Category: Jide Oluwajuyitan

  • PDP provocation and APC irritation

    By their last week assault on the sensibilities of Nigerians, both the PDP and its nemesis- APC displayed only instincts of factions with divergent tendencies, who are only interested in power as distinct from true political parties, the 17th century ingenious creation of intellectual elite to espouse vision and mobilize people for development. The president and his party on their part once again demonstrated their contempt for Nigerians by choosing Davos, Switzerland, at the World Economic Forum to celebrate what they consider giants steps made in the energy sector at a period most part of the country was in darkness as a result of alleged sudden drop from about 4600MW to 3600MW.

    Then as if such display of contempt for Nigerians was not enough, five months after the president dropped 10 ministers nominated by his estranged PDP family members out of his unwieldy cabinet of about 40 compared to less than 20 of advanced economies like USA, Germany and Britain, he is sending 11 nominees as replacement for those whose absence nor contributions were never missed. In the list, the president seems to have special attraction for the enemies of his political adversaries.

    And without giving a damn about how we feel, the president followed this up with the appointment of Bamanga Tukur as chairman of the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC). And just as none of the president’s advisers was able to tell him Tukur had outlived his usefulness the moment it became obvious, he was prepared to pull down the party along with himself, no one obviously told the president such an insensitive appointment cast doubt about his decision-making process.

    If the name ‘Tukur’ is the president magic wand for 2013, the president could just as well go for Tukur junior and allow the old Tukur observe a well-deserved rest after two years tango and thorough pummelling by a gang of seven aggrieved PDP governors, some of whom are not much older than some of Tukur’s children.

    On the choice of Adamu Mu’azu, as the new PDP chairman, a group of Human Rights Writers’ Association, HURIWA, has reminded us of his investigation by EFCC for allegedly ‘stealing billions of naira belonging to Bauchi State during his tenure’. But does this grumbling body expect PDP to wait without leadership long after the president has complained he is not to be held responsible for the slow pace at which the wheel of justice grinds in our nation?

    And besides those picked on the basis of what appears a strange policy of ‘estranged friends of my political adversary is my friend’ such as Dr Tammy Danagogo, a former loyalist and two times commissioner under Chibuike Amaechi of Rivers, Hajia Jamilla Salik, a one-time associate of Kano Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, and Boni Haruna , a former protégé of Atiku Abubakar, whose renunciation of support for him coincided with his being let off by EFCC that had drilled him in court for seven years over 28 counts charge . It took his lawyers only three days to file a ‘no case’ submission, argue their case and obtain a ‘not guilty verdict’. The icing on the cake was the appearance of his name among the ministerial nominees few days after his court victory. Is there anyone out there who disagrees with the president who like Pontius Pilate insists the wheel of justice which grinds slowly in Nigeria cannot be blamed on him?

    Of the nominees, Gusau is the most intriguing. Only the president knows why he wants Gusau so desperately. He has for over 10 months reserved for him the Defence ministry portfolio, a post he resigned from in 2010 when it became apparent the only office eyed by Gusau was the presidency, which he contested for in 2006 and 2010. I am sure the man must be wondering how many security advisers they want to make out of him after holding the position of Director of the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and acting Director-General of the NSO from September 1985 to August 1986, the coordinator on National Security from August 1986 to December 1989 and security adviser during most of Obasanjo’s presidency.

    What is apparent from the president obsession with Gusau who has been unable to reproduce himself within the state security apparatus after 40 years, and Jonathan decision to lure on to his fold, the estranged godsons of his political opponents is probably a desire to serve self and PDP and not Nigerians. Their confirmation which I am sure APC cannot stop will add nothing to good governance.

    It is for the above reason I see APC grandstanding as merely playing the PDP game. And they are doing this by advertising their strategy to give enough ammunition to desperate enemies who fight rough with scant regards for rule of engagement, those who swore they would never allow power to slip from their hands, and those who swore their party would rule for 60 years. If APC is interested in good governance, I think they should show more seriousness than playing PDP game. And if they have chosen to play PDP game even as the nation looks up to them for rescue from 14 years of clueless PDP reign, there are softer areas to unsettle the president apart from the serious issues of budget and defence in an era of economic down turn when the nation is also at war.

    Such soft areas include mundane talk about gluttonous consumption of food at the presidency which is costing the nation’s taxpayers billions, diesel for presidential generators when the nation is in darkness, kerosene for the Presidential Air Fleet (PAF) of 10 aircrafts when poor people don’t have access to the product in spite of government’s claim of allocation of billions as subsidy. These are the things that will resonate with the people if APC has opted not to rise above PDP in the popularity test and battle for the minds of the uninformed.

    Gbajabiamila’s theatrics at the floor of the house were in my view unnecessary. One only repeats the obvious when one is not sure. APC should act its numerical strength if it exists beyond mere declaration when vital decisions that require partisanship unfold on the floor of the house. These include state police which everyone except those manipulating the police for political ends know is the answer to some of our intractable security problems, the rescue of the EFCC from the abuse it is being subjected to by PDP and the presidency and engaging the president in psychological warfare by passing a resolution calling for the dismissal of the IGP for using a dead law to abridge the freedom of Nigerians for peaceful assembly and protest.

    Femi Falana only recently reminded us the law was long dead and buried by the appeal court. This perhaps will prick the conscience of the president who couldn’t have forgotten so soon that it was not too many seasons ago that the ‘save Nigeria Group’ saved his job of acting President by demonstrating in Lagos and Abuja without being stopped through illegal application of police permit.

    But APC must note we are at war. Ordinary poor people bear the brunt of war. Only last Sunday, over 50 innocent people were murdered by enemies of our nation in Borno State said to be under emergency. We have a patriotic duty to support the president. What contributed to Democrats victory in America after incompetent George Bush took America to two avoidable wars was the party’s commitment to America.

    And for attempting to rival PDP in its game of perfidy, APC from whom much is expected, has opened the people to further assault by insolent men who have no respect for us. We now have the rosy-cheeked PDP men – sworn enemies of the people, those who presided over the theft of N1.7 trillion, who sold unto themselves the patrimony bequeathed onto us by our selfless nationalists and which we are in turn expected to bequeath onto our children, those who with the military wrecked the aviation, pharmaceutical, textile industries, and who built private universities after destroying the world class institutions they inherited, all now talking of patriotism on national television.

     

  • Jonathan and crisis of credibility

    Democracy, the world reigning god, makes only two major demands on its worshippers- respect for the will of the people and an abiding faith in the rule of law. Leaders who after swearing by its name betray these democratic ideals lose credibility. Tragically one thing that has been in short supply in successive PDP administrations since 1999 is credibility.

    And of all the challenges facing the current Jonathan administration, credibility appears to be the most daunting. When President Jonathan therefore says we should be ready to auction our generating sets, or that ‘Nigeria will export cars soon’, or that ‘the presidency is not behind the unfolding anarchy in Rivers’ or even when his chief of Defence Staff says ‘We will end Boko Haram insurgency by April’, they are received by Nigerians with scepticism.

    To be fair to the president, this credibility gap, as indicated above was inherited from 12 years of PDP periodic rigging of elections, disdain for the rule of law, and self-serving policy initiatives such as privatization, fuel subsidy, identity card projects and many others designed not for spreading dividends of democracy as claimed by the party, but for sharing the nation’s resources among members of the ruling elite.

