Category: Jide Oluwajuyitan

  • Balarabes’ unending wars with northern establishment

    Balarabes’ unending wars with northern establishment

     Ibrahim Balarabe Musa is a scion of his illustrious father, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, a Nigerian left-wing politician who fought the northern establishment and remained committed to his ideals despite having his nose bruised. Balarabe Musa, the father, was elected governor of Kaduna State in 1979. His tenure however was truncated when he was impeached on June 23, 1981. He was to later attribute his impeachment to his efforts at creating a more equitable, just and egalitarian society for the people of the north.

    Ibrahim Balarabe seems to have followed in the footstep of his father. Where most northern elite who hope to get integrated into the ruling hegemonic class in the north through politics, marriage or businesses kept their peace and live in denial, Ibrahim, like his illustrious father, was ready to speak truth to power by calling a spade by its name. In an interview with Punch newspapers not too long ago, he insisted “the worst enemies of the north are the northern governors.” For him, successive northern governors should be held responsible for the ravaging poverty in the north. And as for the current insecurity in the north, while he believes that the ordinary people in the north are good and peace-loving, he did not spare the politicians, retired military officers and civil servants

    Apart from Nuhu Ribadu, current National Security Adviser who accused the northern governors of having little to show for the over N8tn collected as allocation between 1999 and 2015 as against Ahmadu Bello who maintained security, built the biggest business conglomerate in Africa, south of the Sahara, established Ahmadu Bello University among others with revenue less than what one local government today collects as allocation, other northern leaders have continued to play the ostrich.

    Read Also: ECOWAS Court says Nigeria violated citizens’ rights during 2020 Lekki toll gate protest 

    A journey through history easily confirms the fact that the northern leaders are the scourge of northern masses. The north at independence constituted five–eighths of the entire territory of Nigeria with 56 per cent of the entire population. Their system according to Awolowo “was feudal and autocratic at best, oligarchic and authoritarian and completely antithetical to liberal tradition of the Western Region and egalitarian beliefs of the Eastern Region”. He therefore believed “the problem of Nigeria “cannot be solved until the problem of the north has been solved”. To therefore avoid social dislocation we are today witnessing in the north, Awolowo canvassed for the introduction of universal adult suffrage, free education, Abolition of electoral colleges and territorial commission to revise boundaries.

    But the northern political elite who only see the northern masses as instruments for political bargaining would have none of Awolowo’s apocalyptic prediction. And while they sent their own children to the best schools in the world, back home, they groomed an army of ‘almajiris’ and ‘labourers born labourers’, who they periodically lionized to terrorize southern leaders including Awolowo and Azikiwe who tried to spread message of freedom and liberty to the north.

     In the early fifties, NPC had an extremist terrorist group which called itself the MAHAUKATA (madmen) and NEPU, “Positive Action Wing’. When AG decided to carry its crusade to Kano, the mad men and the cruder inhabitants of both and old Kano cities were making cutlasses and stick ready to receive the people “who had insulted their leaders”. The northern leaders of the period were determined to stop both Zik and Akintola from lecturing their young men. An attempt to prevent AG’s S. L. Akintola from lecturing northern youths on democracy in 1953 left 40 dead in Kano.

    Seventy years later, not much has changed. At the beginning of the 4th republic, 13 northern governors allegedly sent northern youths for indoctrination under Osama Bin Laden while hibernating in Sudan. Many of them came back as the governors were institutionalising what Obasanjo called “political Sharia”, to form the nucleus of today’s insurgents groups including Boko Haram, herdsmen killer group and bandits that have today made the north ungovernable.

     Unfortunately northern leaders have continued to play the ostrich. And instead of retracing their steps back by rejecting feudalism and embracing modernity, they have been trying to export northern self-inflicted tragedy to the south. This became apparent under the Buhari presidency when his “loyal gatekeepers”, serving other tendencies in his government tried to justify infiltration of southern reserved forest by armed killer herdsmen.

    When the southern leaders called for restructuring  as a reaction to attempt by northern elected politicians including President Buhari and those in the National Assembly to export self-inflicted tragedies of the north to the south, northern political elite pretended not to know the meaning of restructuring. But except for the fact that they are playing the ostrich, they have Tafawa Balewa’s speech at the 1954 London Conference as a guide. Balewa in the speech had said “The future of Nigeria will be imperilled by anything but a loose federation; there should be complete regional autonomy and the regions should be allowed to develop at their own pace without interference in their affairs from other regions.”

    As against confederacy, our founding fathers settled for federalism, a social system that equally has the capacity of liberating individuals and groups from the tyranny of the state.

    And when tragedy struck with substitutions of federalism with ‘unitarism’ by ill-informed soldiers, the military social engineering strategies including quota system of admission into the tertiary institutions, military and the bureaucracy and revenue allocation formula that did not allocate value to productivity, the parasitic northern governors and their southern counterparts who go to Abuja cap in hand every month to collect handout from a dysfunctional centre, have little incentive to address the challenges of governance.

    The above provides the answer to Ribadu’s question. After all, economists have long warned that failure to abide with law of input-output which requires a corresponding input into output will lead to disequilibrium. It is therefore not an accident that northern governors and their southern counterparts often squander free monies they did not work for, on marrying new wives or buying new houses in and outside the country as we have seen through various EFCC probes.

