Category: Jide Oluwajuyitan

  • Okupe defines Jonathan presidency

    Doyin Okupe is an illustrious scion of illustrious pa Mathew Okupe of ‘Agbonmagbe’ bank fame. The father was one of the wealthiest Nigerians of his time. Young and gifted Doyin must have resolved at an early age not to fall below his illustrious father’s social ladder. Perhaps for this reason, although  a trained medical doctor, he thrives more as a politician  and contractor, the two most rewarding callings  in our nation, where any upstart without Okupes talents and the privilege of being born with a silver spoon effortlessly finds himself at the top of the social ladder.  Goodluck Jonathan, an unknown shoeless school boy turned President, finds men of influence like Okupe irresistible. Even when the President was forewarned while appointing him to launder the image of his government, that Okupe, by his caustic tongue and temperament would create more enemies for the President, he did not give a damn. All that mattered was having a man of influence like Okupe on his side to intimidate his political adversaries. But tragically, Okupe has turned out to define all that is wrong with Jonathan’s presidency.

    Of course, President Jonathan has reaped handsomely from his investment on Okupe. Unfortunately for us as a nation, the President’s gain is Nigeria’s loss. As predicted, Okupe has with his caustic tongue alienated some of those whose name Jonathan once swore by. For instance, the President once rated Obasanjo as the greatest influence in his life after God and his parents. Few weeks back, Okupe wrote Obasanjo off as being incapable of winning any election for PDP in the South-west. He traded him off for Buruji Kashamu, the President’s new friend and Obasanjo’s foe. Not too long ago, he also questioned Pastor Tunde Bakare’s credentials for criticizing government economic policies. At the  time Okupe was serving a different master, it was Bakare who mobilized his group  to secure for the President, his  constitutional right, then abridged by ailing Yar’ Adua’s  kitchen cabinet headed by now jailed James Ibori.

    Just as he had turned old friends to sworn foes at home, he has by his haughtiness and offensive habit of denying what would be obvious even to the half blind, forced exasperated traditional friends of Nigeria in the international community to give up on the search for the abducted Chibok 200 girls ‘wishing Goodluck’s Nigeria, good luck’. Others have publicly challenged the President over his handling of corruption among his party men. Even African leaders like Yoweri Museveni of  Uganda, tongue in cheek says to his people that certain things cannot happen in his country because Ugadan is not  Nigeria while South  Africa that has, according to Mandela always looked up to Nigeria as hope of Africa, recently gave President Jonathan a stern warning that the type of impunity that thrives in Nigeria has no place in South Africa when it confiscated $15 million illegally ferried to the country in a private jet with government backing.

    Last week, Okupe totally went out of control directing his diatribe at those who have in the wake of worsening insecurity problems reminded the President that a government that cannot secure life and property of the people loses the raison d’être of government and thus loses its legitimacy. Puffing and huffing, Okupe whimsically dismissed ‘Bola Tinubu andhis colleagues in the opposition as a bunch of political anarchists and charlatans blinded by an unbridled appetite for power’. Where what was expected of an image maker was to reassure the public of what government was doing, his puerile message to embarrassed Nigerians and besieged people of parts of Nigeria now under the control of cave men was to remind us ‘it was leading members Tinubu’s party who vehemently opposed and openly criticised the proscription of the Boko Haram sect by the federal government in 2013.’ With such, mischief and insensitivity, Nigerians can see why Boko Haram appears unstoppable.

    Governor Babatunde Fashola, also had a taste of Okupe’s caustic tongue. Fashola had at the 50th birthday celebration of former Governor Timipre Sylva said Jonathan’s government “had been inactive for three years and in the fourth year intends to give the electorate kerosene, price and money for the purpose of seeking their votes.” Okupe’s specious response was, ‘I want to say that we have no apologies for stating the obvious fact that this administration has surpassed all the others before it.’ Okupe forgets it is only the citizens who can say that. But he did not stop at that. He went on to query Governor Fashola  for ‘coming to Abuja to give a satirical lecture pretending to be a catholic priest after ‘leaving the putrid stench of alleged financial immorality and impropriety in Lagos where under his watch it is rumored that private individuals have acquired more wealth than the state government’. And now because of what Okupe described as rumor, Fashola has lost his right to call attention to the federal government mishandling of our economy and the war against insurgency that threaten the survival of the nation.

    Besides Tinubu and Fashola, there were others at the receiving end of Okupe’s diatribe last week. The Deputy Governor of Borno state, Zanna Mustapha’s observation that ‘it is a big crime that the criminals are better equipped than the military’ and that going by the ease with which Boko Haram was capturing territories in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, (over 20 LGA as at the last count), “If the Federal Government does not add extra effort, in the next two to three months, the three North-eastern states will no longer be in existence.”  That, in addition to Atiku’s own warning that ‘if the activities of the insurgents were not quickly curtailed, they could overrun the entire region,’ attracted only the usual Okupes’s tirade. His bizarre response was ‘to recommend critics of Jonathan’s handling of Boko Haram insurgency for a psychiatric test’. And as a merchant of mischief, he added ‘it was wrong for someone aspiring to lead the country to speak ill of the armed forces because he would command the same military if elected’. As an image maker who pretends not to know the buck stops on his principal’s table, he alleged  ‘it was the people like Atiku Abubakar who said that those who make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable’, before the 2011 election that encouraged Boko Haram to take up arms against their state’. Such crooked logic only confirms the fears of those who insist Jonathan’s government is clueless. And if Nigerians wanted an answer as to why Boko Haram outwitted Nigeria authorities, capturing the chief of defence staff’s town and torching his personal house while he was busy selling a non-existent cease fire agreement to Nigerians and assuring parents to expect the release of their loved ones abducted over six months ago, it was precisely because we have men who trade in mischief thinking for government.

    Okupe probably persuaded the President that Shettima who had in February said “Boko Haram are better armed and are better motivated than our own troops. Given the present state of affairs, it is absolutely impossible for us to defeat Boko Haram,” was out to undermine the efforts of the military and subvert Jonathan’s presidency. The president soon followed what was nothing but blackmail, to threaten Shettima that if he withdrew the soldiers from Borno, Shettima would not be able to hold on to his coveted office of governor for long.  Today, nine months after Shettima’s alarm and the president’s un-presidential response to a patriotic call to avert a looming tragedy, the chicken has finally come home to roost. Nigeria has now been said to have the highest number of terrorist killings in the world with over 4000 lives lost in the past year. While government was scrambling for $1 billion foreign loan to buy arms, Boko Haram has moved out of Sambisa forest capturing an area said to be larger than Ekiti and Ondo states.

    And finally, the damning verdict Okupe had tried to keep away from Nigerians is now in the open. A former British military attaché recently confirmed what concerned Nigerian had always feared- that the Nigeria military is “a shadow of what it’s reputed to have once been. It’s fallen apart.” They are short of basic equipment, including radios and armoured vehicles. Morale is said to be low. The country’s defense budget accounts for more than a third of the security budget of $5.8 billion, but only 10% is allocated to capital spending’ .

  • Mubi tragedy and PDP Abuja’s mockery of democracy

    President Jonathan, unlike PDP hawks and ethnic irredentists that have captured him is on the surface a complete gentleman whose words will be his honour. And unlike a politician, a man of many words to whom the end justifies the means, he cuts the picture of a pastor. He is patient, a rub-off virtue from his virtuous wife, Dame Patience Jonathan. He seduces everyone with the coy smiles of an innocent shoeless school boy. It is precisely for these reasons PDP needs him more than he needs PDP. And it is for this reason most people think he is unlikely to survive the wiles of PDP, the nemesis of his better gifted godfather, ex-President Obasanjo who realised too late after his third term fiasco the evil influence of sycophants and appropriately admonished his godson to stay clear of them. But tragically for the nation, President Jonathan has been captured by the same forces that destroyed his predecessors who were first persuaded to believe that without them, there would be no Nigeria. He now truly believes he is the best that has ever happened to Nigeria, ‘the embodiment of the combined virtues of our founding fathers’, as Ebenezer Babatope recently claimed. Like Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo, he now believes Nigeria will disintegrate without him. He has been conditioned by PDP to see anyone that tries to wake him up from this illusion as enemy envious of his achievements and set to derail his 2015 ambition. Elevated to a status of an oligarch, he like all oligarchs even in democracy now believes he is wiser than any other person in the nation. Worse still, even as the insurgents are perfecting strategies to dismember Nigeria, he believes he has fought it into a standstill and that grateful Nigerians are begging him to continue with the good work…He now sees what he wants to see-his own invincibility