    It was perhaps on account of these baleful legacies, coupled with what some considered as Jonathan’s below average performance as acting president and noticeable flaws in his character that accounted for the call for caution by perceptive journalists and analysts of our national affairs such as Sonola Olumhense and Haruna Mohammed. The former had warned that going by President Jonathan’s antecedents, he would certainly sell what is left of Nigeria to PDP if voted in while the later advanced seven reasons why we should not trust Jonathan. But instead of the president proving his detractors wrong, he has not only gone ahead to confirm their fears, he has through his continued assault on the will of the people and rule of law undermined the credibility of his own administration.

    For instance, those who in spite of PDP gave the president a landslide victory had expected an injection of young blood with fresh ideas as different from PDP buccaneers that had held the nation down for 12 years. But even where we had inspiring young people, they were recruited as square pegs in round holes to serve Jonathan and not Nigeria. For instance Dr. Reuben Abati who can at best be described as an adversarial cerebral journalist with popular following arising from his relentless attack on PDP and Obasanjo presidency for about 10 years would have been an asset to a government run by a Dr Olatunji Dare, his former boss at The Guardian or an administration headed by a Professor Pat Utomi his soul mate.

    He has been busy selling the president transformation agenda which to the opposition and a sceptical public has remained a mere agenda. Even when he is saying the truth about President Jonathan ‘he knows’, his past haunts him. Doyin Okupe who felt insulted to be called an attack dog (the role he played under Obasanjo presidency) has continued to make more enemies for the president as analysts had predicted. Most of pronouncements of Okupe, who is viewed as part of contract-chasing PDP crowd, is not only received with a dose of scepticism by the public, but chips away a portion of whatever credibility Jonathan administration has left.

    Not even the president’s commitment to free election sounds convincing anymore. The cynical public now believes the president’s concern is about his own election and those of his friends. We now know all the talk of providing level playing ground through the deployment of a large contingent of police and a battalion of soldiers to ensure the victory of opposition party candidates in Ondo, Edo and Anambra was not informed by a desire to deepen democracy. As the president’s godfather who should know better recently revealed, the president traded off the support for his own party candidates for future personal gains from those opposition but friendly governors.

    Of course, the ongoing assault on the governor of Rivers State only calls the credibility of the presidency to question. The police watched as five thugs attempted to impeach a speaker in an assembly of 32 members. The police give protection to supervising minister of education who is in Rivers State capital nearly every week end to mobilize ex-militants, thugs and his local council supporters who swear by the president’s wife name while disrupting pro state government organized rallies. And in the midst of unfolding anarchy in the state, the presidency has ignored the National Assembly resolution that police commissioner Mbu Mathew Mbu who acts as de facto governor of Rivers be transferred out of the state.

    The president’s war against corruption is received with cynicism not only by the Speaker of the Lower House who complained about the president body language or by ex-president Obasanjo who agonized over Jonathan’s lack of political will to fight corruption, but also by many Nigerians. Besides the president’s lack of discomfiture in the midst of alleged corrupt individuals, there is also the impunity with which those close to government engage in corrupt practices. It is unimaginable how officials of the pension unit in the office of Head of Service of the Federation (HOSF) would subject those who had served the nation meritoriously, some in their 90s to such hardship as asking them to queue up for verification every month just because the exercise provided an avenue to steal N400 million monthly.

    Apart from Sani Teidi Shuaibu, former director in the pension office who has since received a slap in the wrist from the courts, little has been heard of his former deputy Ukamaka Chidi, and 30 others charged with a 134-count charge of conspiracy, fraud and corruption, stealing about N60 billion, an act the Senate President, David Mark, described as a “monumental fraud” and a national disgrace and embarrassment,”

    Similarly the presidency has been silent on Abdulrasheed Maina, the chairman of Pension Task Force Team, (PTFT), and his committee members who were indicted by the Senate report for ‘fraud, embezzlement, misappropriation, misapplication, outright stealing of pension funds. etc. While Maina, according to Audu Ogbe, former PDP chairman, was cruising around protected by a contingent of police, the IG claimed Maina could not be found to face prosecution.

    The public scepticism about the president’s management of the economy was not helped by the controversy surrounding the$10.8 billion that was not accounted for initially but which Bernard Otti, the NNPC’s Group executive director of finance and accounts, now said was spent on ‘pipeline repairs, fuel subsidies and reserve fuel’. But as Sanusi the outgoing CBN governor has said, “No one has the right to retain money that should have gone to the federation account” and as echoed by Obiageli Ezekwesili, the former “Due Process Minister”, NNPC and Ministry of Petroleum have no FISCAL MANAGEMENT mandate: They MUST end OFF-TREASURY spending of PUBLIC FUNDS”

    If it appears President Jonathan only pays a lip service to fighting corruption, if his commitment to free and fair election is seen as self-serving, if his war against insurgency appears unwinnable, and if the national dialogue project like other government policy initiatives are received with cynicism, it is precisely because his government is haunted by crisis of credibility often associated with disrespect for the will of the people and disregard for the rule of law.

     

  • Jonathan’s disdain for public opinion

    Even when others lose their cool, President Jonathan remains unexcitable. Whether it is about the suppressed KPMG report of massive corruption in NNPC, injustice to Justice Salami, the worsening oil theft that threatens our economy in spite of multi dollar contract to repentant Niger Delta militants to protect the oil pipe lines, or even the ‘Oduahgate’ that has refused to go away, the president maintains that air of imperturbability. It took the leakage of his godfather’s warning letter and that of the CBN Governor to the press after four months before the president decided to react apparently because of the cost of remaining silent.

    The only occasion the president gets emotional is either when talking about his dearest Patience, the ‘mother of the nation’ or his transformation agenda which he is very passionate about. And one of such few occasions came during the recent visit of PDP stakeholders from the northwest that have come to pledge their loyalty in spite of the gale of defection from PDP. It was time for the president to showcase what he considered his achievements in two years and eight months. And to the people who only hear of massive unemployment, worsening power situation after the sale of the energy sector by PDP to PDP, dilapidated roads, armed robbery, kidnapping for rituals and kidnapping for ransom (apology to Gbenga Omotoso) and other tales of woe, the president brought good tidings. His achievements within a space of two years and eight months he says remain unassailable.

    With radiant smiles and a voice laden with emotion, the President repeated the phrase several times: “this administration is only two years and eight months old”. (It is actually close to five years if you add Yar’Adua unspent time). He thereafter challenged any of his critics to point out any leader in the nation’s history that could rival his level of achievements within such a short period. And from his captive PDP audience came a loud applause. I could not resist musing to myself, ‘shame to the former leaders as conspirators and Jonathan detractors especially those ‘writing letters they should not be writing’, those pretending to be democrat after annulling the most credible election in our nation’s history or those who jailed journalists for reporting the truth but now claims to be on a crusade to save the country with letter writing journalists.’

    And to reassure disillusioned Nigerians who may think President Jonathan might have lost touch with reality, his ministers, the power behind the achievements, the president proudly talked about, came out to give account of their stewardship. We were told of near completion of the dualisation of Lokoja-Abuja road, the ongoing Kaduna Abuja fast train project while there was silence on all important Lagos-Ibadan, Sagamu-Benin roads probably because funds are still being sought even after a big flag-off with fanfare. I am not too sure if the finance minister celebrated economic growth which she has always done while remaining silent on development. But each minister’s presentation was greeted with loud applause by the rosy-cheeked and well endowed PDP stake holders in their well embroidered flowing agbada and babarigas.