    This was the reason ‘Statisense’ (UNIICEF, 2023) recorded about 15.28million out of school children in the north  as against 2.58m of the south, despite the existence of counterpart funding and Universal Basic Education schemes which many governors have refused to access.

     It was also the reason the 2022 Multi-dimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report said the north with an average poverty index of between 0.351 and 0.425 is leading other regions of the country. (The Guardian July 7, 2023).

    And as for the current challenges of Boko-Haram insurgency, banditry and kidnapping for ransom, that have turned the north into hell on earth, Muazu Babangida Aliyu, speaking as a guest lecturer at Annual Lecture and General Meeting of the Kaduna chapter of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) on December 2, 2023 attributed them to political elite corruption which he said “is the mainframe that eroded northern Nigeria’s values and continue to fuel insecurity in the north”

    That the northern population which is supposed to be a blessing has become a disaster is not because the northerners are unproductive but because they have been betrayed by leaders who only see them as instrument for political bargaining. That the majority of the northern governors since the birth of the 4th republic failed to take advantage of counterpart funding to take some of the over 15m ‘out of School children’ off the street just as they did not see the imperative of setting up marketing boards to safeguard the interest of northern farmers who are periodically swindled by middlemen, only but confirm the Balarabe’s claim that northern governors are the scourge of the northern masses.

  • Keyamo’s victories and challenges

    Keyamo’s victories and challenges

    The aviation industry was a pride of Nigerians and remembering the glorious years of Nigeria Airways only brings the past to pain. With 33 aircrafts flown by Nigerian pilots directly to London, New York and other parts of the world, Nigerian airline passengers were proud to be Nigerians. I have never forgotten the joy and pride I felt being flown in the late seventies and early eighties, first from Lagos to Port Harcourt for my NYSC and later from Lagos to London by a Captain Robert Adegbulugbe, my secondary school senior at St Joseph College Ondo. I am sure many Nigerians craving for the return of the glorious days of Nigerian Airways also share this nostalgic feeling.

    But like everything else the Nigerian military and their ‘new breed’ politicians that breed only corruption touched, the Nigerian Airways was destroyed.  President Obasanjo’s 2001 judicial commission on Nigeria Airways indicted two former aviation ministers: – Alabo Graham-Douglas, a former presidential candidate, and Patrick Koshoni, a retired Admiral from the Nigerian Navy. In total, 90 government officials were named in the report. The probe uncovered “Fraudulent invoicing and questionable payments, and payments made for planes that were never delivered. Others included free tickets and assets stripping including the sale of Nigeria Airways House in London for less than half its value.

    Unfortunately aviation ministers since 1999 from Olusegun Agagu, Babalola Borisade, Isa Yuguda, Femi Fani-Kayode, Fidelia  Njeze, Stella Oduah to Hadi Sirika (2019-2023)  have been unable to recreate the lost glorious past. Quite a number of them in fact ended up getting their fingers burnt. And no thanks to the entrenched bureaucracy in the aviation industry.

    In this regard, Isa Yuguda was recently heard lamenting openly how his effort to bring back the lost glory of Nigeria Airways by securing a direct flight from Lagos to Britain and Nigeria to New York by partnering with Richards Branson’s “Virgin Atlantic”, was sabotaged by his successors.

    According to him “Virgin Nigeria, was founded in 2004 as a replacement for the then-defunct Nigeria Airways, as a joint venture between Nigerian investors and British billionaire Richard Branson’s Virgin Group’. Partnering with Branson, for him, was the best for Nigeria because “he has Virgin Australia, Virgin America, Virgin India, and so many others, which are very successful airlines.”

     But according to him “we blew the opportunity’ because his successors “decided to advise the government that they should drive away Richard Branson who was on CNN, saying, ‘Nigeria is the worst place you can do business’. Yuguda predicted that ‘Nigeria might need no less than $200-$300 million to be able to set up an airline that it can call its own”.

    This was the genesis of the gamble with Ethiopian Airline project, suspended in September last year by Minister Festus Keyamo.

    Following the submission of the report of a probe to the president, Keyamo on May 27 spoke of a ‘‘national carrier’ that was supposed to be an indigenous project, sparking hope for Nigerians, but was flawed with a lot of secrecy and fraudulent activities.”

    Days earlier, precisely on Thursday May 23, Hadi Abubakar Sirika, his brother Ahmad Abubakar Sirika and two companies Enginos Nigeria Limited and Samahah Integrated Investment Limited were, arraigned by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, before Justice S.B. Belgore on an amended 10-count charge bordering on contract fraud to the tune of N5.8 billion.

    But before him was Aviation Minister Stella Oduah who was accused of mismanaging a N500b Chinese loan to rehabilitate and upgrade some airport infrastructures. Accused of laundering public funds to the tune of about N5 billion, in connivance with others, she was subsequently arraigned alongside Gloria Odita, Nwosu Emmanuel, Nnamdi, Chukwuma, Irene Chinyere, Global Offshore and Marine Ltd, Tip Top Global Resources Ltd, Crystal Television Ltd, Sobora International Ltd and China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation Nigeria Ltd.

    Read Also: Keyamo advocates inclusion of African Foreign Affairs Ministers in SAATM implementation

    And before her was former Aviation Minister Femi Fani-Kayode, who was arrested by Nigeria’s anti-corruption agency in 2008 over alleged mismanagement of some amount meant for the rehabilitation of some airport runways but discharged in February 2014 because Keyamo, the EFCC prosecuting lawyer could not prove his case beyond reasonable doubt.