    This much is what one can draw from the mockery of democracy which best described the president’s act of picking up of PDP’s only available nomination form in Abuja last week. After picking up the only available application form, the president thanked Nigerians and PDP for the confidence reposed in him by giving him the right of first refusal. He promised to achieve greater things for the country. He went on to ‘thank PDP Governors Forum for providing the N2 million for the procurement of the expression of interest form and the N20 million for the procurement of the nomination form. He was silent on the fact that the generous PDP governors also secured the right of first refusal. He concluded by thanking ‘TAN for providing N22 million for the nomination form, as well as  youths groups, women groups and students for their contribution for the procurement of the form’

    The farce was captured by The Guardian on page three of its October 31, edition by a resourceful production editor who juxtaposed the celebration of the president victory with the gory story of anguish, of sorrow and of pain; of destruction of homes, of families who cannot find their loved ones, of bodies strewn around the streets ,of helpless men and children lying helpless without help in the bush; of soldiers allegedly escaping to Cameroon leaving the residents of the city to face the wrath of Boko Haram brutes.(Cameroon has already admitted having in their protective custody about 300 soldiers).

    But first, the president’s victory.  The path to his victory like that of Boko Haram in Mubi last week was strewn with carcasses of vanquished political enemies. Prominent among them is Obasanjo, his estranged godfather. His hollow cry that it was the turn of the north to produce the president going by PDP constitution to which both he and Jonathan were beneficiaries, was ignored. The price for telling Nigerians his own side of the story was his substitution as South-west PDP rallying point with the president’s trusted friends- Buruji Kashamu, Segun Mimiko and Gbenga Daniel who recently crawled back to PDP from Labour Party after four years of EFCC harassment and of course Ayo Fayose who has threatened to expel Obasanjo from PDP if he fails to desist from his criticism of the party.

    Also listed among his vanquished political enemies was the Northern Elders’ Forum (NEF), whose leadership had in July issued October deadline to Jonathan to bring back the abducted Chibok girls and put a stop to Boko Haram and other violent killings or forget about 2015. Jonathan had dismissed the threat insisting ‘he needed no ultimatum from anybody to live up to his responsibilities to the Nigerian people.’  Similarly ignored is the body’s insistence that “it is the turn of the north to produce the president.

    Another loser is the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF). The body’s allegation  that “most of the crisis plaguing the North is a deliberate ploy to weaken the region economically and politically’  has  been controverted by another body from the north- The Transformation Agenda Solidarity Forum, (TASOF) led by a former chairman of the Federal Character Commission, Alhaji Muhhamadu Gwaska. According to him, “TSAOF has noted with revulsion the unguarded utterances of some mischief makers who masquerade as northern elders and pretend to speak for the entire North regarding the political future of this country.”

    But then a critical look at the crusaders behind the president’s victory. Leading the crusade is Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) which claims its objective is ‘to celebrate Jonathan’s sterling human qualities, democratic credentials and landmark accomplishments that are currently under marketed and under advertised’.  It defines itself as a non-governmental organization made up of “individuals of impeccable character”. A leading member of the amorphous group as speculated by the media is Patrick Ifeanyi Uba whose Capital Oil and Gas firm was recently taken over by AMCON following a debt of about N65billion. That was after his running battle with EFCC and Cosmas Maduka’s Choscharis over business deals that went sour.

    Others known members include billionaire oil magnate and PDP chieftain, Arthur Eze, who declared during a meeting of the Elders’ Advisory Council of Goodluck Support Group in Abuja last week that ‘President Jonathan reelection is not negotiable’. On the list also is Innocent Chukwuma, a businessman and owner of Innoson Vehicle Manufacturing Company Limited, who donated 24 vehicles to Goodluck Support Group during the same ceremony.

    Now let us return to The Guardian’s record of events for history. According to the paper, as at 2pm Thursday October 30, when, the president and PDP were celebrating the farce in Abuja, Mubi had been under Boko Haram siege for two days. The paper reported over 200 killed, the torching of Mubi central market, 19 police stations, banks and the Mubi central prison where over 400 prisoners were liberated. It reported that the bridge linking the emir’s palace with Cameroon was blown off.

    In a globalised world where millions saw the video recording of how Obama and his cabinet members monitored from the White House the killing of Osama Bin Laden in his hideout in Afghanistan,  the only plausible explanation for the October 30 mockery of democracy could only be that the president was shielded by PDP from October 29-30  Mubi tragedy.  Even if the president does not know what is in his own interest, how about those paid by the taxpayers to shield him by protecting him from himself?

    We can recall it is the same PDP enemies of our country and enemy of the president who once goaded him on to commandeer three aircrafts bought and fuelled by the nation’s taxpayers to ferry PDP members to Ilorin, Sokoto and Kano to welcome defecting politicians shortly after Abuja Inyanya  bus terminus bombing that killed scores of Nigerians. It is the same self-serving PDP men who appeared on television blaming everyone else except government for the abduction of 300 girls from their dormitory and driven over a distance of 200 kilometres within a state under emergency laws. These are the men who persuaded the president to deploy 12,000 security personnel to intimidate and brutalise the opponent of the PDP candidate during the recent Osun governorship election. These men serve neither Jonathan nor Nigeria.

    I don’t think it is too late for men of good will to save our nation from the impending doom. Credible members of the Council of State like Gowon can for a moment take a break from endless prayers bearing in mind God’s admonition that we will all reap what we sow. He can mobilize other credible leaders like Emeka Anyaoku, Theophilus Danjuma,  Maitama Sule, Shettima Ali Mongono and  Ayo Adebanjo, to talk truth to power and see how we can reclaim our nation back from those who have no state in Nigeria. And time is running out. With Boko Haram controlling nine local councils area in Borno State, we should not wait until the fall of Maiduguri from where Boko Haram can launch aerial attack on any part of the country.

  • Between Jonathan, Mimiko and Obi

    Politics either as a pursuit of power to establish order and justice, or to resolve conflicts over cultural differences and the sharing of scarce resources in society, is a noble calling. Unfortunately because of the distasteful activities of some members of Nigeria governing elite since the outset of the fourth republic, many have come to regard politics as an ignoble vocation where principles and honour are routinely traded for political expediency and where the end justifies the means. The events in the last one week tend to give ammunition to those who erroneously view all politicians as scoundrels who wallow in corruption and other forms of immoral behaviour. For instance, after two years of playing the ostrich, President Jonathan has finally admitted that he was going to contest. Similarly, a serial ‘cross-carpeter’, Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo whose re-election Obasanjo had alleged, was supported by President Jonathan at the expense of his party’s candidate as a trade-off for future support for his ambition, exhibited an art he has perfected – trading for positions Then Peter Obi, erstwhile APGA governor of Anambra who boasted of having installed another APGA governor, an installation many Nigerians know was aided by the president, decamped to work for the president’s re-election.

    Most Nigerians were not taken by surprise when newspapers’ reports late last week claimed that “President Jonathan has moved to formalise his re-election process with the constitution of a declaration committee” in order to beat an ultimatum from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the party that had already adopted and endorsed him as its sole candidate. The endorsement followed a circus show around the country during which about eight million signatures (half of which came from South-south and South-east) of Nigerians who earnestly yearned for Jonathan’s re-election, were claimed to have been secured. That also was preceded by TAN’s deployment of billions of naira for subliminal media campaigns for the battle for our minds and to tell the public-about the president’s imaginary giant strides in the departments of power generation, rehabilitation of roads and rail lines and his war against Boko Haram which we were told he had fought to a standstill, even with over 200 girls abducted from their schools six months ago still marooned in Sambisa caves.

    This was followed by further assault on our sensibilities. Mimiko who was a health commissioner in the Alliance for Democracy government of Adebayo Adefarati before defecting to PDP to serve as secretary to government of Olusegun Agagu from where he defected to Labour to become a governor, has like a trader haggling for the best bargain once again decamped. This was after swearing many times he would not join the PDP, publicly proclaiming “We are irrevocably committed to the true ideal of progressive politics which the (Labour) party truly represents”, and in fact went further to tell newsmen after the Labour National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting, in Abuja on Wednesday, September 10, that his reported plan to defect to the PDP, was a rumour. The same politician on October 2, twenty-two days after this solemn declaration, turned up in the presidential Villa, Abuja to make a formal declaration of defection to PDP at an event presided over by Vice President Namadi Sambo.

