zugurma Forest in Niger State, Lame Bura Forest in Bauchi State and of course, Dajin Rugu Forest where the kidnapped Emir of Bugundu, Hassan Attahiru who regained freedom last Monday was kept for 32 days.

    While a section of the country that occupies nearly 80 per cent of the country’s landmass was at war over grazing land with those holding about 20%, a situation described by Ohaneze as ‘provocative and suspicious’, these mostly ungoverned reserved forests became enclaves of banditry, cattle rustlers and killer herdsmen. It was from there marauding criminals move out periodically to unleash terror on innocent people.

    Counting the cost allowing criminals to take over ungoverned reserved forests to Zamfara, Abdullahi Shinkafi, the state Secretary to the Government during a recent Gusau town hall meeting organised by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), said the state government has spent some N17 billion in the past seven years on fighting banditry. Breaking down the cost, he explained: “In 2011, we provided 457 vehicles for security agencies; in 2012, we provided 2,250 vehicles; in 2014, 77 vehicles and 50 vehicles each in 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018. Other prices according to him include “over 3,000 deaths, destruction of over 2,000 homes, burning of over 500 cars and kidnapping of over 500 people for ransom”.

    Kaduna, Katsina Sokoto and Borno states where ungoverned territories were seized by criminal herdsmen, bandits and cattle rustlers must have no doubt shared Zamfara’s painful experience. Sadly, the likes of Shehu Garba, Abubakar Malami and Kaduna’s Nasir El Rufai and Bauchi’s Bala Mohammed and other Fulani irredentists in Buhari’s government, by unleashing vicious attack on Governor Akeredolu of Ondo State for signing an anti-open grazing law to rid his state’s reserved forests of bandits and killer herdsmen, want Ondo and other southern states to share the Zamfara experience.

    Besides the kidnapping of Olu Falae, the killings of Chief Fasoranti’s daughter and Dr Fatai Aborode who left his lecturing job in Scotland to start a farm in his Ibarapa community of Oyo State, they probably want a replication of mass abduction of children for ransom, surrendering of Southwest’s reserved forests and farms to Fulani herdsmen from Mauritania, Libya or Niger the way it happened in the north to ensure northern miseries spread to the south. They will also probably not be satisfied until they see a replication of dangerous Abuja-Kaduna and Birnin Gwari highways in the southwest.

    It is by now obvious to Nigerians that Shehu Garba, Malami and El Rufai who often pretend to speak for Buhari when they in fact speak for the tendencies they represent in Buhari’s government, do not love others as they love themselves. It is hoped they will emulate Katsina’s Masari by supporting government efforts at liberating confiscated ungoverned territories from bandits and terrorists and use same to establish ranches which will promote the development of associated industries such as dairy, leather and shoe industries.

    It is also hoped they would stop opposing the demand by the 36 federating states for state and community policing which has the potential to prevent communities from being alienated from their land as against their preference for federal police who because they have no stakes, often allegedly look the other way or take sides as invincible AK-47-wielding criminal herdsmen sack communities after communities.

  • Malami and  Buhari’s legacy

    Malami and Buhari’s legacy

    Of course, the mindless killings going in Anambra and other parts of the eastern states are unacceptable. Governor Willie Obiano’s submission that only about 15 people have been killed in the last few weeks is not an excuse for the Igbo to kill their ‘suns’.(apology to Saro Wiwa). As Lasisi Lagunju puts it: It is not a sign of wellness for a people to be “murdering their mother’s daughters and killing their father’s sons because they want to be free from the chains of their abusive neighbour”.

    Igbo work hard to improve their position within the hierarchical structure of Nigerian society. They climb the social ladder by a dint of hard work including in the words of Ahmadu Bello, “aspiring to become chief labourer if employed as a labourer”. The late Professor and Dr Akinyuli were testimonies to Igbo spirit of hard work. They went on to sire four first class brains, all making waves in the medical field and in the humanities getting award after award across the world.

    There is also no logic  in drawing a parallel between killing of shining Igbo ‘suns’ by misguided youths with killings in Zamfara which according to, Ibrahim Dosara, the state commissioner for information “started with a conflict between the Fulani and Hausa communities in the state”, an admission that it is the revolt of impoverished and marginalized Hausa natives by their Fulani feudal lords while  those who are expected to create a more egalitarian society exploit President Buhari’s personal failings to further fuel the crisis.

    The most virulent critic of the president knows Buhari who probably does not see democracy beyond an instrument for winning election needs help. Otherwise he would not have gone to Abeokuta and Imo asking for voters’ support while asking them feel free to support anyone of their choice in other elections. For Malami who makes up for what many consider his deficiency in legal jurisprudence in intrigue and mischief, that was a subtle declaration that the election must be won by all means whereas with all of Buhari’s inadequacies including shooting himself in the leg while trying to prove he is a democrat when he in fact does not understand what it means to be a democrat, Buhari would not ask anyone to rig election on his behalf.

    It was therefore appropriate for Governor Obiano of Anambra and his APGA to accuse Malami and APC of planning to rig the Anambra November gubernatorial election  by threatening they “cannot out rule possibilities inclusive of the possibilities of declaration of state of emergency where it is established in essence, that there is a failure on the part of the state government to ensure the sanctity of security of lives, properties  and democratic order”.

    How can Malami in all conscience saddle Obiano with the responsibility of “ensuring sanctity of security of lives, properties and democratic order” when the federal government has a monopoly of the coercive power of state, while the 36 federating states have been denied their demand for state and community policing Malami and his fellow presidential Buhari’s “loyal  gate keepers opposed?

    The Igbo leadership was therefore right to be suspicious of Malami’s motive. We have no record he has ever threatened northwest geo-political zone that has witnessed periodic harvests of death since 2016 with state of emergency. We have states like Zamfara where 56 people were killed in Jar’kuka village In Dec 2020,  Gusau Maradun and Bakura LGA  where about 90 people were killed according to Premium Times report of April 22, Kuryan Madaro villages where according to Reuters, 18 people were in April this year killed by bandits who set cars and shops ablaze and Madamai, Kaura  and Zango-Kataf  LGAs where 141 were killed between February 10 and  11  2019  according to Governor Nasir El-Rufai.

    Read Also: Anambra monarchs slam Malami over emergency rule threat

    Unfortunately for President Buhari, there has never been any love lost between him and the Igbo nation whose leadership admitted mobilising against his candidacy in 2015 because of his perceived hatred of Igbo people despite picking Igbo leaders as his vice presidential candidate during his failed bid for the presidency in 2003 and 2007.

    To change this perception, he inaugurated the take-off of the clearing of polluted Ogoni land, the dredging of River Niger, the actual construction of the second Onitsha Bridge and the East-West highway. Decked in funny Igbo traditional attire, he has visited south-east and south-south more than four times. With Malami’s latest mischief, those who will never see anything good in President Buhari can now say they have been vindicated. Buhari remains a hard sell to the average Igbo man.

    It is not as if Buhari fares better among other Nigerian stakeholders and ethnic nationalities from the middle belt, southwest and even his own northwest where he is regarded by many as a divisive leader who frittered away the goodwill of Nigerians because of what many regarded as his parochialism heightened by unrestraint assault on Nigerians, mischief and sometimes outright lies by his loyal gate keepers, Shehu Garba, Lai Mohammed and of course Malami. There is today no part of Nigeria where the president does not face crisis of legitimacy.

    In Taraba, Theophilus Danjuma was forced to call on his people to defend themselves because there was no evidence anyone was prosecuted by Malami for the mindless killings of subsistence farmers by those initially said to be invisible by our security forces until governors who negotiated with them and Dr Gumi revealed their true identity as aggrieved Fulani herdsmen who want government’s amnesty and compensation for waging war against Nigerians.