    Following his appointment as Aviation Minister, Keyamo decided to take the battle directly to the bureaucrats in the aviation industry while resolving from the onset that “transparency, team spirit and selflessness are key principles that can lead to the actualization of the mandate given to him by the president for the aviation sector.”

    Some of his recorded victories include stopping the indiscriminate parking by government ‘big men’ and security  personnel at the entrance of MM International Airport; relocation of FAAN’s headquarters from Abuja to Lagos, citing the fact that the agency spent about N1 billion in 2023 on Duty Tour Allowance (DTA) and air tickets for travels between Abuja and Lagos; ensuring the clearance of the longstanding backlog of trapped funds for foreign airlines and withdrawing the ticket payment exemption granted to highly placed Nigerians at the nation’s airports.

    He has also taken the battle to private aircraft owners.  He has while inaugurating a Ministerial Taskforce Committee alleged that some private aircraft operating in Nigeria are being used for ‘money laundering, drug trafficking and other illegal activities.’ He cited the National Security Adviser’s letter “alerting us of the spike in money laundering, drug-trafficking and other illegal activities through the use of private aircrafts in the country”.

    Keyamo’s latest victory over evil men in government was the outcome of  the House Committee on Public Assets investigation reports on the purported sale of two Bell 206L-3 helicopters  belonging to the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology (NCAT), Zaria, Kaduna. The two helicopters, Bell 206L4 BZB and Bell M2061-L4, were bought during ex-President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration at $2.4 billion but were hurriedly sold in March 2023, days before the end of the Buhari administration by the College of Aviation authorities at $1.2 billion without the approval of the Federal Executive Council.

     Based on the report of the Committee, the House of Representatives last Tuesday ordered the immediate arrest of an alleged unlicensed auctioneer and NCAT’s Director of Quality Control by the Police for allegedly providing false information on oath, and the sale of two helicopters for $1.2 billion.

    Even with the baleful legacies of past aviation ministers, failure is not an option for activist Keyamo; otherwise he will have no constituency to return to. But it is however hoped he understands that in spite of some evil men in government, there is no alternative to government because men are fortune seekers who only want freedom to preside over an empire of slaves.

    This is why only billionaires get government bail outs.

    In November 2020, government according to Hadi Sirika, approved the sum of N4 billion as bailout funds for airlines to cushion the effects of COVID-19. This was in addition to additional USD2.5 million in funding to aviation agencies, there was a zero duty on imported aircraft, zero VAT (value-added tax) on imported aircraft, zero VAT on air transport tickets, forcing the chairman of Peace Airline to admit “Nigeria Airlines have never had it so good”.

    Between 2012 -2020, there was also the N50bn injected by the Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria (AMCON), ‘solely to stabilize the nation’s aviation sector.

    There was also the CBN 2009 investment of the sum of N300 billion Debenture Stock to be issued by the Bank of Industry to power and airline projects.

     AMCON also went ahead to purchase about US$1bn Non-Performing Loans (NPLs) owed Nigerian banks by major Nigerian airlines, including Aero Contractors, Arik Air, amongst others which did not stop government from taking over  Arik Airline in 2017.

    Nigerian Airways unlike billionaire-owned private airlines, thrived without enslaving Nigerians. The lasting legacy of Keyamo therefore is bringing back Nigerian Airways.

  • In defence of Fubara, the man of peace

    In defence of Fubara, the man of peace

    I sympathise with Governor Siminalayi Fubara. He has been going through stress and strain since his confrontation with his estranged godfather. Despite boasting that he rose to become Accountant General of Rivers State, his detractors have continued to insist that nothing prepared him for the high position he today occupies. He has also been accused of lacking character or what Aristotle described as ‘balance between passion and caution of political actors, a virtue without which democracy is nothing but the tyranny of the majority. For this reason he is said to be unfit to become the custodian of participatory democracy.

    But why should Fubara be made the scapegoat for anti-democratic tendencies of Nigerian politicians? In any case, we have been told that democracy was a new value system embraced by Nigerian new inheritors of power even when democratic institutions it needed to thrive were at formative stages. But even beyond this, it was obvious our new inheritors of power after independence embraced democracy only as a means to an end and not necessarily because they had faith in the democratic system.

    And there is nowhere else this has been expressly demonstrated than among Fubara’s illustrious political forebears of the Niger Delta region. Successive Niger Delta governors from Alfred Diette-Spiff who was governor at 25, found on the high seas cruising with friends in his private ship during 1975 Murtala Obasanjo coup, through Diepreye Alamieseigha, who escaped to Nigeria from London dressed like a woman while facing money laundering charges, Peter Odili, shielded from prosecution for corruption by Nigerian judicial pronouncement, James Ibori who  served jail terms in London for defrauding his Delta State through Rotimi Amaechi and the private jet scandal and Nyesom Wike who according to Prof Itse Sagay rode to government house on the dead bodies of his people, the vicious battle has always been about self-preservation.

    Although he has also been accused of stabbing his benefactor on the back as well as deploying strong-arm tactics and self-help tactics, a euphemism for anarchy in his confrontation with his estranged godfather as if those were not  celebrated virtues his predecessors. I cannot therefore see what Governor Fubara has done differently from his illustrious forebears. He is not the author of self-help tactics. He was not the first to deploy strong –arm tactics in the quest for self- preservation. And he was not the first to falsely swear in the name of Rivers people during their struggle for power.