    And finally, Peter Obi whose spirit was with PDP while publicly adorning the cloak of APGA to fulfil all righteousness while Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu was alive dumped the party. Without any feeling of remorse, he went on to remind the PDP team that came to induct him that “I have in the past worked closely with all of you and you know my belief about our zone working together. I assure you that we will continue to work even closer as a team in the interest of our people.” Hise followed up that confession of having led a double life, by telling Bianca Ojukwu, the wife of his benefactor that he was defecting to PDP, “a place where his contributions towards proper representation of the Igbo will have the level of impact that will make Ikemba rejoice in his grave”.

    But when Obasanjo, the oracle of Owu who is today probably laughing us to scorn foretold the tales of these politicians who have defined politics in their own image, we left the message and attacked the messenger. Many Nigerians have probably forgotten that Obasanjo told Jonathan that it would be immoral for him to seek re-election in 2015. He had anchored his argument on PDP constitution as well as the understanding the president reached with northern governors. According to Obasanjo, Governor Suswam first told him that President Jonathan “had accepted a one-term presidency to allow for ease of getting support across the board in the North”. Obasanjo also claimed Jonathan confirmed to him that as ‘a strong believer in a one-term of six years Presidency’, the unexpired time of his predecessor and the four years of his first term, would have almost made up six years and would not need any more term or time’. On the account of this, Obasanjo had justified his stand in his famous letter to his godson on the importance of ‘trust and honour as important ingredients of character’.

    We must not allow the noisy sound beats from the drums of those engaged in the business of drafting the president to stifle the quest by a few for the president’s explanation He is at liberty to renege on previous agreement if indeed there was any in the face of new realities. But in an election season, he owes those cynical Nigerians who have always insisted Nigerian politicians have no souls some explanation if only to show he is different.

    And now that the President will need the support of all Nigerians beyond his Ijaw nation, I also think in the same spirit, he will need to disabuse the minds of all Nigerians by debunking Obasanjo’s claims that he has been  exploiting ‘sentiments and emotions of religion and ethnicity’ which he said ‘ was self-serving, unpatriotic and mischievous,’ and would amount to  ‘preying on dangerous emotive issues that can ignite uncontrollable passion and destabilise if not destroy our country”.  Today except during the crisis leading to the civil war, Nigeria has never been more divided along the lines of religion and ethnicity. President Jonathan and his party have curiously given the impression that PDP, made up of dealers and wheelers who would not even consider an aircraft owned by CAN president too sacred to, as government detractor’s claim, launder, US$15 million to South Africa while labeling the opposition APC as the party for Muslims and the sponsors of Boko Haram. It is most unlikely the president can win a re-election contest with only the votes of his Christian supporters; it is also not likely he can achieve the same objective with South-south and South-east votes where economic parasites and militant warlords-turned government contractors have been acting as if they alone can secure victory for the president.

    Beyond this, the president, also needs to be reminded as 2015 approaches, that surrounding himself with leaders without character will be counter-productive. I think it is a myth to assume that in a free and fair election, such men can mobilise votes in places where people have always been known to exhibit independent voting behaviour. The outcomes of the last election in both Ondo and Anambra, whose governor and ex-governor have been falling over each other to secure a place in the presidential election committee have been adjudged heavily flawed even by INEC. A repeat of what happened in the two states or deployment of thousands of military, police and other security personnel to intimidate and arrest opposition leaders on the eve of election as was done in Ekiti and Osun will only undermine the legitimacy of the outcome of the exercise.

  • Fayose’s liberal democracy

    It is not only Wole Soyinka, our own Nobel laureate and a citizen of the world that has found Kayode Fayemi’s defeat and Ayo Fayose’s political resurrection in Ekiti after eight years in the wilderness inexplicable. Ekiti intellectuals, including a professor of nuclear chemistry from the University of Ife who after listening to Fayose’s inaugural speech was shouting hysterically, “Can you now see what your people have done”, swearing to take a sabbatical from home for the next four years, are still dazed. But I reassured my friend that with okada riders and motor park touts now given rooms in Government House by Fayose who has said industrialization is not his priority and has gone ahead to appoint Sunday Anifowose as Personal Assistant on Special Duties and Stomach Infrastructure, a professor of nuclear chemistry would not be missed.

    Fayose’s unexpected victory no doubt defied logic. Here was a man whose first term was marked by violence which found expression in the unresolved assassination of some of his close PDP rivals such as Ayo Daramola and Tosin Omojola among others; here was a leader who disbanded a University College of Medicine in order to fund an ‘integrated poultry projects’ with rented chicks which partly accounted for his impeachment by the state House of Assembly on October 16, 2006; here was a man who admitted he fled the state shortly afterwards abandoning all his properties in Government House. “During the seven and half years of my political wilderness”, he told his crowd of supporters during his inauguration, “I was taken to court over what I knew nothing about 59 times, aside the 45 days I spent in Ikoyi Prisons during my trial by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)”. He did not forget to add “My security and political aides, such as Dayo Okondo, were incarcerated for three and half years without committing any offence”. He was silent on the status of the cases which have dragged on for years like most cases involving PDP men. Here was Ayo Fayose who because of the feeling of ‘self worth’ moved to Labour Party to contest the 2011 Ekiti North Central senatorial seat but was roundly trounced by Senator Babafemi Ojudu. Then the serial carpet crosser moved back to PDP, a party that has claimed what it does best is winning elections and inexplicably trounced a highly rated sitting governor, Fayemi in all the 16 local council areas of the state.

    Fayose himself was dazed by his victory. Finding no rational explanation, he went spiritual: “The total glory of these unusual dynamics of history, which are too precise to be taken away from divinity, goes to the Almighty God, the Alpha and the Omega”. To Feyisetan, his wife, “God told me that our return would be done in such a way that will beat people’s imagination… God told me that I should leave him there because he has committed a lot to politics and has yet to reap the dividends”; and to his mother, Prophetess Oluwayose, “The Lord, who brought him this far, is also the one who would bring to fulfillment the good work He has started in him.”

    They may all be right. But the issue is that the battle between the church and the state had long been settled on the side of the latter long before liberal democracy became tool for managing society in the western world in the 18th century.

    Similarly, Fayose’s inaugural address, like his victory which defied logic was equally a celebration of the absurd. On empowerment, he says he is set to create “an egalitarian society for all Ekitis at home and in the Diaspora”; on education, which he destroyed during his first outing, he says his PDP government is set “to pursue the restoration of the past glory in education”.On security, his “Government shall ensure the take-off of the military formation in Ekiti State”, perhaps to continue with the pacification of Ekiti from where the 12,000 military personnel deployed during his reelection stopped.

    On public service, his “government shall review all public service personnel issues including appointment, promotion, and disciplines which were hurriedly effected after the governorship elections”.

    Like a military dictator, he directed with immediate effect from the inaugural ground that “the Head of Service is hereby directed to return all officers to their substantive positions as at June 21, 2014”. And finally, his government is “to usher in another era of restoration – of meals to the tables, of smiles to faces, of money to pockets, of soundness of body and mind and of unique infrastructural development – as we resume the steady journey to plenty and prosperity.” He did not say how.

    PDP and Fayose by fielding and winning the Ekiti election seemed to have re-defined liberal democracy as an irrational and absurd concept.  But liberal democracy is not only rational, it is a scientific endeavour which became the basis of western civilization centuries back. Long before it became a god worshipped by more than half of the world, Plato had criticized it on the basis that most people are ill-equipped educationally to make informed selection of their leaders. Aristotle had questioned its false assumption of equality of men (okada riders, road transport workers touts with professors). For him, without first educating the people, democracy can only end up producing mediocre like Fayose who proudly asserted in an interview that the people knew he was not a professor before electing him. Liberal democracy has undergone many reforms and today, it thrives more on representation rather than equal participation. Thus Americans elect their leaders through Electoral College and not by equality of voters. There, democracy is known as a tool of ‘gentle men of property’ and in not too distant past, women, slaves and other underprivileged members of society had no voting right. Closer home, in Great Britain, up to 1954, a university graduate vote carries four times the weight of a non-graduate vote.