    In Benue, communities after communities were sacked by criminal herdsmen who confiscated land after reducing surviving victims to inmates of IDP camps. Despite advance notifications of attack which were strictly adhered to, few if any, were arrested let alone being prosecuted.  For Governor Ortom and his Tiv people, Buhari is a Fulani president.

    In Southern Zaria, Malami the justice minister and the defence ministry have no answer to reprisal killings that have gone on for six years.  It will be difficult to persuade people of Southern Zaria that Buhari on whose table the buck stops is not responsible their travails.

    As a federation, Malami rightly recognized the constitutional rights of the northern governors  to set up  a 10,000 strong Sharia Hisba police corps to arrest anyone sporting  “indecent dress” prevent “gender mix in commercial vehicles” or seal-up hotels selling  alcohol. But he forgot Nigeria is a federation the moment Southwest governors constituted the ‘Amotekun’ security outfit to secure their reserved forests from criminals described by  Kano’s Governor Ganduje  as “ECOWAS’s herdsmen who first came to Nigeria with AK-47 assault rifles to protect themselves against farmers but now use the guns to commit crime”. Betraying his sympathy or support for criminal herdsmen, Malami contrary to the learned opinions of Itse Sagay, Afe Babalola, Femi Falana and the NBA declared “the setting up of paramilitary organisation called Amotekun is illegal and contrary to the provisions of Nigerian law”.

    Abubakar Malami, the Justice Minister kept his peace when the Northern Governors Forum banned open grazing in all states in Northern Nigeria on February 9. But when the southern governors did same several months later, “the banning” Malami said with a tinge of mischief was “as good as saying, perhaps, maybe, the northern governors coming together to say they prohibit spare parts trading in the north”!

    Malami infects everything he touches. Buhari who seems set to miss an historic opportunity to leave office as a statesman is his greatest victim. Malami will define Buhari’s presidency and his legacy.

  • Taming of Southeast and Southwest politicians

    By  Jide Oluwajuyitan

    The different resolutions, products of political subterfuge  coming from southern and northern governors in the last three weeks is perhaps why members of both PDP and APC are tarred with the same brush  of unscrupulous men of many words.

    First it was the southern governors who after their Asaba meeting rejected open grazing, declared their constitutional right to collect VAT and insisted on state police to address the crisis of insecurity in their various states.  Instead of restricting themselves to issues that could promote competitive federalism, they decided to turn an intra-party affair of picking a party’s presidential candidate to an interparty affair by declaring that: “The forum reiterates its commitment to the politics of equity, fairness and unanimously agrees that the presidency of Nigeria be rotated between Southern and Northern Nigeria and resolved that the next president of Nigeria should emerge from the southern region.”

    But for their intrigue, the southern governors understand it is only southeast and south-south that had invested heavily in PDP from 1999 that can compete for PDP presidential ticket while it is only the southwest which contributed to Buhari’s APC victory in 2015 and 2019 that can aspire to present a presidential candidate.

    Their intrigue however provided an opportunity for the more cohesive and more astute northern governors to put the more divided southern governors always at war with themselves in their place. Rejecting their demand for power shift in 2023, the northern governors joined by their emirs declared: “The Southern Governors’ Forum’s statement that the presidency must go to the south as quite contradictory with the provision of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999) as amended”.

    And also reacting to the southern governors’ hollow and inconsequential resolution, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed without restraint reminded the southern governors that if democracy is a game of numbers, the north  “ will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before. Whether we are president or vice president, we have the majority of the votes and …. Why does anybody need to threaten us and intimidate us? We will get that power…”

    Ambassador Yahaya Kwande, deputy chairman of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) and former ambassador to Switzerland, tried to educate the southern governors he accused of spreading confusion by reminding them that party nomination is an intra-party affair. He then took pains to explain  that, “power rotation was an arrangement by the PDP and not between regions,” adding that “it is northerners in PDP were the ones demanding that the presidency should remain in the North in 2023 in order to complete the eight years tenure of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua.”

    And to those who are sympathetic towards southeast quest for the PDP presidential ticket come 2023, he threw a challenge: “You go to the East and who do you get apart from those who are talking. You hardly would say this is a politician that is aspiring that is qualified by age, education, experience and so on to rule today’s Nigeria as in the case of Atiku”.

    Read Also: Southwest lobbies for PDP national chairman slot

    Unfortunately, Umahi had already swallowed the bait from the masters of political subterfuge that promised him APC ticket before dumping PDP he had accused of maginalising southeast which controlled Obasanjo government and according to Prof Soludo, former CBN governor, occupied all the prominent positions in Goodluck Jonathan administration.

    I am not sure anyone is today listening to him lament that “it would be in bad taste to deny the southeast presidency in 2023, which he said was the desire of an average”. On his part, Hope Uzodimma  who became APC Imo governor through judicial  pronouncement  has said  “Ndigbo were not interested in producing the president of the country in 2023”. The only thing both agreed upon is that the federal government should collect and share VAT with the states contrary to southern governors’ resolution.

    The fragmented southeast with PDP and APC controlling two states each are at war with themselves.  Governors of Abia, Ebonyi, Imo and Anambra states with the exception Ugwuanyi, were all absent at the Lagos meeting while they did not even bother to attend the meeting of their southeast geo-political zone. With the warring governors ceding power to non-state actors, southeast has become like Zanfara State, a jungle controlled by animals who move around killing prominent and accomplished Igbo sons and daughters, torching buildings housing state institutions or owned by prominent Igbo people.

    With Ambassador Yahaya Kwande, one of the grand- masters of political subterfuge declaring that  rotation clause in PDP constitution dating back to 1999 was a strategy to win election, it is most unlikely PDP will pick its presidential candidate from lawless southeast where daily harvest of violent deaths is comparable only to Libya or Afghanistan.

    The fate of the southwest is not however different from that of the south east. The northern rain makers led by El Rufai has worked so hard since 2015 to ensure if APC candidate ever emerges from the west, he would be too weak to confront Atiku the northern candidate that the 90 years old  Kwande swore must become president before he dies.

    The northern masters of politics of subterfuge understand Yoruba leaders suffer from a predilection Prof Williams describes as “a sense of self-worth”. In 1962 it was Yoruba NCNC members in the western house led by Chief Remi Fani Kayode the north used to destabilize the west. It was politicians from Awo’s Ikenne and Ogun State that were used to send him to prison. It was MKO Abiola’s National Concord that falsely claimed Awo a socialist confiscated 300 plots of Lekki land to soil his image before the 1983 presidential election.

    And no sooner had Tinubu helped Buhari to secure victory in 2015 than Yoruba governors close to Buhari joined El Rufai’s mafia to sideline him. Misguided Yoruba youths during EndSARS crisis ignored media house owned by those who had been imprisoned or still in court defending their honour for stealing government money and torched his TV and newspaper houses. The video of northern legislative leaders’ visit to Tinubu in London translated to Yoruba and titled “assemblage of Nigerian looters’ has gone viral on social media.  Yet Tinubu has never worked for federal government of Nigeria. The strategy of masters of political subterfuge is to weaken his political base just as they did to Awo in 1963.

    And they are not leaving anything to chance. They are propping up some ambitious Yoruba governors who on their own cannot win their states as back-up for Tinubu. With divided west that never speaks with one voice, neither weakened Tinubu nor some ambitious Yoruba politicians the masters of political subterfuge plan to arrogantly impose on Yoruba and who will be rejected because of their perceived treachery, will be a match for 2023  northern candidate of either of the two parties.