    Read Also: Rivers youths march to police headquarters in anti-CTC protest

     The Yoruba say that you don’t begrudge a man for resembling his father. Fubara is a true son of his political fathers. Amaechi betrayed Odili his godfather. Wike, the faithful ally, trusted chief of staff and enforcer of Amaechi’s self-help tactics betrayed Amaechi. Fubara also betrayed Wike. It is all family affairs. Although Amaechi and Wike, both belong to Ikwere clan, the former from Ubima in Ikwerre LGA and the later from Rumueprikom in Obio/Akpor council.  That did not stop their fierce Trans-Amadi Road battle of November 11, 2016 during which both resorted to self-help tactics. Speaking of the battle, Simeon Nwakaudu, who claimed Wike was attacked while on project inspection had said: “Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, on Saturday escaped assassination, as Special Anti-Robbery Squad operatives and soldiers of the Nigerian Army in the motorcade of the Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, attacked his convoy.”

    Giving their own narrative, Amaechi’s spokesman had also said “Suddenly, gun-toting security men attached to Wike’s convoy surrounded the minister’s car, threatening to shoot him. They hit the car, tried to smash the windscreens, “The Rivers governor and his troops physically assaulted by slapping and bruising the policemen…the governor made away with the AK-47 rifle of Sgt. Princewill Ubaji”.

    Some of Fubara detractors have also criticized him for leading a solidarity rally made up of jobless youths and errant elders to the torched state House of Assembly before ordering its demolition.  With all the elected Local Council chairmen lining behind Wike and 25 of the 28 House of Assembly declaring their loyalty to him, Fubara only decided to borrow a leave from Amaechi’s playbook.

    It is on record that Amaechi led the invasion of the Rivers State of Assembly when, five members of Rivers House of Assembly swearing in the name of President Jonathan’s wife, impeached the House speaker supported by the majority of members. Amaechi took charge of the police and his thugs who not only rescued his caged loyal lawmakers but also pummelled the five opposition lawmakers to stupor leading to Okey Chindah, having to be flown abroad by PDP for medical treatment.

    From the above, it is difficult to disagree with those who claim Fubara is a man of peace. For instance after Wike’s outburst that he had directed Fubara to ‘‘Do this, do this, do this, do this’, and you agreed before Mr. President and you did not do it”, Fubara, many have argued, could have stopped Wike from coming to mobilise his thugs in Port Harcourt.

    But instead, Fubara, only reminded Wike in case he has forgotten: “I am now in power even if it was by mistake”. It was not until he was threatened with impeachment that he descended to the level of his godfathers with his loyalists the torching of the assembly complex on October 29, 2023 and leading a mob to declare the assembly sick before ordering its demolition.

    To demonstrate he is a successful graduate of Wike’s school of political intrigue and subterfuge, Fubara refused to represent the budget earlier approved by three suspended loyal state lawmakers even after the warring 25 state legislators withdrew their impeachment threat.

    And Fubara, the man of peace, capitalizing on the threat by the 25 lawmakers of Rivers State of Assembly to decamp to APC (the court has since ruled they are not members of APC), Fubara’s three loyal members of the House declared the seats of the 25 majority vacant and got the judiciary to uphold their action.  The same three-man legislature that vetted his budget, screened his new cabinet members also screened his newly appointed Local Council chairmen who were sworn in last week. The method may be different but the goal is the same- self-preservation.

    The Ijaw elders have denounced Fubara’s attempt to position Wike as enemies of Ijaws.  But I don’t think anyone should blame this man of peace for attempting to exploit ethnic sentiments as part of war strategy against his estranged godfather. Let us remember that the roads to power by both Amaechi and Wike were paved with appeal to ethnic sentiments.

    It is on record that when Governor Amaechi was accused of betraying Niger Delta by not supporting President Jonathan’s re-election bid, his shrill cry was “They have taken our oil wells from Etche; they have taken our oil wells from Kalabari; they have taken our oil wells from Andoni and they are battling to take over those in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni. We are losing our oil wells every day; …Part of the problems were facing now is that we are fighting to protect our oil wells.”

    And similarly when in 2016, Itse Sagay alleged “Wike climbed to the governorship seat over dead bodies”, Wike who called Sagay a frustrated intellectual because “APC was not allowed to overrun the state and loot its treasury dry” also admitted through his information commissioner that he “had urged on his people to defend their right to freely choose their leaders with their blood”.

    Fubara, the man of peace, while avoiding the violent rough road trodden by his godfathers, is driven by no less self-serving objective- self-preservation.

  • Plus ca change plus ca meme chose: Between American and South African politics

    Plus ca change plus ca meme chose: Between American and South African politics

    I have been an avid watcher of American and South African politics since my first year in the university in 1963 and I had thought the promise for the world was the possibility of change in the two countries’ politics which I thought would usher in revolutionary changes in race relations for good in global politics. Recent events in the two countries have raised doubts in my mind about the course of events in global politics.

    Why I thought the two countries offered humanity the opportunity for change either peacefully or otherwise was because I saw similarities in the politics of the countries and the roles of race and the ability of man to rise above the racial demons that seem to dog mankind in the 20th century the most wicked of which climaxed in the Nazi holocaust against the Jews in Europe. The differences between the two countries are of course stark. America is a new country settled by Europeans and Africans after virtually wiping out the indigenous native tribes. The country was built on racial injustice against the natives and the forced labour of African slaves and the skill and genius of the white man. It is a vast country which had the chance and opportunity of satisfying the greed and cupidity of man if some balance could be forged between the acquisitive urge of man and man’s basic humanity of fairness.