    Richard Akinjide, Shagari’s attorney general, whose daughter, the Minister of State for Abuja territory is gunning for governorship of Oyo State appeared on a Channels television programme on Saturday probably to show that all the talk about deteriorating power supply, massive unemployment, suffocating corruption in government, general insecurity, sinking PDP that is prepared to pull the country down with itself, have been greatly exaggerated after all. The chief awarded President Jonathan 80%. For him by the time the history of the country is written, Jonathan would probably turn out to be the best president to have ever emerged from Ni geria. The president, his truculent advisers like Doyin Okupe and Ahmed Gulak, Jerry Gana, Emmanuel Iwuanyawu, the ‘transformed’ Ebenezer Babatope, and all others who swear by the president’s name may be right. It may turn out that the critics of the president have been too much in a hurry to write him off. After all, he still has a whole year and four months to consolidate the gains some critics and cynics still maintain are only visible to the president, his ministers, courtiers and advisers. After all it is a known fact that one day in politics can define the fortune or misfortune of a politician.

    But what worries me in the whole exercise of self-assessment and endorsement by those ex-president Obasanjo said have shielded the president from reality is the absence of the people and the total disdain for public opinion. Unlike Aristotle, Abraham Lincoln, Barack Obama and others who give pride of place to the people in a democracy, Jonathan like his godfather, Obasanjo sees himself like the Plato’s philosopher king, demonstrating at every point his disdain for the people and their opinion.

    In an interview with Tell magazine, he said; ‘I am not moved by public opinion so easily, because in most cases, the public opinion may not be quite right’ This seems to have defined President Jonathan who once said he didn’t give a damn about those pestering him over non-declaration of his assets as set out in the constitution. The president for instance did not think it right to apologise to the public for imposing petroleum tax in the name of subsidy on Nigerians when he discovered he had been misled by those who presided over the theft of N1.7 trillion under the fuel subsidy regime.

    President Jonathan who said it isn’t his fault that the wheel of justice grinds slowly in our nation similarly ignored public opinion over the plight of Justice Isa Salami who was visited with injustice for ruling against PDP mandate thieves. ‘Oduahgate’ on the other hand has been in the public domain for over two months. The president has not only ignored public opinion which weighed heavily against her continued stay in the cabinet as minister for aviation. Before Oduahgate, the president ignored the public demand for the implementation of the House Committee report on the fuel subsidy theft and chose to implement the report of his own appointee, Aigboje Aig Imokhuede.

    Beside outward demonstration of disdain for public opinion, I think the president need to know that even if the prevailing public opinion appears to represent the views of his political adversaries, it will be foolhardy for any government that plans to succeed to ignore them. It is not self-assessment that determines the success or acceptability of government policies; it is the opinion of those for whom such policies are formulated that ultimately count.

    If President Jonathan doubts that public opinion represents the will of the nation, he should just look back at how public opinion paved the way for the collapse of what the public perceived as Buhari’s tyrannical regime, Babangida fraudulent transition, Obasanjo third term agenda and even Jonathan becoming acting President when the National Assembly was forced to succumb to the pressure from the public. The irony today is that Jonathan respects neither the opinion of the public nor the resolutions of the National Assembly.

  • Niger Delta’s misguided youths

    We have no choice than to cut off your index finger and that of your wife since your family refused to play ball by paying the N30 million ransom. The two of you will have to live with that scar for the rest of your lives,” And the index fingers of the 84 year old pa Azun Asoya and that of his 55 years old wife were accordingly chopped off. Relishing such cruel and bestial act, the sick abductors of an octogenarian taunted: “Old man, it is like you don’t have enough blood in your veins. I expected to see lot of blood gushing out but it is just a little quantity. I guess you don’t eat well”.

    This is a chilling true life story of 2013 Nigeria. The scene was in Okpanam, a stone throw from Asaba, capital of oil rich Delta State. Even if these young men were on drug, one would have expected them to become sober after a day. But these misguided young men who were bent on reaping from where they did not sow were under the influence of something worse than drug- loss of human feeling arising from deprived proper parental upbringing. Otherwise, how does one explain that after this sordid act, these young men without any thought about their own parents, went ahead to keep an 84 year man and his wife in the thick Delta mangrove forest for another 14 days without the luxury of having a bath, going to toilet or changing their clothes?

    And to think they chose to place a ransom of N30m on an old man not known to have been part of Delta’s past administration led by those a British court described as ‘criminals in government house’ or known to have been a PDP contractor, defies logic. Even within the culture of barefaced looting of our resources by those in government which has come to characterize our society these past 14 years, it is still hard to imagine that these misguided young men did not see anything immoral forcing Pa Asoye’s struggling children to borrow N3.5m before securing freedom for their parents.

    This is a signal to descent to state of nature where life is ‘nasty, brutish and short’. The circumstances whereby criminals who openly boasted they work hand in glove with the police kept their kidnapped victims for 17 days, a stone throw from Asaba, the seat of government with the police as in other kidnapped cases remaining clueless, is a clear indication of government gradual loss of its rationale, which is the protection of life and property for which we traded our freedom.

    Yet we amuse ourselves insisting “We have reorganized the Nigerian Police Force and appointed a more dynamic leadership to oversee its affairs; improved its manpower levels as well as funding, training and logistical support; increased the surveillance capabilities of the Police and provided its air-wing with thrice the number of helicopters it had before the inception of the present administration”. But shouldn’t it be a source of concern to a government that throws money at every problem that the more money we pumped into the police, the more complex our security challenges become? For instance if we stop playing the ostrich of ‘kidnapping started in 2006 before the advent of the present administration’, what we discover is that the 63 kidnapped cases reported for 2006 and 2007 paled in significance to about 475 in 2011 and 500 in 2012. And for first half of 2013, even with almost half of the cases unreported, the Economist of London has claimed Nigeria had the most kidnapped attempts in the world followed by Mexico and Pakistan.

    In a recent lecture, Charles Soludo, the former CBN governor reminded us that ‘Over the last 20 years, every new Inspector General of Police (IG) has launched one special ‘operation’ or the other to signal his zero tolerance to crime. Over the same period, the size of the police force has more than tripled, its budget ballooned, and yet the state of insecurity worsens.’ Quoting from different sources, he says in spite of these huge investments, Nigeria is ranked the “kidnap-for-ransom capital of the world accounting for 25% of global kidnappings’. The Global Peace Index ranks Nigeria the sixth most dangerous African country to live in; KPMG ranks Nigeria the most fraudulent country in Africa; while the Economist Intelligence Unit ranks Nigeria the ‘worst place to be born’ in 2013. The US Fund for Peace has, for three consecutive years, ranked Nigeria as the 14th failed state in the world (out of a total of 178 countries).” Soludo maintains that ‘Insecurity of life and property is at the heart of these worsening indices’.

    If the dividends of investment on the police is more crime as Soludo seems to aver, there is obviously much more fundamental problem with the police. The inference one can draw from the lamentation of Soludo who also told us he had as CBN governor forced The Bankers Committee to procure about 25 armoured personnel carriers for the police, arranged foreign training for officer in the US, Israel and UK, is that we are just moving in a vicious cycle by refusing to accept that what is required is decentralization of the corrupt and highly politicized Nigeria police as presently constituted. Let us for a moment imagine the possible effect of a Delta police command answerable to the governor and manned by Delta indigenes who are masters of their own language and custodians of their people’s culture on the 17 days travails of Pa Asoya marooned in a jungle not far from the state capital.

    But beyond the police, the Asoya case questions the new culture of reaping where people did not sow that today defines activities of some leaders and youths of the Niger Delta who justify oil theft, stealing by leaders and non execution of contracts under the usual excuse “it is our oil money”. For instance embedded in most of the works of J P Clark, poetry and plays is the theme of hard work. The culture of reaping where people did not sow is a new creation of Delta elite that has failed to prepare the youths for the challenges of adulthood.