    Lack of strategic planning by southern politicians haunted by 50 years of betrayals is the reason Baba Ahmed, a first generation immigrant whose father, defrauded by his Benin Republic cattle business partners emigrated to Zaria as an Islamic teacher  and went on to sire 33 children  will declare without restraint: “We will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before. Whether we are president or vice president”.

  • Of Kano’s Naval Base

    By  Jide Oluwajuyitan

    After Buhari’s first wave of appointments in 2015, opinion leaders including Prof. Nwabueze, Pa Edwin Clark, and the late Pa Okunrounmu and some other Nigerians accused him of a lopsided appointment. And for many even at that early stage, it marked the beginning of what they saw as Buhari’s “war against the south”.  Dr Ezeife admitted they had in the run up to the election mobilized against Buhari because of fear of Islamisation of Nigeria.

    This column on September 2, 2015 however advised the president to ignore his critics and “worry more about how to keep his own side of the social contract with Nigerian voters”. I added – “the mood of the nation today allows Buhari to seek from his Daura village a minister who will not preside over the theft of N1.7trillion by fuel fraudsters and a Minister of Internal Affairs who will not fleece young job seekers of over N1billion and end up supervising state murder of some of them through sloppy arrangement”.

    With exception of Obasanjo, the PDP-crowned father of Nigeria, Buhari, by the record of his outings in his previous national engagement was in 2015 believed to have faith in the nation. Even as he today struggles to fulfill his destiny, we   have no evidence Buhari has lost faith in the country. Nigerians no doubt feel betrayed by President Buhari who thinks he knows what the people want without asking them. If Nigerians however today feel more frightened about their future that they felt six years ago, it is more on account of impunity and indiscretion of some of his ethnic compatriots that have today become the greatest threat to the survival of Nigerians and even the president’s own legacy.

    Nigerians are haunted by recklessness of Miyyetti Allah, who behaved responsibly, taking photographs-shops with President Jonathan but with emergence of Buhari started to issue orders to elected governors of federating states asking them to choose between the well-being of their citizens and their cultural practice of open-grazing. Nigerians are frightened by the error of judgment of Sheik Gumi, who doubles as bandits and herdsmen spokesman, the tactlessness of Abubakar Malami, the mischief of Shehu Garba and the cheekiness of his other minsters and service chiefs. Unfortunately, while we are all under siege of bandits, herdsmen and their sympathisers, President Buhari who Nigerians look up for protection is completely missing.

    Obasanjo admitted there’s criminality and insecurity in Nigeria and warned against allowing “Boko Haram and herdsmen activities to become a tool to Fulanise West Africa and Islamise Africa”.  Wole Soyinka spoke of “a huge mass of people descending into a state of brutishness and warned that “the country was undergoing horrendous descent to the abyss”. What the president’s men think about is setting up a radio station for Fulfude-speaking Fulani, building cattle colonies with Nigerian taxpayers’ money for immigrant herdsmen or reactivation of non-existent pre-independence grazing routes.

    All around, anywhere you turn, impunity hits one on the face.

    Two weeks ago, the Chief of Naval Staff, Vice-Admiral Awwal Zubairu Gambo, an indigene of Kano State went to hawk an approval to establish a naval base in a landlocked Kano to his governor who praised him for being a good son of Kano and promptly allocated 1000 hectares of land for the proposed naval base.  The CNS with indecent haste, immediately named a Captain Muhammad Abubakar Alhassan as the Acting Commander.

    Read Also: PMB’s Imo visit as opportunity for peace and rapprochement

    Following public criticism of what many experts said  was not  a well thought-out project by the Nigerian Navy that “should be concerned about the inter-territorial integrity of the country through the waterways which is its primary function”, an abuse of office and a “contravention of the federal character principle”, Navy spokesman, Navy Commodore Suleman Dahun,  said the naval base is designed to decongest its presence in Lagos area adding that  “While naval operations bases should typically have a waterfront or be located in a maritime environment, some naval bases do not necessarily need to have a waterfront”.

    Pan Niger Delta Forum PANDEF spokesman, Ken Robinson, reminded him that the north controls 14 out of 17 heads of top military, paramilitary and intelligence agencies in the country.

    But such impunity did not start with Vice-Admiral Awwal Zubairu Gambo. In 2019 the Chief of Army staff Lt. Gen Tukur Buratai established an army university approved by the National Universities Commission even as the Federal Executive Council gave its nod for a N2bn take-off grant to be accessed from Tertiary Education Trust Fund in his Biu village in Borno State. This was despite the fact that the Kaduna NDA, a degree awarding institution attended by the current crop of officers, has for years remained underfunded.

    In 2020, the Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Sadique also decided to emulate Buratai by establishing Nigerian Air Force University in his home state of Bauchi without any objective criteria. Governor Bello Mohammed who hailed the air force chief as “worthy son of the state’ also commended him for the Air Force Special Operation Command earlier established in Bauchi.

    For the air force chief, a politician in military uniform, it counted for little that nearby Kaduna hosts the Air force Institute of Technology,  established in 1977, upgraded in 2004 to meet the requirements for the award of National Diploma, secured  affiliation with Cranfield University in the United Kingdom for the running of postgraduate programmes in Aerospace Engineering for officer graduates of engineering/sciences from the NDA and other universities and was formally transformed into the AFIT with effect from March 12, 2008.

    As someone has argued, our problem is more of impunity than corruption. Our military institutions remain underfunded even as our politicians and military chiefs smile to their banks as revealed by various probes in the last six years.

    Under President Jonathan, the $2b loan meant for military hardware and welfare of fighting soldiers were shared by politicians and top military leaders without giving a damn about their fighting soldiers. Thus in 2012, the Jonathan administration had to sign  a $103 million contract with Global West to protect the country’s maritime areas and stop piracy and oil theft, a job the constitution vested on the underfunded Nigerian Navy.  For this, Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, aka Tompolo was paid N1.5 billion monthly for his pains. But as it later turned out, “crude oil theft, according to a report by a civil society group “increased from 250,000 barrels/day before the contract to 400,000 barrels/day since the ceding of Nigeria’s territorial water to a private company without any record of experience in similar service”.

    Many Nigerians including Second Republic lawmaker, Dr. Junaid Mohammed warned against “rewarding terrorism with mouth-watering pipeline protection jobs” and along with others asked that the Nigerian Navy be equipped with the necessary equipment and resources required to enable them appropriately safeguard our waterways.

    Sadly, military chiefs under Buhari prefer building universities in their villages and naval bases on land-locked areas leaving the fate of their priceless assets-soldiers in the hands of audacious politicians including minister of defence  who declared after the retirement of the former security chiefs  that “preliminary investigation showed the funds are missing and the equipment are nowhere to be found” and Shehu Garba, who insisted that the $1b from the Sovereign Wealth account referenced and which was authorized by the governors was not missing. Both however agreed the military is under-funded and has deficit of fighting equipment.

    Impunity breeds many iniquities ranging from breach of federal character, waste of taxpayers’ money, misplaced priority, betrayal of our military institution and even ‘fulanisation and nepotism depending on where you stand.

     

  • In defence of Masari’s call for self-defence

    In defence of Masari’s call for self-defence

    I sympathise with governor Massari of Katsina who has come under severe stress and strain since his desperate call on his people to defend themselves against killer bandits and herdsmen  that today operate unchallenged in 32 of his state 36 LGAs. But for self-serving Transport Minister Rotimi Amaechi’s Transportation University in Katsina,  President Buhari’s presidency has been a curse to his home state of Katsina.