    I thought with the right political leadership, this was possible. On the other hand, South Africa is both a white settler country in an old continent inhabited by hardy and tough black people who could not be easily wiped off the map. It presented humanity a fait accompli of a country built on the abundance of black native labour and black land expropriated by settler whites whose genius has brought some development without a sense of sharing and fairness.

    Read Also: South Africa’s xenophobic attacks

    How the two emergent countries were to resolve the contradictions in their countries presented mankind challenges which some of us have watched in the last 60 or so years with interest. Of course, South Africa does not have the resources and power of the United States but it however provides a paradigm, albeit on a smaller scale, on the possible resolution of a difficult human problem.

    In the 1960s, both countries presented a sharp racial divide which at that time seems to be an unbridgeable racial chasm. The South African situation did not present mankind simple political solution but a dire problem which only violence could resolve. The Americans between 1860 and 1865 had fought a civil war causes among which were how a so-called free society should not be a slave holding country. The victory of the North against the South did not resolve the problem because the problem continued in a most wicked form of political and physical segregation of the blacks who were herded to undeveloped parts of the South and when they migrated to the north, the urban ghettos replaced the slave plantations. But in spite of this, and with the right leadership, there were glimmers of hope for change. Violence is as American as apple pie is, so some violence was expected along the way for social and political changes in America.

    The emergence of the new African Congress and particularly the Umkotho we Siswe – “The Spear of the Nation” led by such young people like Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela marked the turning point of politics of liberation in South Africa from agitational demonstration to armed struggle illustrating the aphorism that when peaceful change is made impossible, revolutionary struggle becomes inevitable. This is the evidence of history.

    The 1960s in America and South Africa witnessed revolutionary confrontations between the forces of change and maintaining the status quo. The age was also the age of African independence and liberation agitation and these had impact on the politics of the people out of the power loop in the two countries. The blacks in the USA wanted enfranchisement and economic opportunities. In South Africa, they wanted the same thing and equality with the settlers which means ultimately, transfer of power to the majority black peoples. The whites in America were not faced with this choice whereas this was the choice faced by the settler regime in South Africa and it was a matter of fight to finish, surrender and or perish. Therefore their resistance was bloody and blatant.

    They even became, in the 1970s, a nuclear weapons state ready to bring Armageddon on not only South Africa but on the entire continent. They were aided in their acquisition of this lethal armament by right wing forces in America, Europe and Israel. There was no room for accommodation whereas in the United States, it was found possible to enfranchise the blacks and blunt whatever revolutionary fervour that was driving political agitation and agenda in the country. The result of this in the United States was the election of several black mayors and a few Congress men and women and a sprinkling of one or two senators but hardly any governor. This change certainly blunted the raging urban riots of the 1960s.

    The pressure of young black revolutionary movements and the civil rights movement led by Dr Martin Luther King  culminated in the civil Rights Bill of 1965 which despite its limitations has given black Americans a window of opportunity to be politically equal even if still economically deprived and dependent. No one can deny that progress has been made. The election of Barack Obama is a recognition of the black progress but which unfortunately has raised the banners of reaction, retrogressions and political and social segregation and violence in thought and deed manifested by Donald Trump and his MAGA movement.  The America of President Barack Obama now appears so distant in the past and the hope for a peaceful balance of races a forlorn hope.

    Events in South Africa moved rapidly from the country’s precipitously crashing down of the decades before the 1990s to a period which witnessed the release of Nelson Mandela from prison. From prison to the presidential palace, remains an epic story of what is possible as epitomised by the Mandela story in South Africa. The coming to power of the African National Congress and the installation of Nelson Mandela as president in 1994 remains one of the great landmarks in the history of African decolonisation and political change and transfer of power from an entrenched powerful minority to a majority that is economically and technologically unprepared for power. South Africa has therefore struggled on gingerly with the black majority incapacitated by the vagaries of economic reforms that have left the real power in the hands of the white minority thus creating a tale of two societies in one country bifurcated by race in which the haves and have nots have virtually remained the same as it was under the apartheid regime. The radicalism of the African National Congress has not translated into jobs, housing, land and economic empowerment of the black majority in South Africa. The recent loss of power by the  ANC and  its forming a coalition government with the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party of Buthelezi and other holdouts of the apartheid era, throws us back to where the country was decades ago and it is an acceptance of the fact that the black majority needs the white minority to make progress.

    There may be nothing wrong with accepting this reality but it certainly gives room for thought that despite the sloganeering of the ANC, nothing really has changed and the blacks remain at the bottom of the ladder in South Africa.

    America and South Africa remain racially as divided as they have always been. South Africa from the evidence of the last election in which the most powerful national group, the Zulus voted for tribal Zulu parties, Jacob Zuma’s Umkotho We Siswe and Inkatha Freedom Party of the Zulu tribalism Buthelezi, is moving towards tribal politics which remains the bane of African politics and the cause for African underdevelopment which was why the settlers were able to divide and rule the country for centuries. Incredibly, America of Donald Trump is moving in the same direction of political tribalism in which many of his supporters are even denying that America is a democracy.