    It is on record that the political and intellectual elite of Niger Delta armed, lionized and groomed the youths to become parasites since 1999. Today many of the half educated Niger youths with no visible trade receive free money from government. They like the political and some intellectual elite live like parasites. It is obvious those who subjected Pa Asoya to such indignity see no difference between leaders’ looting of their common wealth and youths raping of private individuals.

    Death penalty or arrest of traditional leaders for the sins of kidnappers is merely attacking the symptoms. It is a battle of the mind. Youths must be made to know they have to invest in their own future through hard work. As the Yoruba will say – hard work is the therapy for poverty; the common theme that runs through most of Pa J P Clark’s literary work-poetry and play – is a culture of hard work among the various nationalities that make up the Niger Delta. Clark in spite of a privileged background went fishing in the Niger Creeks with his uncles. He literarily raised himself up through hard work.

    Like Pa J P Clark, many other successful Nigerians once followed their parents to work in their farms. And today many of them have unemployed youths who would not hurt a fly. It is time the Delta parasitic political elite who gave their youths the illusion they also can live as parasites to see the assault on Pa Asoya and many other self-made men of Niger Delta origin as a call for a new orientation for current youths who have no secured future.

  • Jonathan and the letter to Obasanjo

    If the president’s uninspiring response to the weighty issues his godfather had raised in his December 2, 18-page letter about the shortcomings of his administration was all the committee he appointed to draft a reply came up with, the president should consider that as a betrayal. They have done great injustice to the president as a statesman either due to incompetence or because they are self-serving sycophants that have succeeded in capturing the president as alleged by Obasanjo.

    In any case, if moaning, name-calling and bellyaching were the answers to the issues ex-President Obasanjo had identified, what many of us have said of Obasanjo and his brand of politics would have been sufficient. In this regard, help for the presidency even came from an unlikely quarters, Iyabo Obasanjo, the ex-president beloved daughter. Her alleged letter to his father which our peerless columnist Olatunji Dare says “is perfuse with contempt, ridicule, scorn, and loathing abhorrence of the most visceral kind”, inflicted more damage to her father’s reputation than Jonathan’s abuses could have ever achieved.

    Just as we have said of Obasanjo who calls himself ‘Mr. Nigeria’, who Jonathan, his godson has since reminded us does not own Nigeria, of trying to define his baleful legacies including imposition of Jonathan on Nigeria, it is also obvious Jonathan was motivated only by concern for survival and his legacies and not about Nigerians. This came out clearly from the tenth reason he advanced for responding to his godfather’s letter. “The tenth and final reason why my reply is inevitable”, he says, “is that you have written similar letters and made public comments in reference to all former Presidents and Heads of Government starting from Alhaji Shehu Shagari and these have instigated different actions and reactions. The purpose and direction of your letter is distinctly ominous…” Consequently, nearly everything the president says in his letter is about his own survival and legacies which he like his godfather erroneously thinks he can define.

    Thus, on Obasanjo’s appeal that the president as the leader of PDP takes some measures to prevent the imminent collapse of the party, Jonathan says he is a better PDP leader than Obasanjo backing his position with a long list of PDP founding fathers he rightly claimed Obasanjo frustrated out of PDP.

    On corruption that has become a source of embarrassment to even friends of Nigeria including the late revered Nelson Mandela, Barack Obama and Britain’s Cameron, he says to Obasanjo,: ‘You will recall that your kinsman, the renowned afro-beat maestro, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti famously sang about it during your first stint as Head of State. Even in this Fourth Republic, the Siemens and Halliburton scandals are well known. And for a good effect, he added ‘sons of some of our party leaders are currently facing trial for their involvement in the celebrated subsidy scam affair. I can hardly be blamed if the wheels of justice still grind very slowly in our country’.

    On kidnapping and armed robbery, President Jonathan shot back “it is just as well to remind you that the first major case of kidnapping for ransom took place around 2006. And the Boko Haram crisis dates back to 2002. Goodluck Jonathan was not the President of the country then. Also, armed robbery started in this country immediately after the civil war and since then, it has been’.

    In response to what he described as the most ‘invidious allegation of training snipers to assassinate political opponents’, he said: ‘I have never been associated with any form of political violence. There have certainly been cases of political assassination since the advent of our Fourth Republic, but as you well know, none of them occurred under my leadership.’

    On the president’s alleged undertaking to serve for six years; he turned the heat on his godfather accusing him of a resolve to ‘embark on a virulent campaign to harass (him) out of an undeclared candidature for the 2015 presidential elections so as to pave the way for a successor anointed by Obasanjo.’

    The first nine other reasons the president gave as justification for responding to Obasanjo were equally all about Jonathan: three un investigated assassination attempts on his life in 2007, his administration better score card in foreign relations compared to Obasanjo’s; his administration’s attraction of $25.7 billion FDI in just three years compared to Obasanjo’s $24.9 billion in seven years, and his creation of level playing ground for Labour in Ondo and APGA in Anambra governorship elections unlike Obasanjo who favoured some PDP candidates (short of admitting Obasanjo had rigged for PDP candidates in Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun).

    Many Nigerians must have felt diminished by President Jonathan’s letter. Jonathan was already our vice president when Obama became American President. Obama inherited a deeply divided and disillusioned American society facing two wars and saddled with $16 trillion foreign debt. When his aides started moaning and bellyaching about the legacies of Republicans and their half-educated President George Bush jnr., Obama coolly admonished them insisting American voters elected him to solve those problems. In other words he wouldn’t have been elected president if those challenges were not there.

    But let us for a moment even concede it to the president that he is overwhelmed by challenges of his office, a domestic insurrection by Boko Haram, punctured and leaking PDP family umbrella that once provided sanctuary for all manners of characters from which some elected PDP governors and legislators have since escaped seeking refuge under APC, crisis in his home Bayelsa and Rivers fuelled by Nyesom Wike, supervising minister of education who swears by the name of the president’s wife, kleptomaniac ministers, etc, but what can we say of belligerent and combative advisers, paid through the public purse to protect the president but chose moaning and name-calling as answers to daunting issues merely echoed by Obasanjo?

    Nigerians are not amused that the president chose to agonise over the un-investigated assassinations attempts on his life back in 2007 when he was a governor and vice presidential candidate. What Nigerian expected of the president who has been in power for close to five years was to have revisited not only the attempt on his life but other high profile assassination of his PDP family members like Marshall Harry, Aminasoari Dikibo, Funsho Williams, and others like Chief Alfred Rewane, and Bola Ige, an attorney general killed in his house under the nose of those detailed to protect him. Does a crime cease being a crime because there is a change of guard at the presidency? Once again, Nigerians are not asking the president and his advisers to invent the wheel. They can take a cue from Barack Obama’s five year crusade against American Congress over the battle to allow the 558 detainees in Guantanamo Bay detention Camp in Cuba face criminal charges in American courts or repatriated back to their respective countries.

    Nigerians feel insulted by President Jonathan’s advisers’ trivialization of problem of corruption by making reference to Obasanjo’s kinsman singing about corruption during Obasanjo’s first coming as Head of State. Instead of addressing the serious issues of corruption, it amounts to bringing governance to kindergarten level as alleged by Chief Bisi Akande, the APC interim chairman. The president must not be deceived by his self-serving advisers. Nigerians are angry about Jonathan’s lack of political will to fight corruption as alleged by the speaker of the lower house. Nigerians are angry he has laid a bad precedent by pardoning convicted Diepreye Alamieyeseigha who is also wanted for money laundering in Britain. Nigerians feel insulted and taken for granted by Jonathan’s silence on ‘Oduahgate’ after a House Committee’s indictment.