    As if to demystify our Commander-in-Chief,  an Auwalu Daudawa  led six-man gang of bandits chose his  arrival in Katsina  on December 11 2020 to abduct over 300 young boys of Kankara boys school. An embarrassed Governor Masari paid huge sum of money as ransom to secure their freedom on 17 Decemeber 2020 only to be followed by another abduction of 80 girls of  Islamiyya school  in the Dandume local government of the state. The bandits got a huge ransom, and were  granted amnesty after surrendering 28  AK- 47 rifles and swearing on the Quran not to return to banditry. But they reneged on their promise.

    Disappointed,  Masari then decided to embrace the strong-arm tactics of the federal government. But that also did not bring respite to his people. Killing, abduction and humiliation of people continued while the security forces gave impression the bandits routinely visited by Gumi in their forest den were invincible. With 32 of Katsina’s  34 LGAs under a siege,  exhausted  but defiant Masari was  finally forced to call on his people to defend themselves.

    With what appears a total collapse of federal government security architecture, other states of the federation share Masari’s frustration. In fact, it was Theophilus Danjuma who following mindless killings for which none was being held to account,  first called upon his people to defend themselves. He had seized the convocation  ceremony of the Taraba State University on Saturday 24 March 2018  to appeal to his people :, “I ask all of you to be on the alert and defend your country, defend your state. “This ethnic cleansing must stop in Taraba, and it must stop in Nigeria. These killers have been protected by the military; they cover them…”

    Read Also: Babel of exparte orders

    But the Nigerian army  advised  “the people of Taraba State and indeed all other Nigerians to continue in their day-to-day activities and be law abiding as anyone caught with arms and ammunition will be dealt with accordance with the laws of the land”. Unfortunately, bandits and herdsmen who after committing heinous crimes, took group photographs with some northern state governors after receiving huge ransoms,  were never dealt with in accordance with the law of the land.

    Like in Katsina, El Rufai also  experimented with payment of ransom to Kaduna mindless killers who  he confessed  were “actually from outside Nigeria, with some of them  from Niger, Cameroon, Chad, Mali and Senegal”. He admitted negotiating and paying them ransom in 2016 to stop killing Nigerians. But ransom payment did not stop the killings. In early July,  about 33  were killed  during attack on several communities in Atyap and, Zangon Kataf Local Government Areas of Southern Kaduna,. Before then, precisely on March 11 2021,  39  students were abducted by bandits from  Federal College of Forestry Mechanisation, Mando and also kidnapped in April were another  23 students of Greenfield University i by bandits who demanded  800m from parents after killing  five of the students.

    Like Masari, El Rufai  today denounces ransom payment to bandits. His  wife insists paying ransom is like pouring kerosene into fire . El Rufai who says no bandit deserves to live wants security forces  to move into the forest and wipe them out. But El Rufai knows that is not going to happen  with the president Buhari’s confession that he cannot contradict his Attorney General who has through his unrestrained attack on Nigerians who oppose open grazing shown he is a better defender of herdsmen than Miyetti Allah.

    Benue Governor Ortom on his part has moved from PDP to APC and back to PDP in search of solution to herdsmen siege on his state. Following the initiative of his state house of assembly, he signed his state anti-grazing law. But in November 2017,Miyetti Allah the umbrella organisation for cattle breeders sworn to wage war with Benue people if the law was not repealed.  As part of the fall out. About 73 people were massacred  in January 2018 . On June 3 2021 about 300 were reportedly massacred  in three villages of Ado LGA. When both the  Attorney general and the IG will not enforce the  law,  he set up his own security outfit  which was no match for the fire power of Fulani herdsmen.  The killings continued with about 42 killed   in recent separate attacks  in Katsina Ala and Gwer West local councils of Benue state

    Plateau has had its own share of misery . It was turned into a killing field during Obasanjo’s presidency with an investigative panel report indicting  the state sitting commissioner of police. Lalong however opted to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds.  He  sought accommodation with Miyyetti Allah the umbrella body for herdsmen. He berated his Benue  and Taraba state counterparts for their state anti-grazing laws. Playing the ostrich has however brought no joy to his people.  Killings and abduction continued.  Last  Wednesday Yelwan Community of his lost 36 of their  loved ones to reprisal killing.

    In Zanfara where the genesis of banditry according to , Ibrahim Dosara, the state’s Commissioner of Information “started with a conflict between the Fulani and Hausa communities, 2,619 deaths were recorded between 2011 and 2019 with 1,190 abducted and 14,378 livestock rustled and 100,000 people  displaced from their ancestral homes”

    The state governor from onset cast its lot with the federal government which deployed “a full battalion of Special Forces, followed  by “Operation Maximum Safety” with 510 police personnel and 40 patrol vehicles” “Joint Intervention Team of about 1000 police personnel supported by, counter terrorism unit (CTU), federal special anti-robbery squad (FSARS), anti-bomb (EOD) squad, and conventional policemen” to the state. But when they failed to “rout-out, arrest and prosecute armed bandits, vicious kidnappers for ransom and cattle rustling gangs operating in some parts of the state,”  Governor Abdulaziz Yari escaped to Abuja from where he ruled the state.

    His successor, Matawale admitted his three predecessors spent the sum of N970 million on payment of ransom to some of “the 30,000 identified bandits, operating in more than 100 camps” leading to a rescue of over 2,000 kidnapped victims with the help of repentant bandits. But killings have continued despite Matawale swearing by the Quran along with his cabinet members and residents of the state to prove they have no connection with bandits terrorising Zanfara.

    But Masari’s call for self- defence remains romantic as President Buhari’s will not tolerate a strategy that threatens the legitimacy of his government that is already delegitimized by bandits, herdsmen and Boko Haram.

    If we need any proof; In Oyo state, Sunday Igboho, who enraged by the abduction and the killing of his nephew, Dr Fatai Aborode at Iganagan, resorted to self-help, arrested Seriki Fulani described as the chief negotiator for ransom between kidnappers and their victims, and handed him over to the police that had claimed he was invincible, has been hounded out of the country by Malami’s DSS.

  • Leaders need more than piety to run government

    Leaders need more than piety to run government

    Most Nigerians will readily attest to the fact that both President Buhari and Vice President Osinbajo are pious men. Their immeasurable  piousness was perhaps their major asset during the 2015 election. It was mainly because of their Muslim and Christian credentials that the masses of poor Nigerians who as a result of cultural imperialism  believe they are holier than Sheikh Abdul Rehman Al Sadais, the chief Iman of Mecca or Pope Francis in Rome, elected these two devout leaders into power. And they have not disappointed  us as the two pious men have continued to live and govern by faith.

    Pastor Osinbajo speaking at the interdenominational church service for the 2018 Armed forces Day Celebration in Abuja on January 5 2018, said “as dangerous, deadly and heartless as killings by Fulani herdsmen  in Adamawa, Benue and Jos were, retaliation was not the answer”. His message was that of forgiveness.

    In the same vein, on January 2018 while president Buhari was assuring grieving Benue delegation of political, traditional rulers and elders of Benue led by Governor Ortom after  mass burial of victims of marauding herdsmen, that the perpetrators would be brought to book, he appealed to them saying “in the name of God accommodate your country men”. His was also a message of forgiveness.