    But alas! Here in Nigeria, we always put the cart before the horse. We manufacture cars without an iron and steel industry and without first acquiring the capacity to manufacture car tyres and car batteries. By 1955, we already had universal adult suffrage ahead of many parts of Europe and Asia including China. When Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, one of the more far-sighted members of our founding fathers cautioned about the rush for adult suffrage especially as it related to his own people, he was pilloried by the eastern and western regions. If those who claimed to be ready for adult suffrage in 1953 were sincere, they would have teamed up to do what Kenneth Kaunda did with the Northern Rhodesia in East Africa. But then as it is today, our different nationalities have their different agenda.

    Besides, liberal democracy is not a tool for scoundrels; it is a tool by which the capitalist class, the barons who owned society manages their society. They decide who governs because they owned the political parties. They ensure good governance in order to protect their investments. They are ready to die for their society. But here, what we have are political parasites sucking and surviving on the blood of the poor. As Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, a former External Affairs Minister recently observed, most Nigerian billionaires made their money through the state. Perhaps this also explains why the followers flood the churches looking for miracles or trying to reap from where they have not sowed.

    While there are no free meals in the homes of those who introduced liberal democracy to the world, our own leaders bribe ill-informed voters with our money in the name of stomach infrastructure. Prime Minister Cameron of Great Britain has no official private aircraft because the barons would not pay for such extravagance. He lives in a three bedroom house. Our president on the other hand controls a fleet of about 10 aircrafts while some governors hop around in leased aircrafts or helicopters as Fayose did in a state as compact as Ekiti during his first coming. Our own vice president’s 20 billion mansion is probably still under construction. The rape of our society in the name of liberal democracy does not end there; unlike the western societies, where national assets are kept in trust for future generations, here our leaders who impose themselves on us either as military dictators or as PDP electoral fraudsters, appropriate our national patrimony.

    Fayose’s aberration is symptomatic of PDP and its leaders’ exploitation of the concept of liberal democracy to perpetuate evil against our people because they know they can always get away with it by appealing to our religious, ethnic and cultural differences. Deployment of soldiers and police to intimidate political opponents during election and surreptitiously undermining the judiciary by using ill-informed ‘okada’ riders and touts to unleash terror on judges is a betrayal of the ideals of liberal democracy such as check of abuse of power, accountability and impeachment for those who abuse their positions, ideals that are not totally alien to some of our cultures.

    Weep not for Ekiti; but weep for the nation.

  • In defence of Ahmadu Bello

    The problem of Nigeria is the problem of the dominant ethnic groups, their political party leaders and their parasitic elites. Each of the dominant ethnic group is haunted by its own demon. But rather than face up to their challenges, they often engage one another in blame game, increasing in the process, the nightmare of Nigerians. As argued on this page last week, the Yoruba for instance is haunted by the unhealthy syndrome extolled with a hint of sarcasm by one of their respected intellectuals as ‘a sense of self worth’, often freely deployed by a few of their leaders driven by greed for power to destabilise the Yoruba nation and by extension, the country since independence. The Igbo, like their Yoruba compatriots who have continued to live in denial, have also been destabilizing the nation with their own demon clearly identified by Ahmadu Bello. According to him, “the Igbos are the sort of people, whose desire is mainly to dominate everybody. If they go to a village; to a town, they want to monopolise everything in that area. If you put them in a labour camp as a labourer, within a year, they’ll try to emerge as head man of that camp, and so on”.

    The truth is that both the Yoruba and the Igbo boast of not a few leaders without character. For instance the Sardauna might have been the mastermind of the imprisonment of Awo, he was framed by political prostitutes from his Ikenne town and his fate sealed by his prominent Egba compatriots who were prepared to sacrifice the overall interest of the Yoruba nation to sustain their friendship with Sardauna and Balewa. Likewise, if Ahmadu Bello, generally held responsible for Igbo travails in Nigeria, had nothing but contempt for some Igbo leaders, is it not also true that some Igbo leaders who often behave like a woman with four husbands deserve nothing but absolute contempt?

    This is why Nwachukwu Aniagolu’s Back page piece in The Nation October 9, titled ‘Political imperative for the northern elite’ was also a study in blame game. He put all the problems bedevilling the nation at Ahmadu Bello’s door-step ascribing them to what he described as ‘ideology of Ahmadu Bello and its effects on contemporary northern Nigerian political thinking’. Specifically, he blames him for his obsession with containing “the restive ambition of southern counterparts, his resolve to sustain “the feudal and strict hierarchical social stratification of northern Nigeria” and his notion that “the only way the North (as a political entity) could thrive within the modern construct of Nigeria was through control of political power”. Finally, he says the Sardauna’s ‘northernisation’ policy was detrimental to the idea on one Nigeria.

    Sardauna was committed to the over 200 northern disparate ethnic groups welded together through his efforts. His commitment was total. When the lot fell on him to become the Prime Minister of Nigeria, he chose service to the poor of the north and delegated Balewa his deputy to take his position in Lagos. But if he assiduously worked for the domination of the country by the north, so were the leaders of the other dominant ethnic groups. Didn’t Zik say something to the effect that the God of Africa created the Igbos as the natural leaders in Africa? Awo and his subordinates might have been more restrained than Ahmadu Bello and Zik, but they nonetheless by their actions and posturing, made it clear that their  commitment was first to their Yoruba people relegated to the second position in spite of their head start in education by Zik’s exploitation of platform provided by the Yoruba.

    Ahmadu Bello whose service to his people was his life was incensed when Awo, a federalist unlike his other Yoruba ethnic irredentists sent his deputy Akintola along with other hot-heads to mobilize the northerners for his party. Awo by this act inadvertently encouraged insurrection by the minority ethnic groups that had for years yearned for self actualization. And when the opportunity to repay Awo back for what he considered his undermining of his leadership, he seized the opportunity with both hands.

    Akintola, Awo’s once dependable deputy and ally whom he had successfully used in fighting the British and the north became his nemesis. Awo in his “My March Through Prison’ insisted Akintola who had approached the Sardauna for help to upstage him was the first to falsely accuse him of planning a coup.  Sardauna got further help from the NCNC, his NPC coalition partners and the opposition party in the west. NCNC bore a grudge against Awo over Zjk’s failed attempt to take over the west in 1952. They all swore Awo would be too old by the time he returned from prison to interfere in the affairs of how they run Nigeria. In fact part of the commitment sought by the federal government for his release from prison was an undertaking to take a break from politics and relocate to Britain or the US for a number of years.

    Sardauna in fact was more of a victim. For instance his warning to Zik that the nationalists should try to understand their differences rather than suppress them in their rush for self government was ignored. It was therefore lost on his colleagues that as at the time Tony Enahoro was in 1953 saying “Mr. President, sir, I rise to move the motion standing in my name, that this House accepts as a primary political objective, the attainment of self-government for Nigeria in 1956”, a motion that led to the walkout of northern candidates, the north had only one medical doctor, Dr Dikko, two secondary schools and it was not until 1957 that the north could boast of four university graduates.

    Perhaps to avert the fate which later befell Congo that rushed into independence with a President Lumumba who had only three years of formal education and a nation with just about four graduates and 600 Roman Catholic priests but descended into chaos shortly afterwards, Bello said the north was not ready for self government in 1956. But he, along with other northern delegates, were roundly pilloried by their southern counterparts. They were called British stooges. Even after they had staged a walkout, they were followed by Lagos touts who openly called them names to Iddo railway terminus. An enraged Sardauna was forced to swear that when next he would be coming to Lagos, he would come with his sword to complete his grandfather’s unfinished work of planting the sword in the sea. The Sardauna did not forgive the Yoruba and Awo for the travails of the northern delegates. He also strongly believed the attempt to stampede the ill-prepared north for self government was motivated by the desire of the educationally advantaged south especially the Igbos to dominate the north.

    But in spite of Aniagolu’s demonisation of Ahmadu Bello’s ‘northernisation’ policy which he claims was antithetical to the idea of one Nigeria, in retrospect, it would appear the Sardauna’s fears were not totally misplaced. The January 15, 1966 coup eliminated both the political and military leaders from the north while sparing those from the east. His warning that Nigeria would regret if Ironsi became head of the military when Zik and Mbadiwe were lobbying for him became a self-fulfilling prophesy. Ironsi had no reason to take over rein of power after the January 15 coup attempt had been brought under control. The constitution made provision for the most senior surviving minister to be sworn in.  His decree 34 which turned the nation to a unitary state was interpreted as a calculated attempt by the Igbos already controlling most federal institutions to dominate the country. The mindless selective killing of Igbo that accompanied the violent demonstration against the decree was beyond vengeance; it was all about the fear of domination.