    Nigerians want their God-fearing president who was given a landslide victory in 2011 because they trusted him, to revisit the KPMG report on NNPC, the Ribadu report on fuel subsidy theft and the House Committee Report on fuel subsidy scandal. Our jobless youths whose future is being mortgaged want the president who was once a ‘shoeless’ youth, to revisit the House Committee Report on Privatization that recommended some of the companies given away to cronies at next to nothing, be taken back by the state so as to create job opportunities for some of our army of unemployed.

  • Kwankwaso’s silent revolution in Kano

    Poverty is a common affliction of our people. It strikes you directly on the face whether you are in Ughelli, Owerri, Ekiti or Kano. And the consensus of experts and friends of Nigeria including Britain and the US is that poverty in Nigeria is government-induced either through its policies that have no direct bearing on the lives of the people, or as a result of mindless looting of the nation’s resources by those who have access to power. What this therefore means is that the battle for poverty alleviation will have to be led by few in government ready to offer selfless service. I think when we see some that are making efforts at implementing policies that have the potential to reduce poverty among our people, they deserve to be celebrated.

    One such creative response to the scourge of poverty is Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso’s ‘organized mass marriages and empowerment of women’ in Kano, which he initiated at the onset of his administration three years ago. If his initiative received any attention at all, it could only have been in form of severe criticism by uninformed non-indigenes of Kano. In fact it was the scurrilous attack on the person of the governor in the social media by professional mourners who weep louder than the bereaved that compelled me to take another look at Rabiu’s initiative. It turned out in my view that the governor’s ingenious response to poverty alleviation in Kano which focuses on women training and women empowerment is a silent revolution. This is because the UN as a body has long established that the neglect of women in terms of education and empowerment, described as ‘feminisation of poverty’ is partly responsible for poverty in the Third World nations.

    The forth phase of Kwankwaso government’s ‘divorcees, widows and spinsters mass marriage’ programme of 1,111 including 60 Christian couples took place last week, at a cost of some N278.270 million to the government. This meant that government is investing an average of about N250, 468, on each couple. The amount according to the governor covered procurement of furniture, textile materials, foodstuff as well as grants for the brides and other essential items. Kwankwaso who wears the shoe and knows where the shoe pinches also stressed that ‘the marriage programme would help ‘people strengthen the family institution and halt social crimes in the society, most of which were as a result of erosion of family values.’

    The governor has also initiated a special ‘family orientation programme aimed at preventing and minimizing the rising cases of divorce in the state in addition to evolving capacity building programmes especially for women to enable them support their families.’

    The governor did not stop at that. His administration refurbished 20 cottage industries and handed them over to women co-operative groups accompanied with empowerment packages to the beneficiaries.

    With these measures in place, the governor has gone ahead to perform what was considered impossible in the history of Nigeria and West Africa,- signing in to law ‘the Street Begging Prohibition Bill 2013’ which prohibited children and adults from begging on the streets, motor parks and other public places. To give the law a human face, the state government would train 2,205 people with disabilities in various entrepreneurship skills that would suit their individual capacities. He has also promised to absorb those so trained into the public service while ‘’the state government will give N10,000 monthly to those with disabilities that lack the wherewithal to engage in any trade.”

    I think we must salute the governor for this bold and creative initiative. It will most likely succeed because of its focus on women who, studies have shown, will spend about 80 per cent of their earnings on their children. Rabiu initiative will also appear to have better prospects than the federal government nomadic school project which was a reaction to Boko Haram insurgency. As we have seen in the case of federal government involvement in ‘unity schools’ and federal universities, funding may dry up for the nomadic federal government initiative. In any case mere provision of school building and facilities to shelter those picked from the streets will not automatically turn those who are already hardened into good citizens. What we all know is that the socialization processes that will enable children imbibe positive values starts at the family level.

    I think Rabiu’s modest initiative can serve as a model for many of the states in the north currently battling the social malaise of almajiris who often become easy tools for violence and other crimes. Empowerment of over 1000 women in Kano has the potential of grooming about 10,000 children yearly for a secured future.

    Of course other states outside the north also have much to learn from Rabiu’s initiative. What some of the virulent southern critics of Rabiu initiative have failed to see is the parallel between the social malaise called almajiris and thousands of young men who cannot read and write hawking smuggled substandard products on the streets of Lagos and other southern major cities. If this southern equivalent of northern almajiris are not taken off the streets and trained, they are going to become a threat to those we are currently investing on as leaders of tomorrow in our various universities. And already in Lagos, it is the focused leadership of Governor Fashola that has invested heavily on security, which has reduced incidences of gun totting ‘hawkers’ holding up motorists inside traffic demanding for money, trinkets and telephone handsets.

    Besides Kwankwaso’s modest efforts at attacking the root course of poverty and securing a better future for Kano children, he is said to be setting the pace in other areas such as leadership by example, transparency and accountability in governance. Dapo Thomas in a piece in last Sunday edition of The Nation called attention to Kwankwaso’s unique attempt at removing the myth of secrecy surrounding governance by advertising the minute of his state Exco meetings every week, spelling out in details, debates on government policy initiatives and policy implementation for everyone to see. Cited in one of such advertised minute of Kano exco meeting by Thomas was the approval of Kano State Scholarship Board’s recommendation and government approval of N320, 000 to each of the 53 Kano indigenes that qualified for Law school.

    Kwankwaso’s modest efforts are aimed at reclaiming the soul of Kano, a beautiful city of life, energy and humanity, a city with paved ways, uncharted safe alleys and ever bustling Kirki market where the heterogeneity of our nation is in full display daily as one encounters a Christian Yoruba woman trader momentarily take over the wares of her Hausa co-trader observing one of the five daily mandatory Muslim prayers. But it is also a challenge to not only his brother governors but also the federal government where we hear stories of missing N500b SURE-P funds, NNPC unremitted $48b now negotiated down, to $10.8b, N500b missing kerosene subsidy payment etc.

    There was a report by a committee set up by President Jonathan to look into issue of abandoned projects early this year which stated that, if no fresh projects are initiated, it will take three years of annual capital budget to implement abandoned projects on which substantial payments had been made. These contractors are Nigerians and some of them are in government. The 2014 budget proposal was presented to the National Assembly early this week, yet not even the constituencies have been told what percentage of the constituency projects supervised by the lawmakers was implemented.

    Kwankwaso is set for the battle for the soul of Kano. Talk to Kano tomato retailer or orange hawker in Lagos, they will tell you of a cousin in Malaysia or USA on scholarship. But beyond this, he has also hinted at the source of pervasive poverty in our nation and has demonstrated by his own personal example that it can be eradicated by a leadership style that removes the myth of secrecy about governance.

     

  • Baleful legacies of godfather and godson

    Details of Obasanjo’s 18-page letter to President Jonathan are already in the public domain. If you ask me, I will say Jonathan’s only sin is attempting to outperform his godfather in all the departments identified by a ‘godfather who never sleeps’, such as undermining principle of separation of powers by holding in disdain, both the legislature and judiciary, selective war against corruption, politics of subterfuge, vindictiveness etc. If Jonathan is presiding over outright looting of our resources as insinuated by Obasanjo, it is perhaps because there was little left to share following the fraudulent privatisation and monetization policies of the PDP that he implemented with religious fervour. If Jonathan assembled contractors and sitting PDP governors together in Lagos and blackmailed them to part with about N7billion for building church and recreation centre in his Otuoke village, it was perhaps he was trying to outdo his godfather who also collected about half of that amount in similar manner to build a private library in his town. If Jonathan within his first year in office was frantically dumping money in a swamp in Otuoke village in the name of building a university for his fishing community, he was perhaps trying to emulate his godfather who built a private university in his Ota village.