    Was forgiveness not what all the Holy books, the Bible and the Quran prescribed? : “O my Servants who have transgressed against their souls! Despair not of the Mercy of Allah: for Allah forgives all sins: for He is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful..( Surah Ghafir, verse 55 )  “Though your sins are like scarlet, they shall be as white as snow; though they are red like crimson, they shall become like wool..( Isaiah 1:18)  And when Peter asked Jesus “Lord, how often will my brother sin against me, and I forgive him? As many as seven times?” Jesus said to him, “I do not say to you seven times, but seventy times seven.( Matthew 18: 21-22)

    The setting up  and the launching of  ‘Operation Safe Corridor’, an initiative for the de-radicalisation and rehabilitation of ex-Boko Haram members and their reintegration back into society by President Buhari’s government in 2016 therefore fitted perfectly into the mindset of our pious leaders. But five years into the launching of the initiative, killings, whether in the name of Boko-Haram, Bandits or Fulani herdsmen have continued in north western states of Sokoto, Zanfara, Katsina and Kaduna where 222 persons were killed with 774 others  kidnapped  between  May and July 2021.

    And without succor for about 350, 000 killed, 3m displaced and over 310,000 driven by insurgents from their communities marooned in IDP camps before the take-off of the project, people read  injustice into pampering of criminals that had visited so much sorrow on Nigerians. As asked by  Bishop Kukah “Why should rehabilitating  those that declared war against Nigerians , murdered thousands of citizens, destroyed infrastructure and rendered entire families permanently displaced and dislocated than victims in IDP camps”?.

    Besides Soldiers at the war front in the north-east who expressed  misgivings about the release of repentant Boko Haram suspects,  some residents of Borno in July 2020,  kicked against the reintegration of repentant Boko-Haram members into their communities, asking the federal government to take them to Aso Rock.

    But questioning the success of this federal government pet-project last week  during the surrender of 1,000 repentant Boko Haram terrorists and  about 200 other Nigeria ex-militants from Cameroon, Governor Babagana Zulum, said while he was not opposed to federal government policy he observed  “ no one will find it easy that killers of his or her children and other loved ones including our courageous soldiers and volunteers who have lost colleagues..” are integrated without paying or atoning for their sins. He further claimed that  “quite often those who have passed through the Safe Corridor initiative, usually go back and rejoin the terror group after carefully studying the various security arrangements in their host communities, during the reintegration process”.  He then called for the review of “the whole idea of de-radicalisation, as currently being implemented, to ensure the main goals and the underlying objectives behind the initiative are achieved.” His recommendation therefore include: immediately prosecution of the insurgents in accordance with the terrorism Act and devolution of the powers of the minister of justice and attorney-general of the federation to state attorneys-general in order to facilitate the prosecution process,”

    Read Also: ‘Nigeria should get its leadership right’

     

    But our pious leaders driven by his sense of self-righteousness have shown no inclination towards changing their strategy. But instead, from far away Washington DC came  support from another man of faith, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, Minister of Information and Culture. According to him the decision by the federal government not to prosecute repentant insurgents is “in line with global best practice. What they (soldiers) were doing is what the global practice dictates about soldiers that surrendered that should be treated as prisoners of war,”

    But how can Lai Mohammed who recently said his 7 years old grandson wanted to know why people call him ‘lying Mohammed’ pretended not knowing that  Boko Haram, Bandits, Herdsmen who break all international rule of engagement by kidnapping underage female children they forced into marriage or turned into sex slaves, school children they kidnapped for ransom and indiscriminate killing of subsistence farmers, their children  and wives on their farms or while sleeping in the night, cannot by any stretch of the imagination be regarded as soldiers?

    Support for government also came last week from  the  Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) The body through  Is-hac Akintola, its Director  has called on the Federal Government and Nigerian Army to resettle repentant Boko Haram and ISWAP terrorists. The body wants “Returning fighters to  be treated like brothers newly found because  What they need is our understanding, cooperation and kindness”. The body was however silent on the needs of victims who lost their loved ones. driven from their  farms and communities and  are currently living in IDP camps.

    Unfortunately since we have all become blinded by religion, reminding those we elected on the basis of their faith that Saudi Arabia which executes people for murder, drug smuggling, rape, armed robbery, and terrorism offenses has one of the highest execution rates in the world  and that the Jewish Talmud supports capital punishment especially for  those  who are a threats to society will not change the mindset of pious leaders driven only by sense of self-righteousness.

    But as 2023 beckons, perhaps it is time to remind ourselves that government is too important to be left in the hands of pious men driven only by sense of self-righteousness. Government is a Leviathan-a huge fearful sea monster. Parts of its important task is to   keep man who most of the time is insane under control  just as it has to control the excesses of the rich who demand freedom for licentious lives  while presiding over empire of slaves.

    Piety is perhaps the least attribute needed by those who want to run government. Indeed for those who intend to venture into the serious business of managing society, sincerity, candour, honesty and probity are not as important as egoism, brinkmanship and skillful exploitation of man’s secret fears and infirmities.

  • Warring Yoruba illustrious sons

    Warring Yoruba illustrious sons

    I dmired and despised with equal passion, Obasanjo, Tinubu and Bode George are divisive leaders towards whom the Yoruba people remain emotionally ambivalent. Opinions differ as to who among them has shown sufficient commitment to Yoruba’s quest for self-actualization within the greater Nigerian nation state, to wear the big shoe of Yoruba political leader. The unending sibling battle for acceptance was once again rekindled last week with an unprovoked attack on Bola Tinubu by Bode George. He had alleged Tinubu who could not put out the fire in his own APC house was behind the PDP crisis. He then veered into the issue of Tinubu’s certificate. Reminded that Adeseye Ogunlewe, his protégée recently declared that Tinubu who has not announced his interest in the top job possesses the mental capacity and educational qualification to be president of Nigeria, he insisted the issue of Tinubu’s certificate is what he is prepared to debate at 3 a.m. from his grave with Ogunlewe.

    Undoubtedly, Obasanjo, Bola Tinubu and Bode George are illustrious sons of Yoruba nation. They are resourceful, adventurous and anti-status-quo. They have demonstrated over the years that no one’s law is their law. And being rebellious and ambitious is only but a proof that they are the true scion of their equally illustrious forbears. It is after all part of Yoruba belief system that a child brought to the world who does not strive to be better than his father is brought to the world in vain.

    Dumping the old political order for new in Yoruba land is an accepted norm which is as old as the Oduduwa legend. The problem with Obasanjo, Tinubu and Bode George sibling war of attrition  however is that it is not about changing old order for new but driven more by envy or Yoruba predilection which Prof Williams captured as “sense of self-worth” which finds expression in Yoruba saying “bi ekute ko ba le je sese, a fise awadanu” literarily translated:  if I cannot have it, others must not have it.

    Unfortunately, the unending sibling rivalry and struggle for leadership is an exercise in futility precisely because leadership in Yoruba land which often comes from behind must be earned. And Yoruba know their true leaders. It would be recalled that in the run up to the 1999 election, the late pa Adesanya never publicly urged Yoruba people not to vote for Obasanjo. Yet Obasanjo lost not only all over Yoruba land but even in his ward in Abeokuta.

    Just as Yoruba know their leaders, they never have leaders they cannot tame. In recent times, history tells us that Chief SL Akintola unlike Obafemi Awolowo his leader and a federalist, was an unrepentant Yoruba irredentist. But when he sought outside help to upstage his leader, Yoruba made the west ungovernable for him until he literarily committed suicide by engaging trained soldiers in a gun battle.

    Now let us critically examine the legacies of these three illustrious Yoruba sons starting with Obasanjo. It is doubtful if the views of Obasanjo by his Yoruba compatriots have changed from what it was in 1999. Back then what counted against him was his declaration that the best candidate didn’t need to win the 1979 election eventually settled in favour of his candidate, Shehu Shagari by Richard Akinjide’s two-third formula. If anything, he seems to have justified his 1999 rejection by his people. First, he has said he is not a Yoruba leader but a Nigerian leader. Perhaps for this reason, he has never identified with Yoruba aspirations. In 2003, he exploited the Afenifere elders’ quest for restructuring to humiliate them and destroy AD, their political platform.