    Some argue that they have never been a democracy. This may be true but I have never heard this said by high ranking politicians before. If they are not a democracy then what is America then? Without shame, some say America is a republic others say it is a constitutional republic. Some Republicans including Donald Trump openly say if they lose the 2024 elections, there will be a civil war in the United States because they will not accept their loss. In a situation where the Republican Party is the party of the privileged whites and loudly announcing that America is “white country”, we seem to be back to pre-civil war America of a tale of two cities in the Dickensian terminology. We are all going to hell and we are all going to heaven!

    Nothing really has changed in America and South Africa, one country manifesting dictatorship of the racial majority while the other showing control and influence of an economically dominant minority.

  • Kara ram market and contestation over citizenship

    Kara ram market and contestation over citizenship

    Last Thursday, I spent two hours between Kara Bridge cattle market and Berger bus stop, a distance of about two kilometres as a result of activities of ram sellers and ram buyers. On Friday, motorists and other road users were stranded in the Kara traffic gridlock for hours with some residents of Isheri North in Lagos State and those of Mowe, Ibafo, and Arepo in Ogun State choosing to put up with friends for the night in Omole Estate. With the traffic build-up stretching as far back as the Third Mainland Bridge from early hours of Saturday, it was a nightmare for motorists and residents who were forced to spend several hours in the gridlock.

    By “Sunday (Eid day), the situation according to Punch newspaper report “became worse with a loaded truck falling to its side on the Otedola Bridge area of the expressway and spilling its contents on the road with a similar incident along the Long Bridge section”. Added to this was the plight of outside-bound travellers and Muslims on last minute rush to buy rams at cheaper rate. Unfortunately, the presence of men of the Rapid Response Squad, (RRS), complemented by men of the Federal Road Safety Commission, (FRSC) brought little relief to Nigerians.

    The Kara ram market tragedy is cyclical as it is re-enacted during every Muslim ‘IIeya’ season. As successive governors of Ogun and Lagos states, neck deep in ‘politics of cow and ram’ writhe their hands in helplessness over the odious comparison as to who between cows and humans should enjoy citizenship status, our politicians especially the over-paid lawmakers in Abuja are playing the ostrich pretending not to know the difference between citizenship rights and privileges and animals right.

     In fact ex-President Buhari’s Attorney General, Abubakar Malami, to drive home his crooked syllogism, tried to equate the rights of Ibo traders in the northern cities to those of marauding cows in the reserved forests of Ondo State, protected by AK-47 wielding immigrant criminal herders. On the same page with Malami was President Buhari’s first Defence Minister, Mansur Mohammed Dan Ali. He once asked a rhetorical question “if you block the old grazing routes for cows, what do you expect” as a reaction to the murder of over 90 farmers by herders in Benue State. Their crooked logic was that cows and human beings have similar citizenship rights in Nigeria.

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    They were not alone.  In the eighth assemblies, some northern lawmakers spoke of consequences of shooting down the laws that would have allowed cows to graze freely on the farmlands of farmers in the federating states. And as late as last week, during the passage for second reading of  “A Bill to Establish a National  Husbandry and Ranches Commission for the Regulation and Control of Ranches  sponsored by Senator Titus Zam, Senate President Godswill Akpabio had to remind Senator Aliero who was opposed to the bill, that “cows are no citizens of Nigeria”.

    But back to Kara ram market where successive Ogun State governors have been playing ‘politics of ram and cow’, apparently to be in the good books of powerful northern politicians. Governor Gbenga Daniel had an opportunity to relocate the Kara ram market some 21 years back during Obasanjo’s presidency. But Daniel chose to serve his own personal interest. He deployed huge resources to sand-fill a portion of the Kara swamp, paved the roads and erected structures he called ‘Journalists Rendezvous’ which collapsed after his tenure. By his admission during his recent interview with Channels TV, he founded his own newspapers to fight Aremo Olusegun Osoba, his predecessor and a veteran journalist believed to have the sympathy of the media following the way he was rigged out of office by Obasanjo and Tony Anenih’s rigging machine that secured for him more votes than the total registered Ogun voters.

    Governor Ibikunle Amosun, with his one-metre long cap was also at Kara ram market for a road show after his election some 13 years back. He was said to have given the ram sellers an ultimatum to relocate to an alternative place, a directive which was ignored all through his eight years in office while cows enjoyed more privileges than his Ogun State citizens. It is also on record that Governor Dapo Abiodun threatened fire and brimstone to uphold the rights of his Ogun State people over cows when he first assumed office in 2019. Five years on, his besieged Ogun State citizens and motorists are still at the mercy of cows and rams at Kara market.

    Many have wondered if self-proclaiming Yoruba politicians whose only claim to “Awoism” is adorning his cap, created time to read some of his books or understudy his economic management blueprint which focused on development of human capital, through free education up to primary school in 1952, extended to secondary school by UPN that in 1979 “ran free education and free health programmes, created industrial and residential estates, and established universities, etc.”?

    And this only calls to question the preparedness of successive Yoruba governors since the beginning of the fourth republic. Their forebears starting with Obafemi Awolowo, the sage, his lieutenants including Bisi Onabanjo, Adekunle Ajasin, Bola Ige, Lateef Jakande and Ambrose Alli, set a pattern to follow with their citizen-centred policies.