    It will appear Obasanjo’s objection to President Jonathan 2015 ambition is predicated on the provision of ‘federal character, zoning and rotation’ clause in PDP constitution. But both father and son ignored the same clause in 2011, to immorally pave the way for the emergence of Jonathan as PDP presidential candidate.

    Obasanjo is accusing his godson of being behind some disgruntled PDP members going around to recruit people into the Labour Party to enhance his electoral fortune during 2015 election. But Jonathan has merely improved on OBJ strategy of fuelling intra-party conflicts within the opposition and inducing disgruntled members with money, cars and security support to decamp to PDP where they were ultimately rigged into elective offices through flawed elections.

    Ex-President Obasanjo has also accused his godson of ‘providing presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’. If indeed Jonathan played such role, there was a precedent. Under Obasanjo, Bola Ige, the then justice Minister was assassinated inside his house. Iyiola Omisore, who was given state support to destabilise his party before decamping to PDP, was the only suspect according to the police. From prison detention, Omisore was awarded a senate seat by PDP in a flawed election, a feat he couldn’t repeat as a freeman after serving as a senator for four years. Although Omisore was later to be acquitted by the court, Ige murder like many other high profile murders under Obasnjo has remained unresolved.

    Ex-President Obasanjo lamented about ‘the serious and strong allegation of NNPC non-remitting of about $7 billion from NNPC to Central Bank occurring from export of some 130,000 barrels per day’. But it has been alleged the process of shielding NNPC started when Obasanjo added the portfolio of petroleum minister to his office as president.

    If indeed an ’African Development Bank Director informed Obasanjo that the Federal Government is putting the water project for Port Harcourt in the cooler because of Amaechi-Jonathan face-off, Jonathan copied that from his godfather who sat on Lagos state Local Government Allocation despite judicial pronouncement that Obasanjo lacked such power.

    Unfortunately, Obasanjo out of office is discovering too late that ‘attack dogs’ are more dangerous than identified adversaries. His advice is however too late for a godson who has followed his godfather’s footstep of deploying hungry attack dogs on political adversaries. And tragically for ex-President Obasanjo, one of his sons who also doubles as media adviser to President Jonathan has asked Obasanjo “to shut up forever and go down in history as spineless coward, driven by sheer greed and indecency,” if he cannot provide evidence for alleged existence of snipers. Such language and impertinence are not unusual during PDP perennial family squabbles.

    The last of the 10 reasons Obasanjo gave for writing his 18-page letter is in my view the most important. His expression of concern over the inability of an overwhelmed and clueless Jonathan to respond to the nation’s current predicaments is probably not born out of patriotism but out of concern by Obasanjo for his continued relevance as a leader who is obsessed with controlling the present and the future. Unfortunately, this is an impossible task as Leo Tolstoy has tried to prove in his theory of history through his epic novel ‘Law and Peace’. It is the actions of others that in reality define leaders’ legacies.

    For instance emerging as an ill-equipped accidental leader as military Head of State, Obasanjo in manner of oligarchs started to see himself as the wisest and the best to have happened to our nation. He thereafter arrogantly said the best didn’t need to win the 1979 election, preferring Shehu Shagari, who was only interested in the senate, as he has now admitted in his epistle to Jonathan, to a tested Awo or an Adamu Ciroma that had been groomed by Kaduna Mafia for leadership. The legacy of Obasanjo’s first opportunity to govern Nigeria was defined by the collapse of second republic due to the mismanagement and incompetence of Shagari. Obasanjo has written many books “My Command”, “Not my Will’, ‘The Animal call Man”, etc, to justify his claim to intellectualism and the right to control our present and future as well as sustain what was unarguably an error of judgment in 1979.

    Obasanjo claimed God used him to make Yar’Adua president. But God is not mocked. Yar’Adua was so scandalized by the flawed election that produced him that he had to set up the Uwais Electoral Reform Commission whose report Jonathan administration sat on. Apart from the depletion of our foreign reserve within two years, Yar’Adua derailed Obasanjo’s power project policy conceived to generate 20,000Mw by 2010. Today we generate 4,600Mw. Of course we don’t need any other proof of God’s reproach of Obasanjo’s immoral imposition of Jonathan on Nigeria in the name of ethnic balancing than his current 18-page letter alerting Nigerians about the threat Jonathan has become to the health of our nation.

    The premature rendering of a dirge in the past by Obasanjo, the (oracle of Owu) has always signalled the imminent collapse of regimes Obasanjo has fraudulently built on porous ground. I think it is time the opposition starts preparing a blueprint for the salvation of our beleaguered land that has been repeatedly raped by PDP, the godfather and his godson this past 14 years.

    And finally since Obasanjo who takes joy in calling himself Mr. Nigeria has admitted charity for president Jonathan can begin at his Ijawland, let me also appeal to our new Yoruba political leaders to plan a response to Obasanjo’s alert and warning that Jonathan is sponsoring disgruntled and selfish Yoruba politicians to derail the modest gains made in the last three years.

    He has cited Ekiti where Opeyemi must have been assured he could become governor in spite of Ekiti electorate in typical PDP fashion. He cited the case of Ondo where we already know Mimiko is trying frantically to smear the good people of Ondo with PDP’s dishonourable activities alien to Ondo people. Obasanjo also made indirect reference to our respected Dr Fasehun who now finds common interest with President Jonathan. While advancing some vacuous reasons which was an insult to the people of Kano for accompanying Al Mustapha home, his action nonetheless found parallel with that of President Jonathan who Obasanjo accused of granting ‘presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’.

  • ASUU Vs. smart alecs in government

    That non implementation of an agreement government voluntarily signed with ASUU way back in 2009 following three years of negotiation has led to a strike action now in its fifth month only confirms the fears of most Nigerians- absence of governance and usurpation of power by smart alecs who in the opinion of our God-fearing president can do no wrong. This perhaps explains why the current ASUU crisis has defied solution in spite of intervention of the president, vice president, the federal executive council, the council of state, all of whom we were told had expressed sadness about the state of our university education and canvassed for a radical change.

    But opposed to change is a powerful group made up of the president’s confidants consisting of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the all powerful minister of finance and the coordinating minister of the economy, secretary to government of the federation, (SGF) Anyim, Pius Anyim, Nyesom Wike, the president’s man Friday and leader of Niger Delta militants fighting the president’s war in Rivers who also doubles as supervising minister of education. We can also add Gabriel Suswam, the chairman of implementation committee of NEEDS Assessment Report.

    Before ASUU embarked on the ongoing strike on July 1, the body, according to Professor Festus Iyayi, late former ASUU president and a patriot, who unfortunately lost his life on his way to Kano in search of solution to the crisis, had written over 200 letters to government. There was also a warning strike in December 2011 which was apprehended by Anyim, who after a meeting in his office, dictated a Memorandum of Understanding to the effect that “instead of N1.5 trillion for the 24 federal universities that had been captured in the 2009 agreement, government will instead provide N1.3 trillion for 61 public universities, covering both federal and state universities.” The said Memorandum also indicated that N100 billion was immediately available, and that N400 billion will be provided for each of the three years beginning in 2013 and ending in 2015″.

    Iyayi also revealed during his last interview before his tragic end in the service of the nation that the NEEDS Assessment exercise was the brain child of the SGF. The report which confirmed how “students use kerosene stoves instead of Bunsen burners in their laboratories, how students excrete into polyethylene bags and throw them through the window, how students stand under trees to receive lectures, evidence of laboratories without water” was later presented to a crest-fallen federal executive council presided over by President Jonathan.