    Read Also: Obasanjo: we need to promote Yoruba culture

     

    He today accuses Buhari of trying to ‘fulanise’ Nigeria. But it was his failure to restructure the country some 18 years ago  that set the stage for infiltration of southwest forest by criminal immigrant herdsmen who lionized by Fulani irredentists in President Buhari’s government,  kill, abduct and rape women.

    Part of Obasanjo’s legacy in the west will also include the Lagos State initiated private electricity project scheduled for execution within six months but took almost four years because of bureaucratic bottleneck erected by Obasnajo’s government. It is also on record he abandoned Apapa-Port-Oshodi express way, the International Airport Road, the reconstruction of Lagos-Ibadan express way. He also illegally sat on Lagos State Local government allocations until a new president Yar’Adua came to Lagos State rescue.

    In terms of performance as governor, Bode George scored Tinubu who he said has no certificate one out of ten. He alleged Tinubu rakes in several millions every month through Alpha Beta he had set up to manage Lagos IGR. Records however show that from modest N600m, Lagos IGR peaked at about N17b towards the end of Tinubu’s term. From the near total collapse of Lagos roads under Olagunsoye Oyinlola who complained of lack of bitumen, there has been great improvement on roads infrastructural development. From the insecurity of Oyinlola and Abacha era, security situation in Lagos has improved. In terms of competitive federalism, Lagos State has since 1999 become a state of first choice for Nigerians and even immigrants trying to escape poverty of the Sahel region of West Africa.

    In the economic sector, Lagos economy is today the fifth biggest economy in Africa. In politics, Pa Ayo Adebanjo, once praised Tinubu for liberating the southwest from the strangle-hold of Obasanjo after Tinubu retrieved through the judicial process stolen mandates in Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun from PDP. Although most Yoruba today believe Tinubu railroaded them into ‘one chance’ bus through his alliance with Buhari who reneged on his party’s promise to restructure the country, it is still part of Tinubu’s record that the Yoruba for the first time since 1959 replaced Igbo as spare tyre at the centre.

    Now let us look at Bode George record as governor of Ondo State for 34 months. African Concord Magazine was the first to report that Bode George was the first victim of his mismanagement of resources of Ondo State. The magazine had reported his administration bought a faulty N2m boat from Trpobel Nig. Ltd.

    During the maiden trip from Igbokoda to Aiyetoeo, a 45 minutes journey by speedboat, Governor George spent five harrowing hours.

    There was also the controversial sales of Cocoa Industries Ikeja (ICL), a company valued N97,958,000 in 1987 by Messrs Onakanmi and Partners but sold by Bode George and two other Babangida southwest governors for N9m, to Emerald Packaging Limited from Kaduna State, an amount less than the cost of the land on which the 24-year-old company was erected. Governor Adisa of Oyo, Abiodun Olukoya and Oladeinde Joseph of Ondo and Ogun states, their successors later queried the sale “because the participation of those that really produced the cocoa has not been reflected” in the sharing of CIL

    The African Concord also alleged that “ex-governor George disbursed the Ondo State funds with utter disregard for laid down procedures”, that “the construction of the artificial water fountains he authorized at a cost of N250,000 each packed up shortly after commissioning” and that he allegedly “spent N393,000 to print his portrait within 17 months”. The magazine also alleged he influenced the sale of over 60 per cent of Ile-Oluji Cocoa Industries to Majekodunmi Ventures, a decision also reversed by his successors. (Oluwajuyitan (2003) Nigerian under the Generals, Pg 92). Bode George never went to court to redeem his name.

     

  • Baleful legacies of Babangida

    Baleful legacies of Babangida

    Nigerian youths below 28 years of age, the target of General Babangida’s last week Arise interview designed to whitewash his soiled image need to know the truth. They need to be informed that Babangida, the evil genius, was chased out of office by the media that created him for betraying the country with his annulment of the most credible election in our nation’s history won by his friend, MKO Abiola. The youths need to know that their current travails stemmed from Babangida’s misguided socio-economic and political policy thrusts. The youths, our future, must understand our nation itself is a victim of a misadventure of a military not trained to manage society but in the words of Robin Luckman “marched out on a straight path towards their vision of good society, a vision that became more elusive the closer they came towards it”.

    While it was true that the politicians as new inheritors of power undermined our constitution after independence, it was our politicized military that destroyed the superstructure, replacing it first with a unitary system through Decree 34 of 1966 and later the current federal constitution that is anything but federal. Then confronted with crisis of nation-building, they plunged the nation into a civil war. And instead of addressing the fundamental source of social dislocation after the war, they waged war against institutions of society including, the universities, bureaucracy and the press. In pursuit of their blurred vision, they embarked on military social engineering efforts such as National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC), establishment of unity schools and quota system of admission into federal schools and into the bureaucracy which are mere symptoms of our unresolved national question.

    On corruption, Babangida says he and his colleagues that fraudulently claim they “sacrifice their present for our future” are saints when compared to what is happening under a democratic dispensation where “today, those who have stolen billions and are in court are now parading themselves on the streets.” Babangida probably thinks Nigerians suffer from collective amnesia. If we are, President Buhari recently reminded us that it was Babangida who pardoned those he imprisoned for corruption in 1985, returned their loots and then forced him to take the place of the freed thieves in prison for three and half years.

    With characteristic conceit and deceit of Shaka the Zulu, his hero, he says the 2023 presidential candidate must be someone who understands Nigerians and with wide appeal across the nation. But Nigerians remember that when his decreed parties and option A4 experiment unexpectedly threw up an MKO Abiola who secured votes from all states of the federation including Kano where he defeated Tofa, his opponent in his state, Babangida annulled the election.

    He says he always stand by his friends but Nigerians still remember how his friend and best-man, Mamman Vatsa, the poet was killed on allegation of a phantom coup despite the pleading by Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka and other Nigerian patriots.

    Babangida in the said interview, dismissed by Afenifere as ‘a sour taste  in the mouth’ also inflicted more injuries on the nation with his hypocritical comment on Nigeria’s divisive issues of politics including  restructuring, fiscal federalism and  rotational presidency. Any Nigerian elder statesman that wishes Nigeria well will not say  that with our current dysfunctional structure, adoption of market economy that works only for a few and  a presidential system that ignores our diversity and Nigerian unity “are settled issues that we shouldn’t be talking about now”.

    The travail of the naira started with Babangida and his economic whiz kids- Chief Olu Falae and Dr. Kalu Idika Kalu. The duo insisted on what they called “the inevitable large scale programme of devaluation” despite reservation by the then World Bank Jaime de Millo and Ricardo Fari of Johns Hopkins University who maintained that the wholesale devaluation of our naira would not help our situation. The experts were vindicated when what was called ‘first tier rate’ which was N2.80 to $1 in 1986 had by November 1990 moved up to N10.75 kobo to the dollar.

    Read Also: Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida

     

    Babangida’s economic whiz-kids who insisted there was no alternative to SAP assured Nigerians that “SAP will encourage  the elite that have stolen our money and transferred them to foreign banks, to bring them back to re-invest”. But those who brought their money back chose the banks that guaranteed more interest and snubbed the manufacturing sector since SAP brought with it IMF conditionalities that mandated us to open our market to importation of anything under the sun, reducing us in the process to net importer of the labour of other societies while our own youths roam the streets.