    And their legacies ‘were in the areas of education, agriculture and food security, industrialization, employment generation, and massive physical and social infrastructures development’. The ill-advised balkanization of the region led to the ceding of some companies including the Odua Textiles, Okitipupa Oil Palm Limited, etc. to Ondo State, while Western Livestock Company, among other agricultural projects, went to Oyo State with Ogun State inheriting Apoje and Lomiro Oil palms, as well as Ilushin and Ikenne rubber plantations etc.

    But “regrettably”, as observed by a concerned Ogun citizen at a time, “none of the professed ‘Awoists’ that governed the state during the last two decades took any concrete steps to save Apoje, Lomiro, Ilushin and Ikenne plantations from destructive exploitation and progressive deterioration. It is the hope and fervent prayers of the good people of Ogun State that Governor Amosun would take proactive and measurable steps to resuscitate all Awo’s agro-economic legacies”.

    How can new inheritors of power in a region whose economic management revolved around the production of human capital, which found expression in the introduction of “free education up to the primary school level as far back as 1952 and extended to the secondary school level under the Unity Party of Nigeria, that in 1979, introduced education support at tertiary level, introduced free health programmes, created industrial and residential estates, established universities in Edo, Ondo, Ogun and Lagos be playing games with citizenship  in 2024?

    How can the governors defend the fact that a region which once had an elaborate “agriculture infrastructure including the Cooperative Bank (WEMA Bank) that provided credit facilities to farmers during planting seasons through agricultural cooperative societies and the marketing boards that  provided facilities for the sale of produce through marketing cooperatives” depend on rice, beans, millet, yam, tomato, pepper from other regions while consuming 10,000 cows daily without producing one?

    While federating member states are at liberty to confer citizenship on cows in their own areas, I think the current crop of Yoruba governors must re-event themselves. It is hoped their recent joint meeting would go beyond singing of Yoruba item to a more productive endeavour along the paradigm set by their illustrious forebears.

  • Attorney general and local government autonomy

    Attorney general and local government autonomy

    Last week, the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi dragged the 36 federating states to the Supreme Court. His suit seeks  to “compel the 36 states to grant full autonomy to local governments in their states, prohibits state governors from unilateral, arbitrary and unlawful dissolution  of democratically-elected local government leaders for local governments and restrains the governors, their agents  and privies  from spending and tampering with funds released from the federation accounts for the benefits of the LGAs” when no democratically elected local government system is put in place in the states.

    Finally, it seeks “an order stopping governors from constituting caretaker committees to run their affairs of local governments.”

    I think if the essence of law is to serve the end of justice, the respected legal luminary is chasing shadows. In any case, the problem is not legal but political. Again, to understand what is at stake, we must return to the spot where the rain started to beat us.

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    Colonialism and military rule are two sides of a coin. The irony however is that the former seemed to have had more respect for Nigerians than our military adventurers with their messianic mentality. For instance, the latter pretended to know what we wanted without consulting us and went ahead to foist ill-digested policies which some have likened to brain waves on the country. Such policies include Structural Adjustment Programme, (SAP) which unfortunately turned our nation to importer of the labour of other societies, ‘decreed political parties’ that gulped a whopping N531m as take-off grant with N3b party headquarters later taken over by reptiles, ‘new breed’ politicians that bred only corruption and trading our working four region federal structure with unwieldy and unviable 36 states and 774 LGAs created without objective criteria.

    On the other hand, the honest and well-thought out policies of the former, including their constitutional engineering from the 1920s to 1959, were true reflections of our nation as a multi-cultural and heterogeneous society.

    “Our vision for Nigeria”, Oliver Stanley, declared in 1920, was a “national self-government that secures to each separate people, the right to maintain its identity, its individuality and its nationality, its own chosen form of government, which had been evolved for it by the wisdom and accumulated experiences of generation of its forbearers.” 

    The British imperial powers remained faithful to their avowed undertaking even if they had to apply the ‘stick and carrot’ approach during the constitutional debate that heralded the nation to independence in 1960. Although local government as a concept of government at grassroots level existed long before their arrival, but with some modifications, they allowed the Northern Region and the Western Region to maintain the system of local government they inherited. For the acephalous Igbo society of the Eastern Region, they found temporary solution in warrant chiefs, an experiment that did not endure.  For them, LGA is the tier of government administration that coordinates the activities of citizens at the local community levels and it was a regional affair.

    Thus while the  1914-1950 Native Authority or Indirect Rule reform, was initiated because the traditional rulers who ‘executed delegated policies of the colonial power ‘had no power to meet the demands of their people’ and the 1950 to 1966, Local Administration system stemmed from 1947 policy thrust of the last colonial Secretary of State, Lord Creech-Jones,  that “the key to resolving the problems of African administration lay in the development of an efficient and democratic local government that is close to the people”, Obasanjo’s Local Government  1976 reform was designed not to create but to share the resources of more resourceful states among less resourceful  states to create uniformity, which in itself is an aberration in federalism.

    Of course, Obasanjo like his fellow military adventurers suffers from messianic complex. Hear him: “When in 1976, we brought in local government reforms, it was meant to be the third tier of the government and not meant to be subjected to the whims and caprices of any other government”.

     He ignored the fact that the states are not appendages of the central government but coordinates, operating on the basis of a constitution which allocates power to both tiers of government. It was because of such display of arrogance that many believe the 1976 LGA reform was designed to buy legitimacy for LGAs while undermining state governments as against vehicles for development of the rural areas as canvassed by the then military government.