  • Of pseudo intellectuals and political jobbers

    It is the season of elections. Pseudo intellectuals seeking national attention have intensified their game of misinformation to mislead the youths and the uninformed. One such crooked thesis that gained currency in recent times is equating the alliance between the South-west dominant ACN and Buhari’s northern dominant CPC which produced APC with Akintola’s appeal to Ahmadu Bello and by extension NPC to avoid sanctions by the Western Region ruling AG after the party’s 1962 Jos convention. Of course the other fraudulent claim by political jobbers is demonizing APC, the product of the alliance, as an Islamic party with a mission to islamise the South-west.

    If Akintola had committed any crime at all, it was probably his rigging of the 1965 regional election which ran counter to the age-long culture of the Yoruba people to freely elect their leaders long before Britain introduced liberal democracy to Nigeria. His appeal to external forces to escape justice and hold on to power was not in itself a crime. He was like many other Yoruba leaders a victim of a common Yoruba affliction captured in one of their idioms as “Kaka ki eku ma je sese, a fi se awa danu” (which can mean if your value is not recognized, you can make yourself relevant by becoming a threat to the system). Professor Adebayo Williams, an eminent Yoruba scholar has found an elegant way to capture this unhealthy syndrome ‘the feeling of self-worth’.

    It can therefore be said in their defence that  the fault was not in their stars but in the Yoruba cosmology which justifies every misadventure of leaders as arising from their destiny (ayanmo) every individual brought from Olodumare  This destiny, according to Yoruba philosophy, is guided during trajectory  through life by regular sumptuous sacrifices to Esu ’the enforcer who controls both the benevolent and the malevolent”.  Remi Oyeyemi The revenge of Ajayi Crowther}  In other words ‘those  the gods want to destroy’, they first made mad’. When Yoruba leaders become too powerful and like the falcon refused to listen to the falconer, all that is done by the people is to keep on beating the talking drum lazed with praise lyrics until such leaders discovered they are dancing alone and naked to wit. At this point they are often left with only one choice-commit suicide just as Sango, the tyrannical ruler, deified as god of thunder did in fulfilment of his ‘ayanmo’.

    Between 1962 and 1966 when the end finally came for Akintola, neither his followers nor the Yoruba leaders had the courage to remind him he was wrong to have imposed himself in defiance of the peoples wishes and culture. He was hailed by sycophants who bellowed in unison ‘Owo ti wo eku ida, o ku babanla eniti o yo” literarily meaning Akintola having acquired power irrespective of the mode of its acquisition cannot be challenged.). The leaders, with straight face went around selling Akintola’s dubious terms of settlement. He insisted on the dissolution of AG, a national party along his newly formed NNDP to give way to a new party that would then endorse him as premier. Awo had quipped, AG is a national party, if it were his name, he wouldn’t mind changing it to Obafemi Balewa to be released from unjust incarceration.

    The federal government’s terms for Awo’s release were no less dubious. Awo’s wife would visit the Prime Minister privately in an unmarked car and camouflaged in an unusual dress to beg Balewa. (Awo wondered whether his wife was to kneel down or prostrate while begging the Prime Minister privately when Yoruba peacemakers took the proposal to him in his Calabar prison). Then the federal government sent a sponsored delegation of Yoruba elders committee made up of Rev S. O. Odutola, Rev Cannon R A Falode, Alhaji A. W. Elias, Chief A. E. Adeyemo and Dr Abiola Akerele. They went in a federal chartered air craft. Their mission: to stop arson, maiming and general insecurity, Awo should temporarily step out of the prison to publicly embrace Akintola to be followed with a joint statement appealing to the people to embrace peace. (Awo asked whether he was to appear in his prison attire for the photo show and also return to the prison while Akintola continued his illegal occupation of government house (Awo: My March Through Prison). Akintola was in good company. In the contemporary times, powerful Bola Ige took the Yoruba from PDP to APP and then AD. And when he also unilaterally decided to take them back to PDP, no one protested. Powerful newspaper columnists with large following refused to criticize Ige because “he was uncle Bola Ige”. By the time Ige discovered the Yoruba had left him, it was too late.

    To reduce the above Yoruba unhealthy syndrome to conflicts over ideological orientation amount to a fraudulent intellectual enterprise. In any case, a critical analysis of the Yoruba outlook to life clearly shows there is a consensus among them as to how development and progress are measured in their communities. They dream the same dreams and perceive identical apparitions. Akintola like Afonja was driven by a sense of self-worth not by conflict over ideological orientation. .So was Fani-Kayode an equivalent of modern day ‘Serubawon’ of Osun, Isiaka Adeleke. He had set up a militant youth wing of AG to intimidate Yoruba detractors but to prove his relevance after two successive electoral misfortunes in Ife and his party’s decision to take sides with the Ooni of Ife he had tried to upstage, he joined NCNC and later NNDP where he became a deputy premier. Osuntokun’s action as we have seen, was dictated by a sense of self-worth following the failure of his party to address his protest. Even Obasanjo the self-styled godfather of PDP suffered from this Yoruba syndrome. It was for this reason he would boast of having achieved on a platter of gold, the prize Awo had unsuccessfully fought for while he Obasanjo was a mere barefooted secondary school pupil, berated Abiola who had secured a pan Nigeria mandate, saying he, Abiola was not the messiah Nigeria was waiting for, and after endless taunting by Fela who regarded soldiers as unthinking ‘zombies’, sent unknown soldiers to sack his ‘Kalakuta Republic’.

    It is therefore sheer mischief for politicians to draw a parallel between current developments and the events of 1962 -1965. It is also obvious the alignment of ACN and CPC to form APC was not borne out of the usual desperation of leaders trying to establish their relevance. Whereas Akintola, Fani-Kayode or even Ige appealed to external forces in order to cut their noses to spite their faces, the ACN joined the alliance as equal partner. Our youths must also be told that Awo, the unrepentant federalist had nothing against the Hausa-Fulani other than his insistence the Yoruba would not play the second fiddle in the affairs of the nation. If Ahmadu Bello and the northern feudal lords hated him with a passion, it was because they abhorred his attempt to export democracy to the north while encouraging in the process the uprising of the minorities.

    AS 2015 approaches, it is important to remind ourselves that political jobbers who have nothing to offer the Yoruba people would intensify fraudulent intellectual analysis about our ethnic relations while Christian crusaders without the spirit of Christ will continue to create fears among a people acclaimed for their religious tolerance and accommodation of strangers as Akintola unsuccessful did in 1964 and 1965. In this regards, two recent historical facts are lost in those spreading message of hate. MKO Abiola, a Yoruba Muslim with a Kanuri Muslim running mate, won a landslide victory in all the Hausa-Fulani states of the north including Kano, the home of Tofa, his NRC opponent in 1993. And as we have been recently reminded by General Alabi Isama, (rtd), the Igbo and the Hausa-Fulani, publicly sworn enemies that once plunged the nation into civil war, have jointly ruled the country since independence.

  • 2015: The choice before APC

    As stated on this page last week, PDP has defined itself as a party that wants to hold on to the disproportionate share of our resources its members have cornered. Stealing government money, they have said is not corruption. Exploitation of our innermost fears, promoting ethnic and religious divisiveness to win election is acceptable. While most Nigerians feel a sense of shame that our Chibok girls are still marooned in the forest after four months, the party junkets around the nation celebrating decampees, followed by series of carnivals in some selected cities by TAN at the end of which it presented Jonathan as its star for 2015. They just don’t give a damn.

    Unfortunately, unlike PDP, even with the exit of Ali Modu Sheriff, Tom IKimi and Femi Fani-Kayode until recently the public face of APC which has pulled all the stops for the greater part of the year to be a carbon copy of PDP, the party has yet to clearly define itself. The public declaration of Atiku Abubakar who shares a PDP vision of power, a vision that has driven him from PDP to AC, back to PDP and now APC, for the party’s presidential ticket has only reinforced the impression that the two parties are the same side of a coin. And even for the core supporters of APC, it is not unlikely that for the fear of having their ears jarred by Atiku’s declaration, many might have not cared to listen to his familiar tone. And unfortunately for APC, while the electorates know what President Jonathan and his PDP represent, they cannot say the same of Atiku Abubakar whether clothed in the cloak of PDP or APC.