    It was not long that our car and truck assembly plants in Lagos and Kaduna, Ibadan and Bauchi and automobile supporting industries like battery, glass, tyre, brake pads plants collapsed. The flooding of our market with electronics, textiles, shoes, sanitary wares, electric cables, furniture and pharmaceutical products among others, finally sounded the death knell of our own budding manufacturing industries that had guaranteed stable exchange rate.

    Added to the travails of the naira, Nigerian airways with over 33 aircraft in 1980 collapsed under the watch of Babangida who went on to sell our public enterprises from hospitality industry to banks and oil companies to his cronies. From then on the free fall of naira which is today N500 to $1 was unstoppable.

    On Babangda’s political agenda, his Aso Rock professors of democracy assured us that the new democratic culture that will emerge from their political revolution “will not accommodate the idle drop-outs and never-do-wells nor have any place for the ‘ethno-regional political parties’ that they claimed “characterized the democracy of the First Republic”. They then destroyed our political socialization process by banning old politicians thereby cutting the umbilical cord between mother and the baby. Babangida decreed “two-party system,” to prevent what he described as ‘Executive Paralysis’ which characterized the Second Republic.

    MAMSER was set up to mobilize the apathetic public towards knowing their rights and duties, the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) where Babangida’s new breed politicians starting with the likes of Tom Ikimi and Babagana Kingibe  were taught the virtues of controlled democracy was established. A whopping N3b was pumped into building of political parties’ headquarters while the two government parties got N531million as take-off grants.

    Still playing the ostrich, Babangida blames the political elite for our current crisis of nation-building. But the current ‘new breed’ politicians that breed nothing but corruption were his creation. With the stillborn 3rd republic, his ‘new breed’ politicians became active members of “Abacha’s five fingers of a leprous hand”.

    They emerged in the 4th republic with some of them institutionalising ‘political sharia’ which involved sending northern youths for indoctrination under Osama Bin Laden, then taking refuge in Sudan. Some of them set up the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency, PPPRA through which N1.7trilion was stolen though fuel subsidy scam.  They sold to themselves Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b for less than $1.5b through ill -implemented privatization programme. With their self-serving monetization policy, they shared physical properties kept in their care for our children. David Mark is still in court over the senate president’s mansion he bought at a fraction of its cost.

    Babangida, a creation of the media was as uninspiring as he was an unexceptional leader. He bewitched the media with his abrogation of decree two and four and the release from prison of jailed journalists. But after the initial honeymoon, Dele Giwa of Newswatch was killed with a parcel-bomb. Journalists disappeared from streets in broad day light and newspaper houses were closed. At the end, Babangida, a creation of the media was unmade by the media.

  • Nationalising  self-inflicted afflictions

    Nationalising self-inflicted afflictions

    In the overall interest of his people, Dr Abbas Tafida, the Emir of Muri, Taraba State, recently broke the espirit de corps among his fellow emirs and symbol of occupying powers, by issuing a 30-day ultimatum to Fulani herdsmen, to vacate the forests surrounding the town. Accusing them of betrayal, he had said: “Our Fulani herdsmen in the forests, you came into this state and we accepted you, why then will you be coming to towns and villages to kidnap residents, even up to the extent of raping our women? Because of this unending menace, every Fulani herdsman in this state has been given 30 days ultimatum to vacate the forests…”

    Muri sadly shares the fate of other northern towns and villages where mindless killing, raping of women and abduction for ransom by immigrant Fulani herdsmen have become an industry. But for the northern governing political elite, it had been eerie silence until Dr Tafida’s audacious intervention penultimate week. Being only interested in power without responsibility, they have since 1953 swindled the poor masses of the north on whose back they periodically rode to power, preying on their religious and cultural fears.

    General Alabi Isama in his contribution to the literature on the Nigerian civil war asserted that the northern political establishment and the Igbo political elite jointly ruled Nigeria between 1959 and 2015 when the Yoruba mainstream political tendency replaced the Igbo as spare tyre. Unfortunately, the north remains the poorest part of Nigeria with over eight million out of school children despite controlling power for that long.  The north at independence according to Trevor Clark, the biographer of Tafawa Balewa, “The Right Honourable Gentleman” was 70 years behind the south.  But unlike Ahmadu Bello, the North’s first premier who encouraged religious tolerance by allowing Christian missionary schools to co-exist with government schools, sent qualified northern youths to the best universities in the world and established Ahmadu Bello University, beneficiaries of his vision have no vision beyond dragging the south to its level by exporting northern problems to the south.

    Instead of a bold drive to enhance school enrolment and eradicate the widespread incidence of street begging, they established JAMB to lower standard of admission and introduced quota system of recruitment into the bureaucracy to trade meritocracy for mediocrity. The result as Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, former CBN governor and deposed Emir of Kano recently observed, was a situation where less qualified northern youths cornered all the jobs in government and parastaltas at the expense of their more qualified southern youths, a development he said was unhealthy for the unity of the nation.

    It has now been established that in order to acquire power by all means fair or foul, influx of Fulani herdsmen from Sudan, Niger and Cameroon into the country was encouraged, a development that has emboldened Kaduna’s El-Rufai, one of the leading lights of the northern establishment, to conceitedly remind Nigerians that if democracy is a game of numbers, the north has the population that guarantees ruling in perpetuity.

    It was also an eerie silence as the northern establishment played the ostrich when foreign herdsmen first embarked on mindless killing and sacking of local communities in Taraba, Benue and Plateau states. On January 7, 2018, 73 victims of herdsmen mindless killings were  given mass burial in Makurdi with Emmanuel Shior, the executive secretary of the Benue  Emergency Agency putting the figure of those driven to IDP camps by the rampaging herdsmen at 80,000. When finally, the Arewa Consultative Forum broke its silence through Emmanuel Yawe, its spokesman, it was to declare that: “Many of the people killed in Gwer West were murdered as a result of Benue livestock guards’ rustling of 400 cattle” without providing any proof. Continuing, the body told Nigerians that “others killed by Fulani in reprisal for cattle rustled by Benue livestock guards are three in Tse Jibrin, three at Jimba Saqhew, five at back Imande Abuul; 10 at Zegejir, and 40 in Shikaan vllage where others were also dislodged from their homes”. It was as if ACF, chaired by Audu Ogbe, was saying immigrants Fulani herdsmen were justified to resort to self-help.

    Read Also: Food scarcity looms over Benue herdsmen attacks

     

    Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) followed with a press briefing to say “the killings and attacks on subsistence farmers across the nation by herdsmen were being fuelled by the draconian laws put in place by some state governments bent on flushing out of Fulani herdsmen out of ethnic hatred”. The body however ignored existing records which showed that herdsmen killed over 600 people in 2013, 1,229 in 2014 and 847 in 2015 long before the enactment of anti-grazing laws by Benue and other besieged states betrayed by federal government’s inaction.

    While concerned Nigerian patriots and stakes holders including Obasanjo, the Nobel Laureate, Prof Wole Soyinka, Gen David Jemibewon, Col David Bamigboye, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), Middle Belt Forum warned that Buhari lopsided appointment in favour of the north and treatment of criminal herdsmen with kid gloves will only consolidate the argument of his political enemies that he was embarking on full ‘Fulanisation’ of Nigeria, the northern establishment saw nothing, heard nothing and said nothing.

    And while many well-informed Nigerians see Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu as mere symptoms of mismanagement of our diversity by President Buhari, members of the northern establishment including Kaduna’s El-Rufai who claimed the “arrest of Nnamdi Kanu who was calling for dissolution of Nigeria from abroad takes priority over the war against Boko Haram insurgents, bandits and herdsmen” and those representing the body in President Buhari’s government believe the two self-actualization campaigners pose more threat to Nigeria than herdsmen and bandits daily visiting violence on Nigerians.