    Again, on the directive of the president, the same embarrassing report was also presented to the National Economic Council chaired by the Vice President, Namadi Sambo”. Arising from this, a technical committee set up with Governor Godswill Akpabio as chairman later presented its report to the Federal Executive Council and the recommendations were approved and then endorsed by the President who directed they should be implemented. That was in February of 2013. The presidential order was ignored by those he has delegated the running of the country to.

    When ASUU finally went on strike on July 1, the government set up a committee headed by Governor Suswam. Others members like the SGF and minister of finance were no strangers to the crisis. But these government officials demonstrated their lack of commitment to the future of our nation by frustrating all ASUU’s patriotic crusade to force government to start rebuilding the educational structure destroyed by the political class during the Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo years. This self-serving mafia tries to demonise ASUU for pointing out that it is the primary responsibility of the ruling class to lay a solid foundation for education as it is in Europe since the 1600s and old Western Nigeria since the 1950s.

    But tragically, Suswam, Iyayi said was “trying to be a contractor instead of implementing the NEEDS Assessment Report”. Anyim, was said to have “ridiculed the memorandum of Understanding he dictated in his office” On her part, Okonjo-Iweala, the all powerful minister of finance, was reported to have said “I have cash; 30 billion naira cash, I am putting it on the table, take it or leave it. If you don’t take it you can be on strike for the next two or three years”. She talked down on patriotic ASUU leaders and refused to implement a directive fully endorsed by the FEC, the Council of State and the presidency.

    But it is on record that this is the same minister of finance who supervised the deployment of huge government resources to electricity generating firms that have since been sold to members of the political governing elite including leading light of PDP; who had no objection to government expenditure of about three trillions on bail-out of banks that were later sold to some of those who wrecked them; and who approved government expenditure of about 500 billion naira as bailout to the airlines as well as N100 billion for the textile industry, expenditures government recently admitted had gone down the drains.

    Four months into the ASUU strike, the president took time off his tight schedule of foreign trips and managing his PDP family’s vicious war over 2015 to once again intervene in the crisis. Curiously, the intervention led to a 13 hours meeting with ASUU. We will never know what the president discussed for 13 hours but it was obvious it could not have been about a new deal as what came out at the end was not different from existing ASUU 2009 codified agreement with government.

    But if Nigerians had expected the president to descend heavily on those who defied his directive, they were in for a surprise. It is ASUU got the raw end of the president’s anger for demanding proper documentation of the agreement arrived at during the 13 hours marathon meeting. Miffed that ASUU would not take him for his words, our angry president has decreed the university teachers call off the strike, resume work or count themselves sacked with effect from December 9.

    If the president momentarily forgot he is an elected president and not Jerry Rawlings of Ghana who he probably envies for shutting down his country universities for a year, or despicable dictator like Abacha who insisted his words must be law, one would have thought those paid through the public purse to prevent the president from becoming a threat to himself and the state, would come to his assistance. But sadly they are in fact the ones fuelling the crisis that was about to end.

    A Wike, acting minister of education, who as a round peg in a square hole is not expected to give what he has not got, predictably merely dusted up the strategy he had successfully used to mobilize ex-Niger Delta militants and workers of his dissolved LGA to prevent Governor Rotimi Amaechi, his former benefactor from ‘sleeping with his two eyes closed’. He is trying to adopt the same strategy to force university professors and their vice chancellors back to work. For good measure, he has been deploying the language of militants to get his message across. Had Wike been able to rise beyond being just the president’s ‘man Friday’, he would have shielded the president by allaying the fears of ASUU. His sole objective would have been getting ASUU to call off the strike.

    Then Dr Doyin Okupe was brought in to do what he knows how to do best, boasting, blowing hot and cold, and verbally assaulting the president’s perceived enemies with his caustic tongue. Were Okupe to be competent, sincere and not an accessory to federal government politics of subterfuge, his objective would have been getting the information he claimed to have to ASUU, leaving it with no choice but to call off the strike.

    And finally if we are still looking for evidence of absence of governance in our country, the president himself provided that. He woke up one morning and in one fell swoop sacked 10 ministers including that of education sector which remains the only key to our future. Three months down the line, the president carries on as if to confirm the fears of Nigerians that our nation is managed by a small group of conmen who have by their antecedents demonstrated they care for anyone but themselves.

     

  • Constitutional dialogue: We need an arbiter

    He have passed through this way before. It is often the last resort of our past deceitful leaders. Motivated often by predilection for perfidious politics, they often come up with the idea of a national conference as a diversionary measure. It is a weapon freely used by Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo not to enrich constitutional development, but to commit fraud. The nation got little joy from the conferences of 1988, 1994/95 and 2005. It is not therefore difficult to understand why President Jonathan, confronted with five months ASUU strike, facing local and international criticism over his corruption-ridden administration, and an intra-party PDP crisis that threatens his 2015 ambition, he has after four years of initial resistance to a call for a sovereign national conference to resolve the national question, suddenly changed his position without explanation.

    And for now the debate about the composition of delegates has pitched credible Nigerians with genuine concern for the health of our nation against government apologists and contractors. While Wole Soyinka has for instance suggested only elected representative of the people should be delegates, Dr Fasehun, leader of OPC militant group wants government and political parties exempted. While Ohaneze, the umbrella body for the Igbos wants equal representation of ethnic groups, the Arewa Consultative Forum has rejected the suggestion saying ethnic groups are not equal. While the Convener of the Yoruba Assembly, Gen. Alani Akinrinade (rtd), has suggested the adoption of the Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO)’s 18 nationality region-structure for drawing the list of delegates, others have said the conference will be enriched if we have representative of NADECO, a body that is responsible for our current democracy.

    And still to tie the hands of President Jonathan who has publicly claimed he is never moved to action by public opinion, and who is known for tucking reports such as the Uwais electoral reform report and the Ribadu report of monumental fraud in the oil industry, that he and his party cannot exploit for political advantage, under his locker, others have suggested the involvement of United Nations representative, Britain, our ex-colonial master and other lovers of our country like ambassador Omowale Walter Carrington.

    And my sympathy lies with the last group. History is on their side. In the absence of the colonial master with a big stick, we have in the last 53 years proved incapable of producing an acceptable constitution to manage our affairs. And I think the time to stop hiding under sovereignty that died long before the age of globalization, the god the world worships today, and admit we need help is now.

    The starting point is to examine where we are coming from. Let us remember that at the height of our nationalist struggle to take over from the colonial masters, Britain had warned that it was their presence that guaranteed a measure of stability and that their departure ‘would mean for millions, a descent into the turmoil of warring sects’. This has long become a self-fulfilling prophesy. We have fought a civil war. We are currently engaged in another with Boko Haram. We are under the assault of ethnic irredentists’ sponsored militants. We are daily assaulted and assailed by armed robbers, kidnappers and thieving government ministers and lawmakers, all taking the form of warring sects as predicted.

    We can also note from insight that the golden era of our constitutional development was between 1946 and 1959. That was when the colonial masters held a big stick to ensure we behaved ourselves. The 1946 constitution which heralded in regionalism provided for unity in diversity and opened the way for participation of the nationalists and traditional rulers. The 1951 Constitution which they supervised created House of Representatives of 136 elected members, 68 from the north, 31 elected members and three members of the House of Chiefs from the West, and 34 elected members from the East. There was not just parity between the north and the south, provision for a bicameral legislature for the West and the North, was made, while the East was contented with a unicameral legislature.