    It is equally depressing that preparation for Buhari’s declaration is in top gear with the party behaving as if there are no lessons to be learnt from our recent history. The problem is not just that the duo have  contested several times, labelled serial losers by PDP or that Buhari is over 70 in a world run by those in their thirties and forties. Or that nearer home, Zik, Ahmadu Bello, Awo, Bode Thomas, Rotimi Williams, Enahoro, Akintola, Fani-Kayode, Osuntokun, and Ikoku made their major contributions to our national development in their thirties and early forties; it is just that the duo are unelectable looking at our geo-political configuration.

    Buhari, unarguably is about the best Nigerian leader to face our nation’s daunting problems. He is the answer to PDP corruption, Jonathan indecision, society’s indiscipline and his party endless squabbling. Buhari has proved our problem is leadership and corruption. During his short stay as Head of state, our refineries worked. We earned foreign exchange selling refined petroleum. We did not import grain. Our problem became how to store what was locally produced. He rejected IMF-inspired SAP which was later accepted by Babangida. Buhari was vindicated as Babangida’s indiscretion and unpatriotic act led to the collapse of all our industries.

    But Babangida, David Mark and  Gusau, Buharis’ nemesis, along with other greedy politicians who wanted  Buhari out of the way to run the country in their own image along with their laboratory-incubated ‘new breed’ politicians have been in charge in the last 15 years. Now Jonathan with his exploitation of our fears and anxieties that have found expression in ethnic suspicion among our multi ethnic groups, mindless killings of innocent people in the middle belt states of the country by yet-to-be-identified so-called Fulani herdsmen, it is leaders like Buhari, a Fulani who is deeply committed to his Islamic religion no less than president Jonathan, an Ijaw is to his Christian fundamentalist beliefs, that suffer the collateral damage of the exploitation of our ethnic and religious differences. The forces against him today are as potent as they were in 1985, 2003, 2007 and 2011.

    Buhari shares a common fate with Awo. He was the most qualified Nigerian leader in terms of achievements, preparation and commitment to the poor in our nation at independence. But within two  years of independence, the parasitic political and economic elite across the land unjustly sentenced him to 10 years imprisonment, installed Akintola, a man who had been constitutionally removed by his party, without election, went ahead to rig the 1965 regional election in his favour while keeping Awo in Calabar prison.

    He was brought out of prison by Gowon to make useful contribution to the successful prosecution of the civil war caused by the greed of the political elites from the north and east. When in 1979, he wanted to bring his expertise to solve some of our nation’s problems, Obasanjo said the most competent man didn’t have to win. The erstwhile enemies, the parasitic political and economic elite from the east and the north who derailed the first republic once again went into a coalition which predictably collapsed over sharing of nation’s booty. In 1983, during Awo’s last attempt, the forces against him and by extension against Nigeria almost ensured he did not get a running mate from the north and east. Once again, it was the greed of NPN, an umbrella body for political and economic parasites that led to the collapse of the second republic which heralded Buhari as head of a military junta in 1985.

    With Awo’s ‘adventure in power’ between 1962 and 1979, he had no business contesting the 1983 election. He ought to have sat back to tender the UPN which he was a major investor. Buhari today is faced with similar option. The reasons are obvious. For 2015, the greedy PDP northern political elite fearing Buhari presidency would drive them out of town, the middle belt, victims of recent mindless killing by yet-to-be-identified so-called Fulani herdsmen has been programmed to believe the fear of a Fulani man is the beginning of wisdom. The South-south and South-east, contractors and importers of sub-standard goods that enjoy government waivers, hiding under the banner of ethnicity and religion while sucking the blood of the dispossessed in their midst, have proclaimed Jonathan as the liberator of the Igbo and the long awaited Ijaw messiah. They have, without proof, declared Buhari, who secured no votes in the area in 2011, a ‘Boko Haram sponsor and leader of a ‘janjaweed party’. In the South-west, he is haunted by his role as a military dictator among the old and those below 30 who were never taught history at school have become captives of prosperity prophets, backers of Jonathan. How does those nudging Buhari on expect him to walk this ‘tight rope’ over a sea of greedy and selfish Ijaw and Igbo sharks with injured anti-Fulani predators impatiently waiting at the beach?

    What then are the options for APC if they are to avoid the mistake of the past? In a liberal democracy political parties are owned by oligarchs who have stakes in the survival of society. In the US, the Republican and the Democrats pursue the same objective. Social change is evolutionary. Buhari, Tinubu Audu Ogbe and other party oligarch should take control of their political party and set up a presidential committee to screen young men for the party’s presidential ticket. Buhari like Awo has nothing else to prove. He, like Awo has been vindicated in his life time by history. With his goodwill, any candidate he endorses and sells to the nation along with his fellow APC oligarchs will be acceptable to Nigerians who feel diminished by PDP’s clueless response to our domestic problems.

    Edward Kennedy from the records of his achievement as second longest serving American senator was the best president America never had because he was haunted by his July18 1969 Chappaquiddick bridge accident which led to the death of his female passenger trapped in his car when it plunged into a river. After his last encounter with Jimmy Carter, he moved on to mentor two great American Presidents, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama who have already earned their places in American history. If he along with his colleagues in APC succeeds in liberating Nigeria from PDP, he can then also sit back like the late Senator Edward Kennedy and say:

    “For all those whose cares have been our concern; The work goes on, the cause endures, and the hopes still lives;  And the dream shall never die”

  • Nigeria under PDP 

    The above aptly captures my outings on these pages in the last four years. This focus is precisely because no other party has been able to withstand the intrigues of PDP since the outset of the fourth republic. The Alliance for Democracy, (AD), even under the highly respected late Bola Ige fizzled out when infiltrated by PDP moles. The AC and its successor ACN could not make much impact as a result of endless wars of sons and fathers which define Yoruba politics where the aggrieved often appeal to outsiders for help. The PDP swallowed five of seven governors elected on APP within eight years. Labour and APGA are PDP surrogates. On the other hand PDP has remained the greatest mobilization agent since 1999. When it sneezes, the nation cashes cold. Its actions and inactions affect our past, present and define the future of our children. The insensitivity and the cavalier way the party presented Jonathan as its candidate for the 2015 as if the electorate does not matter was not accidental. Jonathan even with his disabilities is the only asset PDP has for 2015.

    PDP is an association of wheelers and dealers with no identifiable ideological world-view or a coherent manifesto. In place of party manifesto, Obasanjo in 1999 talked of “a total transformation of Nigeria’ through urban development and privatization, stable power supply, roads and infrastructure and constitutional review”. Yar’Adua came up with his own unwieldy ‘Eight-point agenda’ which the party paid little attention to. President Jonathan came up with his own ‘transformation agenda’, a five-year development plan 2011-2015 which focused on ‘strong, inclusive and non-inflationary growth; employment generation and poverty alleviation and value re-orientation of the citizenry’.

    John Campbell, a former US envoy for instance described PDP during a debate on Nigeria in the British House of Commons a few years back as ‘an elite cartel at the centre of power in Nigeria, a political party that came together … as essentially a club of elites for sharing of oil rents and political spoils.’

    The government has provided enough facts to validate Campbell’s thesis. The privatization exercise as detailed by Nasir El Rufai during a House of Representatives’ probe showed that it was designed to share out blue chip companies built through taxpayers money to privileged members of the political class. The monetization policy was used by PDP and Obasanjo to immorally sell inherited patrimony from colonial masters which rightly belong to our children to party members and their sympathizers. Other evidences include the theft of about N1.7 trillion through fuel subsidy deal which involved highly placed members of PDP and their children. There was also the pension scheme scandal where one of the major actors has continued to receive protection from government. The probe set up by President Jonathan to look into the cases of abandoned projects in the last 15 years showed that it would take five years of budgeting to implement uncompleted projects if no fresh projects are embarked upon. Of course there is the outstanding issue of unremitted $10 billion oil sales revenue which cost the whistle blower-the former CBN Governor his job. Only last week, the South African authorities confiscated the sum of $9.3m illegally ferried into the country through a private jet belonging to the CAN president.

    Starting from 1999, of the 23 PDP governors, 17 were arraigned for corruption. A few that have served their terms along with others who are still expected to be in court defending their integrity have been rehabilitated by government as party chieftains, ministers, or elected senators and governors. Within the same period, many of the party’s leading lights such party chairmen, senate presidents, and speakers were found guilty of corruption.