    There was similarly no evidence of uneasiness on the part of the northern political elite when killer herdsmen infiltrated southern forests, kidnapped Olu Falae, a former secretary to government, killed 46 people in Ukpabi Nimbo, in Uzo-Uwani Local Government Area of Enugu State and massacred  30 residents of Igangan Oyo state before torching the Oba’s palace.

    It was perhaps a feeling of déjà vu for the northern political elite as violence spread to the south. One clear evidence of this was the reaction of Abubakar Malami, to the banning of open grazing by the 17 southern governors with his tongue in cheek argument that   banning open grazing “is as good as saying may be the Northern governors coming together to say that they prohibit spare parts trading in the North,” a crooked logic that forced Ohaneze Ndigbo to observe: “For the honest patriotic Nigerians, it seems provocative as well as suspicious that the herdsmen in a section of the country that occupies nearly 80 per cent of the country’s landmass want the land to graze cattle from those holding about 20 per cent.”

    Drawing a parallel between the silence that has so far greeted  Dr Tafida’s  fatwa to criminal herdsmen,  Garba and Mallami’s scurrilous attack on Ondo’s Governor Akeredolu for issuing similar ultimatum, deliberate efforts through government policy thrust to slow down educational advancement of the south  and northern political elite’s opposition to restructuring, fiscal federalism, state and local policing, the discerning cannot but see efforts by the north to nationalise its own self-inflicted afflictions.

    But as Professor Yusuf Dankofa of Faculty of Law ABU recently warned, “The north is only interested in power and nothing more. You cannot slow down your own progress and those of others and expect them to clap for you”.

    It is perhaps time to return to either the independence or republican constitution which allows nationalities to develop at their own pace without interference from others.

  • Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    By Jide Oluwajuyitan

     

    Amidst many serious national challenges, Nigerians have once again allowed themselves to be distracted by the National Assembly’s unprofitable controversy over the mode of transmission of result by INEC on election day. Many saw the defeat of the bill as a national tragedy while some others have said it was an assault on democracy. It is perhaps lost on many Nigerians that except the press, neither the current military baked new breed politicians nor their forbears that took power from the colonial masters at independence saw democracy more than the shortest route to power. That was why they wrecked the first republic barely five years after independence over sharing of perks of office, undermined the democcratisation process in the second republic by awarding themselves what Walter Ofonagoro described as ‘landslide and sea-slide victories in opposition strongholds, while Babagana Kingibe and Tom Ikimi, of SDP and NRC, traded democracy for ambassadorial positions during the still-born third republic.

    Beyond stealing the country blind in the first 15 years of the fourth republic, the political elite did very little to enhance the course of democracy. Their children even forged documents to siphon about N1.7trillion in the name of fuel subsidy when in the words of Audu Ogbeh, they never imported a pint of fuel.

    Little has changed under President Buhari government of change. Democracy can hardly thrive in the absence of public opinion. But President Buhari who thinks he knows what the people want without listening to them listen only to himself. He would rather deploy taxpayers’ money to build RUGA settlement for those described by World Terrorist Index as the fourth most deadly terrorist groups in the world rather than mete out the Ghana treatment to those terrorizing Nigerians as demanded by the people.

    Our institutions of democracy – independent judiciary, independent legislature, strong political parties, independent press and virile civil society groups, without which democracy cannot thrive have always been weak. Unfortunately, they have come under more serious assault in the fourth republic with Obasanjo whimsically sacking party leaders, senate presidents and impeaching state governors without following due process. Under Buhari, houses of senior judicial officers were raided at night by DSS officials, lawmakers were once prevented entry into the hallowed chambers by hooded DSS men while his minister of information continues to make attempts at muscling the fourth estate of the realm that in the battle for democracy, forced out the colonial masters just as it disgraced ‘Nigerian army of anything is possible’ out of power and out of our lives.

    Our politicians have always undermined the democratization process by exploiting our diversity. To remain part of Nigeria during the 1953 attempt at resolving our national question, the north insisted on controlling 50% of the membership of the legislature. Yet the Northern People’s Congress in spite of coercion and strong hand tactics of northern leaders came a distant third in the 1959 federal election with about 1.9m trailing, NCNC supported in the main by the Igbos and Yoruba with 2.1 million votes, closely followed by Action Group, the Yoruba dominant political party with 2million votes.

    The battle cry ever since by the north has always been ‘democracy is a game of numbers’. This was used to justify the inconclusive 1964 elections leading to a constitutional confrontation between President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa which snowballed to the January and July 1966 coup and counter coup. It was similarly used to justify the 1979 inconclusive election eventually validated by the courts using Richard Akinjide’s twelve-two-third formula. In 1999, it was used to justify imposition of Obasanjo as president without a political base thereby literarily climbing the palm tree from the top. The story was not different during the 2003 and 2007 massively rigged elections. With Buhari’s landslide victories in 2015 and 2019, northern Fulani irredentist including Governor Nasir El-Rufai who downplayed the contribution of the Yoruba and later boasted about the north population  was to remind us of the North’s invincibility during elections.

    It was therefore not a surprise that following the Asaba southern governors’ call for a shift of power to the south in 2023, a shadowy group that describes itself as ‘Northern Nigerian Consensus Movement’ claiming to represent 75 economic organisations, including Arewa Traders Association, Amalgamated Cattle Association of Nigeria, claim to be ready to be mobilized for the battle.

    If we see the claim as outlandish, we might also remind ourselves that everything about Nigerian population since 1953 as stated above has always been weird. Our population distribution which defies demographic logic that associate higher rate of procreation to the tropical swamp as against semi-desert Sahel region is in itself bizarre. This is why besides our political elite’s conspiracy, the major threat to our democracy since independence remains the northern political elites’ outright rejection of any form of interrogation of this weird claim.

    Nigerians have always suspected the answer to our strange demographic population spread probably lies in movement of stateless Fulani across our open borders especially in the north during census head count and elections. Baraje, a former PDP chairman and an APC stalwart until recently, not too long ago seemed to have given credence to this clam when he told Nigerians that APC imported foreign herdsmen into Nigeria for the purpose of the 2015 election.

    Northern political elite including Governor El-Rufai of Kaduna and Masari, his Katsina counterpart who admitted negotiating and paying ransom to immigrants Fulani herdsmen terrorising their people do not seem to have anything against the presence of such Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. Their heartache seems to be over the Fulani immigrants’ failure to stop tormenting Nigerians after collecting ransom. When another northern leading political light, Governor Mohammed of Bauchi State was recently asked by a reporter on Channels Television’s Morning Ride programme whether he considered it right to channel Nigerian taxpayers’ money towards establishing RUGA settlements for immigrant herdsmen, he said without any restraint that Fulani from any part of Africa are Nigerians.

    This type of mindset and northern leaders feeling of invincibility anchored on questionable numerical strength, if you ask me, poses a greater threat to our budding democracy than manual or electronically transfer of election results. After all, a critical analysis of our election outcomes especially at the local council levels since the beginning of the fourth republic will show that there is honour among thieves. Our political leaders hardly lose elections in their strongholds.

    Intra-elite feud only set in when there are aberrations such as Ofonagoro’s ‘landslide and sea-slide victories’ in opposition strong holds as NPN did in Ondo in 1983 which contributed to the collapse of the second republic; Obasanjo’s deployment of military tactics to out-fox the Yoruba Afenifere leaders and their AD party during the 2003 gubernatorial battle in southwest and PDP’s theft of other candidates mandates in Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun in 2007.