    Similarly, with the supervision of the colonial masters, the 1953 London Constitutional Conference was without rancour as it allocated specific powers to the centre leaving the residual list for the regions. The 1957 Constitutional Conference paved the way for self-government for the West and the East without posing a threat to the North that was not ready. At the end, the British gave us a written constitution patterned after their own unwritten constitution that has endured only on convention for centuries.

    The question is why our written constitution collapsed in less than five years. The fault, we will discover, is not in our stars but in the character of our leaders like Tafawa Balewa, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, Awolowo some of whom were motivated only by greed using their ethnic groups as cover.

    Of the three dominant groups, that have been used by the political elite to hold the nation to ransom since independence, the west and its true leaders have remained faithful to its preference for a federation of ethnic nationalities where each group can develop at its own pace without posing a threat to other federating members or to the overall health of the greater Nigerian nation. As for Ahmadu Bello and Balewa, the North would only be part of a federation where they could control 50% of member of the House of Representatives and the north remains unrestrained from imposing feudal control over areas conquered during the early 19th century jihad. They got everything they wanted under the British.

    The East and its leaders have remained the most ambivalent. Zik first canvassed for a unitary system. After becoming a late convert to federalism, Zik and the political elite from the East against the spirit of the 1951 Constitution attempted to take over the West through NCNC. After the first coup of January 1966, the East and its leaders attempted imposition of unitary system through Ironsi and when that also failed, it demanded a confederal arrangement with the East controlling the oil rich minorities.

    It was the greed of northern and eastern political elite to hold on to claimed conquered territories or areas mischievously regarded as ‘no man’s land’ that brought them into coalition in the first republic. It collapsed over sharing of booty from their adventure into Mid-west following NCNC’s takeover of the new region, which was followed by NPC dumping of NCNC as a coalition partner in favour of a fringe political party also from the same Mid-west region. It is the same greed that informed their coalition in the Second Republic which also collapsed over sharing of resources that rightly belong to others. It is the same greed that has sustained the East and the North in PDP in the last 14 years.

    From the discussion so far, it is obvious Nigerians don’t trust President Jonathan, the convener of the new conference, who has continued to behave as if he is elected to serve PDP.

    And what Nigerians have for their legislators who according to the president will decide the fate of the conference, is disdain. Widely regarded as the highest paid legislators in the world, Nigerians think they serve none but themselves.

    Cynical Nigerians think without the threat of a big brother, the outcome of the conference will be more of the same. And some have even predicted if the list of nominees for the proposed conference comes out tomorrow, it is likely going to be peopled not by Nigerian national icons like Soyinka, the Nobel laureate sought after by great nations of the world to proffer solution to mankind problems, Emeka Anyaoku, the world respected former Secretary General of the 53-nation Commonwealth, and our highly principled Col. Kangiwa Abubakar. In their places, they predict we will likely have entertainers like ubiquitous Ebenezer Babatope, Ojo Maduekwe and Jerry Gana.

    Why then should we be ashamed to seek help after groping in the darkness for over 50 years (1963-2013) – those who believe we need the help of Britain have asked. If you ask me, I will say why not?

  • Kokori deserted as JTF, Kelvin’s gang battle for control

    Kokori deserted as JTF, Kelvin’s gang battle for control

    The Joint Task Force (JTF), Operation Pulo Shield, has uncovered an armoury of the suspected kidnap kingpin and leader of the Liberation Movement of Urhobo People (LiMUP), Kelvin Ibruvwe (aka Oniarah), in Koko, Ethiope East Local Government Area of Delta State.

    The discovery of the weaponry followed an intense push by men of the Sector 1 Command of the JTF to rid the Urhobo town of remnant of the ragtag army purportedly led by Ibruvwe, who was arrested in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on September 25.

    The Nation learnt that no fewer than 10 of Kelvin’s gang members, including his second and third in-command, Mr. Rufus Ovwigho (aka Don Jazzy), who succeeded Kelvin after his arrest and Ezegbe Ogheneruno (aka Commander Kelly) had been killed since the operation to rid the area of criminals began.

    Also, 12 members of the gang, including a member of the team which abducted a security expert, Dr. Ona Ekomu, have been arrested.

    A dilapidated storey building located off Market Road in the heart of the town was captured by the JTF during a bloody shootout, which lasted from the early hours of last Thursday till Saturday.

    The volume of arms and ammunition recovered from the building could not be ascertained, but our visit to the town yesterday showed that troops have taken over control and secured it with no fewer than 10 military checkpoints manned by stern-looking soldiers in strategic locations.

    The Commanding Officer of the 3 Battalion, Lt.-Col. Ifeanyi Otu, who spoke with reporters in the deserted town yesterday, said the internal security operation to rid the area of criminal and ensure security of life, property and to create a conducive environment for lawful activities had been carried out.

    He said: “This internal security role has been carried out by the synergy of officers and men of the services, mainly the Army, the Navy, the Air Force and the Department of State Services (DSS).”

    Although Lt.-Col. Otu was silent on the number of casualty, if any, resulting from the bloody duels, a source in the team, which confronted the gang members, told our reporter that they were armed with sophisticated weapons and ammunition.

    “They (youths) took position on storey buildings and fired at us for several hours. It was clear that they wanted to regain control of the community. We overpowered them and tightened our hold,” the military source added.

    A community source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said at least two members of the gang were gunned down, while others, who sustained gunshot injuries, were taken away from the scene by their members.

    However, the JTF boss lamented the activities of some of the community’s leaders, who he accused of encouraging the criminal activities of the group, stressing: “The conspiracy of silence maintained by the community leaders and especially its elders fanned the embers of these criminals. It also encouraged the establishment of a kidnap/militant groups led by Kelvin Ibruvwe.”

    The Nation’s visit yesterday showed that Kokori had become like a ghost town as over 95 per cent of its inhabitants had fled the community in the wake of the recent bloody clashes between troops and members of the armed gang. Nearly all the houses in the communities’ main quarters were empty.

    Scenes of destruction and carnage dotted the town: windows and doors were smashed. Over 50 cars and motorcycles were either destroyed or burnt. One of the victims was said to be a visitor, who drove his girlfriend to the town on Friday. His car was burnt as used to barricade the main road leading to the Egba Shrine in the centre of the town.

    The shrine was still smouldering yesterday. JTF sources said troops were engaged in an hour-long gun fight with the gangs, who took cover at the shrine before they were overpowered. The shrine was believed to render the militants invincible and bulletproof.

    The masterminds of the latest destruction were a subject of debate between the community leaders and the JTF authority.

    Residents accused troops of looting shops and houses in the wake of the abandonment of the town by residents and criminals. One of the leaders, who spoke with our reporter, said his house was among those looted.

    However, Lt.- Col. Otu debunked the allegations, saying: “The allegation of destruction and looting of property by the troops is not true. The daily administration is closely monitored by five officers; discipline is maintained as one is not unaware of the possible fallout in an operation of this nature.”

    He said the allegations were meant to draw sympathy from those who knew nothing about what was going on in the town before the current situation, adding: “It is an attempt to undermine the good work the troops are doing in Kokori, aimed at restoring law and order in a community, which hitherto drifted towards anarchy.

    “The headquarters of Sector 1 under the command of Brig.-Gen. Pat Akem has the backing of the state government to maintain law and order and restore normalcy in Kokori. It is on record that the rate of kidnapping and armed robbery has reduced in Edo and Delta states following the ongoing operations,” he added.

    Otu appealed to the indigenes to cooperate with the troops in the ongoing operations to restore normalcy.