    To show that little governance goes on in Abuja outside sharing, Obiageli Ezekwesili, a co-founder of Transparency International and former minister of solid minerals and later education, recently called attention of Nigerians to the new fad of Federal Executive Council holding meeting over award of contracts when there are statutory bodies responsible for such duties.

    Besides corruption, another enduring legacy that should haunt PDP as we move towards 2015 is insecurity. It started with Niger Delta insurgency leading to political sharia riots and today’s Boko Haram which the president admitted had killed over 12,000 mostly innocent Nigerians in the last five years… Operating in between are the rampaging Fulani herdsmen killing and maiming innocent people in the north central states of Kaduna, Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa.

    Although the Boko Haram sect has been active since the administration of Olusegun Obasanjo, mindless killing of innocent Nigerians started some five years ago under Yar’ Adua. Government has been unable to contain the sect activities which started with attacks on churches, mosques, police stations and military barracks and then motor parks and populated streets of Kano, Kaduna, Maiduguri. Then the insurgents shifted their mindless killings to some  schools where they carried out selective murder of male students. What drew world attention to government helplessness was the shameful abduction of about 300 girls from their dormitories in Chibok in April this year.

    But in spite of its liabilities, the party is probably counting on its selling point which is its big umbrella which besides protecting all those who swear on PDP oath, also drips honey that quenches the thirst of its members. Thus family members who strayed out often scrambled back as they often find it difficult to survive outside the PDP family umbrella. Atiku Abubakar  had to overcome many hurdles including prostrating before Obasanjo as well as his Adamawa local branch officers each time he has had  to crawl back. Kalu Uzor Kalu is daring his local branch that has insisted he is not welcomed. Bode George even after serving a jail term wrongly has found no other party that can quench his thirst. Ikimi, Fani-kayode, Fayose were not just thirsty but famished by the time they returned to their natural habitat. Babangida Aliyu of Niger was not just back after leading a rebellion; he had the unenviable duty of announcing President Jonathan as the PDP sole candidate for 2015.  Even PDP former tormentors like Nuhu Ribadu and Ali Modu Sheriff have found the PDP honey very tempting that they would swallow any insult to crawl under its umbrella.

    But even at that, Jonathan who controls the big umbrella, is an asset to PDP that canonized him for 2015. This is a president who has won all his past battles without waging any war. Others fought his wars and sometimes committed political suicide in the process. The SNG fought for him to be sworn in as acting president…Ogbuluafor was sacrificed to ensure Jonathan crossed the PDP hurdle that stood between him and PDP ticket in 2010. Obasanjo claimed he sold his candidacy to opinion leaders round the country on the understanding that he would run for one term after completing Yar’Adua’s term cut short by  death.

    But Jonathan himself, a master of political subterfuge made his canonization in spite of his disabilities by the governors and BOT a fait accompli. Every PDP man has a price. The governors also need continuous protection. As Obasanjo once hinted, Jonathan knows how to make wise investments. How will governors without character who proclaimed themselves winners of governors forum election they lost, refuse to pay back their debt when Jonathan demanded dividends on his investment? BOT’s unprincipled leaders like Tony Anenih and Jerry Gana who have been parts of ‘any government in power’ since Babangida era owe their continued relevance to Jonathan. Of course we can only suspect the source of billions of naira the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) committed to media campaign claiming without proof that ‘our roads have never been so good, that farmers have put poverty behind them, that almajiri school have solved problems of poverty in the north, that siting of new universities in states without federal universities are answers to the decay in the educational sector. There was also the TAN claim of eight million signatories of Nigerians who earnestly want Jonathan to run. The PDP wheelers and dealers need Jonathan.

  • Osuntokun’s haughtiness

    The more extreme manifestation of this degeneration is in the folly of commentators like Dr. Jide Oluwajuyitan of The Nation newspaper who tragically doubles as a university lecturer. In criminal betrayal and violation of the intellectual avocation, this man went to the extent of manufacturing a quote and put it in my mouth to criticise me! I have since referred the case to the university authorities for possible sanction.” – Akin Osuntokun.

    The above attack on my person by Akin Osuntokun’in his “The Columnist as a Partisan” in ThisDay newspaper of September 12, confirms that a nation that celebrates people like Osuntokun and his group is doomed. He had called to question my right to criticize his father, describing my piece as malicious. I had assured him even while he shouted hysterically on the phone that the quotation which was a documented fact of our history was taken from one of his writings but wrongly credited to him rather than malice. I followed up with a text message explaining that his late father, who was also my father as an Ekiti man, was an important figure of our history whose activities deserved critical analysis in order to see where the rain started beating us.

    But who is Akintola Osuntokun and what is the source of his offensive haughtiness? The answers lie in his definition of himself. Speaking to a reporter not too long ago, he had admitted “There has never been anything I critically need that I don’t get. People have been very good to me – especially, powerful people like (former) Presidents Obasanjo and Babangida”.  Obviously Akin doesn’t need to work hard to earn anything, including integrity. For this reason he finds it relatively easy to impugn the integrity of those who spent a life time building up their own.

    But why wait for that long if a brilliant man, who arrogantly told a reporter, “I thought I was too brilliant to fail my A/Level”, can acquire integrity from commendations from powerful men  like Babangida and Obasanjo – leaders who themselves are in need of commendation? And why should Akin, who we all know from his submissions, cannot win an electoral contest within the larger Osuntokun family, talk less of a local government in Okemesi where he also admitted the people burnt the Osuntokun houses as a result of his father’s controversial role in the 1965 Western Region’s rigged election, wait for that long when he could effortlessly acquire the title of Aare Bashorun of Okemesi Ekiti, and the Aremo Agboyegun of Igede Ekiti during Ayo Fayose’s first term as Ekiti governor?

    We must not also forget he is a proud recipient of one of the nation’s honours, the Member of the Federal Republic (MFR). With such honours so cheaply bestowed, Akin can afford to be contemptuous of even those who have contributed to his dazzling rise from personal assistant to Tunji Oseni to presidential adviser.

    For instance if Akin has now shifted his allegiance to President Goodluck Jonathan insisting his 2015 re-election is unassailable even when Obasanjo, whose commendation he carries around like a trophy, has raised question of morality about the ambition of a president he claimed gave an undertaking to run for only a term, I should take solace if he pretends not to remember I was partly instrumental to his securing a place at The Guardian. Tunji Oseni, one of my mentors who ran my article as Sunday Times editor in the mid-70s, in an effort to rehabilitate his personal assistant, had sent Akin to me for a place at The Guardian. I had advised Akin that a note from Alhaji Jose, our ‘father’ at the Times would carry more weight with Lade Bonuola than my direct intervention. And that was exactly what Akin Osuntokun did to get a place at The Guardian.

    Leveraging on that opportunity, he had moved on to become a General Manager, Corporate Affairs with Dangote Group, Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign Organisation’s Director of Publicity, Political Adviser to President Obasanjo and later Managing Director of NAN. Although as at the time Akin was entering The Guardian to acquire the brief experience that he traded for positions, I have made enough contributions on the pages of The Guardian under the guidance of inimitable Olatunji Dare, to form the substance of “Nigeria Under the Generals” a compilation of articles which my graduate students of Comparative Federalism as well as Politics of Colonial and Post-colonial states have found very handy. I had similarly completed my own modest contribution to intellectual knowledge: “Nigeria: The Crisis of Nationhood and The Newspaper Press 1900-2000”.

    But all these pale in significance compared to the monumental achievements of my superiors like Dr Stanley Macebuh, Dr Olatunji Dare, Sonala Olumhense Lade Bonuola and also Sully Abu, Femi Kusa Ama Ogan, Ted Iwere, among many others who are more deserving of national honour because of their commitment to our nation. If however Osuntokun’s national honour was a reward for his sterling performance as a presidential adviser, Nigerians can then understand why Obasanjo squandered all the goodwill he took to the presidency, destroying at the end, everything he built with his own hands.

    But as Akin is more interested in attacking my person in addition to his threat to sack me from the university where I served selfless as associate lecturer for over 20 years without collecting salary and a university I served without blemish until my retirement in May this year. The only thing Akin Osuntokun has not done is address the issues I raised which late Obafemi Awolowo also raised in his “My March through Prison”.

    And what were the issues?  “Chief Oduola Osuntokun,” quoting Akin, his son “was one of late Chief Awolowo’s golden boys because Awolowo liked him very much”. Awo took him from class room and made him a minister. But Oduola protested when he was moved from Finance to Lands and Labour, blaming Chief Tony Enahoro for what he considered a demotion  Following the crisis in AG, he joined Akintola’s UPP that offered him the position of Minister of Economic Planning which he claimed was superior to Lands and Labour. He subsequently became a prosecution witness against his mentor.

    Awo in his “My March through Prison” said on the basis of Osuntokun’s private discussion with Okoro, another delegate to the AG Jos convention, he believed Osuntokun gave false testimony because Akintola had the support of the Prime Minister and also because he needed to justify his new position of minister for economic planning. My thesis therefore was that since Pa Oduola was cleared of corruption charges, his betrayal of his mentor must have been driven by greed for power. As for Akin his son whose struggle in life by his own confession, is to be like his father, I had argued that as someone of good breeding, his support for those alleged to be deficit in honour and integrity must have equally been driven by greed for power.

    And talking of integrity; let me assure Akin that as a director at The Nation for a brief period, the only demand I ever made on Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was at a public function during which I tucked a hurriedly hand-written two page note into his hand. In the note, I had pleaded he should reconcile with his ‘fathers’ since it is not in our character in Yoruba land to disrobe our fathers publicly even when they are wrong. I have never sought and I have never got any favour from Asiwaju Tinubu. But Akin is no doubt aware of those, who as stalwarts of PDP, abuse Asiwaju Tinubu and his APC publicly, but privately enjoy the favour of his footing their bills when they lodge in Eko Holiday Inn and Towers.

    It was recently reported that Akin is secretary general of a new group christened G.37 committed to crusading against political prostitution, moral decadence, and crass materialism. Leading the new crusade is Orji Uzor Kalu, supported by Senator Gbemi Saraki. Others include Femi Fani-Kayode, Bode George, Musiliu Obanikoro and Nuhu Ribadu who recently decamped to PDP, a party he once described as a sinking ship. Behold the new messiahs. Behold those who lay claim to infallibility. We miss  Saro Wiwa, the humour merchant who has a way to make us laugh when we should be crying.

  • PDP talebearers Vs Stephens Davis

    Many Nigerians believe President Jonathan is innately a good man that was why they overwhelmingly voted for him in 2011. Almost five years on, many still believe President Jonathan’s problem is his PDP, a party which harbours many that are considered deficit in honour and integrity. The facts stare us in the face. Over 75% of the governors elected on its platform in 2003 were indicted for financial malfeasance. Not too long ago, some 14 PDP governors, supported by one Labour  and one APGA governor, stood before a national television  and proclaimed themselves winner of an election they lost by 16 to 19. Many other party stalwarts lack credibility and are therefore a liability to Jonathan presidency.

    This is why many Nigerians believe the PDP’s resort to blame game is a cover up. A government, many reason, that controls awesome apparatus of power, brusquely exhibited recently in Osun State where 75,000 armed security men including some hooded goons were deployed for the pacification of those contesting against a PDP candidate, cannot possibly pretend not to know those behind Boko Haram.

    PDP men, in any case, have told us different tales. First, late General Owoye Andrew Azazi, as President Jonathan’s National Security Adviser once said, Boko Haram was a product of ‘PDP politics of exclusion’. Before then, it was PDP members that alleged Boko Haram was a creation of PDP leading lights who were outwitted by President Jonathan in the battle for PDP ticket for the 2011 election. Then PDP turned the heat on its political adversaries. First because of his unarguably irresponsible statements after his loss of the bitterly fought 2011 election, Buhari was proclaimed the father of Boko Haram. But as it has turned out, the same Buhari survived an assassination attempt that killed over 300 other people because of an armoured vehicle President Jonathan procured for him a few months before the incident. Then PDP talebearers said Boko Haram that is as old as PDP, was a creation of one-year-old APC.

    But of all the incredible tales told by PDP talebearers, those of Femi Fani-Kayode and Ali Modu Sheriff, until recently members of APC, needed to be given special attention. Both were reacting to Dr Stephen Davies allegations. In view of discordant notes already coming from government officials, we must equally appeal to the government as well as those alleged to be behind the insurgency not to dismiss Davies weighty allegations with a wave of hand. That he is a self-appointed negotiator as now claimed by government that has not denied paying his bills cannot colour his findings.  The Australian has no vested interest beyond helping us to identify those behind the insurgency that has, according to the president, led to the brutal killing of some 12,000 mostly innocent Nigerians, and that as last Sunday, led to the take-over of seven local government areas or one third of Borno State by the insurgents.

    Dr Davis has however continued to insist that former governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff and former Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Azubuike Ihejirika are Boko Haram sponsors. For him, “Sheriff’s ploy of casting himself as a victim is a poor attempt at disguising his sponsorship as alleged by the Boko Haram commanders.”He also mentioned an unnamed senior official of the Central Bank of Nigeria and an Egypt-based man as those funding the sect.

    Instead of the discordant notes from government and its officials, one would have thought this is an opportunity for PDP, if indeed it has a stake in Nigeria, to show true commitment to locating the real enemies of our nation after squandering all the past opportunities to do so. First this is not the first time Sheriff’s name would come up. His name had been mentioned by some members of the insurgency who alleged he had used them to win the election of 2003 and 2007.It was also said that the source of conflict between the leader of the group Mohammed Yusuf and his mentor, Ja’afar Mahmud Adam which eventually led to the latter being shot dead was the money the former collected from Sheriff. Sheriff has also been alleged to be one of the northern governors that sent young people to lesser hajj and for religious education in Sudan, the process that led to the indoctrination of such young people.  And now, while accusing his former party, APC of mudslinging because of his decampment to PDP, Sheriff says “I consider it most uncharitable for the party to use me as alibi for the obvious culpability of some of its members”. I think this provides the best evidence so far to show that Sheriff probably knows some members of his former party that are linked with the Boko Haram sect.

    Similarly, Fani-Kayode, another decampee has consistently maintained that some members of APC, his former party are sympathisers of Boko Haram. He wanted those pointing fingers at PDP to note that “it was not a member of the PDP or the federal government that said that Boko Haram should not be proscribed as an organisation, it was rather the official spokesman of the APC, Lai Mohammed, who said so”.

    “It was not the PDP or any member of the federal government that told the world only last year that they were against the declaration of a State of Emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states, it was the leading presidential aspirant and one of the two co-owners of the APC, General Muhammadu Buhari that said so.”

    His logic may be crooked, but I think he like Sheriff should be made to say all he knows.

    Also defending Ihejirika, Fani-Kayode said: “I have never heard of a Christian trying his best to help or assist an organisation to establish an Islamic fundamentalist caliphate which is committed to wiping out the Christian faith and killing every Christian, every secularist and every moderate Muslim in his country. It seems to me that this is an absurd notion and that it really doesn’t make any sense”.

    Yes, Fani-Kayode is right. But that will not be an isolated case. Many strange things are happening in our country that do not make sense to us anymore. For instance our military, tested in Liberia, Sierra Leone and other UN engagements, a military that is well-equipped according to government which allocate about a trillion naira, a quarter of our annual budget have consistently been caught flat-footed by Boko Haram’s rag-tag group. It doesn’t make sense that our soldiers were outgunned by the insurgents and had to seek help from their Cameroonian comrades. It doesn’t make sense to Nigerians that our military barracks are no more safe havens for soldiers and their loved ones. Of course, incredible tales of helicopter dropping food and arms for the insurgents does not make sense to Nigerians. Stories of alleged incidents of soldiers being withdrawn from locations targeted by the insurgents do not make sense. It does not make sense to Nigerians that over 200 girls, still in captivity after four months, were kidnapped from their Chibok dormitories, loaded into a fleet of busses which snaked through bad roads stretching a distance of about 200 kilometres without being accosted by soldiers in a state under state of emergency. It doesn’t make sense to Nigerians that the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has now confirmed that “Boko Haram now controls about one-third of Borno State” or Borno’s Secretary to State Government’s lamentation that “Government presence and administration are minimal or non-existent across many parts of the state, with economic, commercial and social services totally subdued; schools and clinics remain closed”.

    We all feel diminished as Nigerians. It is therefore in the interest of Sheriff and Ihejirika that a proper investigation is carried out to see if there is a fifth columnist at work. After all, many seasons ago, the president himself admitted Boko Haram sympathizers are in his government.