    What, if one may ask are the objective criteria for creating 413 councils for the north and 355 to the south? What is the argument in support of (Kano and Jigawa that used to be one state with same population as Lagos having federally-funded 71 Local Government Councils to Lagos’ 20? What is the logic in creating uniformity in minimum wage between some states that collect in one month, an allocation some others will collect in one year?

    In any case, trying to separate the local government from the states is like trying to cut the umbilical cord between a foetus and a pregnant expectant mother. The LGAs are the life-wire of the states. The state exists through its creative management of the resources of the local governments. The state without the local governments is an orphan. Let us for a moment accept we want to run a federal system as against the current unitary system where all the federating states go cap in hand to Abuja to collect monthly allocations, where will the state generate funds from if we say the LGAs are independent of the states?

    It is therefore disingenuous to complain that states after collecting their 26.72 per cent share of the Federation Account and proceed to appropriate LG funds under numerous guises. The states own the funds. The federal government is a parasite.

    The federal government by funding local governments that do not report to it indirectly admits it is as interloper. I guess this was why Chukwuma Soludo as CBN governor complained aloud that “Nigeria is the only known federation in the world where the centre funds the local governments that do not report to it”.

    In deed many have also argued that the fact that each state has a ministry of local government and chieftaincy affairs headed by a commissioner, and an elaborate body of laws to guide the operations, is seen as a tacit endorsement of state control.

     It is also on record that President Tinubu’s ACN took the federal government to court over local government financial autonomy. The party’s argument then was that local government could not have financial autonomy because they are not federating units of the federation.  This position was to be upheld by the 2014 Jonathan’s CONFAB that recommended that the federal government only fund the federating states and not LGAs.

    It is therefore an aberration for President Obasanjo, the Attorney General and other ‘mainstreamers’ to continue to refer to the local government as the third tier of government. Such claim is antithetical to the concept of federal arrangement just as it defies the United Nations concept of LGAs as “a political subdivision of a nation or a state in in a federal system.

    The idea of an independent third tier in a nation of two federating units was a brain wave of those with military mind-set of sharing looted resources of conquered territories. Now with little left to share, we must embrace productivity through fiscal federalism.

  • Ajaero’s many strikes

    Ajaero’s many strikes

    Nigerians are groaning under the weight of food inflation which in March this year stood at 41.1 % as a result of the devaluation of the naira and high importation of food items. It is the same with transport inflation which currently stands at about 30% because of government unavoidable removal of fuel subsidy scam costing the country N3trillion loss yearly and consequent increase in pump price of imported petrol. Government has continued to appeal to Nigerians for more sacrifice while assuring us of greater gains after the current pains.

    While most enlightened Nigerians identified with government plea that we cannot have omelette without first breaking an egg, many believe Nigerians are being asked to pay for the sins of unpatriotic Nigerians especially in the oil and banking sector responsible for our current economic nightmare. It was for this reason government came up with some palliatives and also set up a tripartite body of 37 members with organized Labour to look at the issue of minimum wage in the country.

    Unfortunately, as it has turned out, if Joe Ajaero who has not been able to distance himself from the Labour Party and his group are not playing politics, they are out rightly incompetent. While it often takes as much as a year to negotiate a minimum wage in other climes, what manner of Labour leader after two strikes in less than a year, would declare  a third one, arrogantly labelled  “indefinite strike” without a thought for the health of the economy of a nation in distress?

    The immediate cause of Ajaero’s current indefinite strike was because of a stall in negotiation by the tripartite body set up by government that has offered N60,000 as minimum wage as against Organized Private Sector’s (OPS)  N57,000 and Ajaero Labour’s unrealistic N476,000. Obsessed with the federal government headed by their political foe, Ajaero and organized labour forgot that besides the federal government, other stakeholders include the 36 states of the federation, 15 of who are yet to fully implement the N30,000 minimum wage approved by President Buhari in 2019  and 774 LGAs battling for survival.                                                       

    For any competent labour leader, as observed by Daniel Bwala (Atiku’s former spokesman) on TVC programme on Monday, figures presented during wage negotiation must be based on available and verified government resources .The starting point according to him is to find out how much is accruing to government, its distribution and identifying sectors Labour believes can be starved of funds to accommodate its own demand.

    In other words, Ajaero and his group ought to know that the main source of government revenue is taxation: (personal income tax, corporate tax, excise duties, export and import duties, royalties from oil and other minerals, government domestic borrowings through sale of government securities through stock exchange and external borrowings through bonds for long term government loans or borrowings from IMF or World Bank and foreign grants.)

    The above revenue figures can be accessed  by labour leaders during budget debate and budget public hearing  while the  concurrent and capital expenditures the revenues  are to cover can also be scrutinized.

    But instead of going through this constitutional process, what did Ajaero and his fellow politicians masquerading as union leaders do? They came up with arbitrary figures they claimed was based on cost of feeding an individual member of a family of six thrice a day for one month, citing the current price of imported bag of rice.

    But we don’t need to be labour leaders to know that minimum wage is for starters and not for a family of six. In any case, when did the number of children a family decides to have become the criteria for fixing minimum wage in a nation operating a market driven economy?  We can as well advance Labour’s sloppy argument by saying since Islam allows adherents to marry four wives and indeed a member of the federal legislature once displayed his four wives and some two dozen children on the floor of the house, we might as well settle for four wives and 22 children as the basis for arriving at a minimum wage.

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     It is surprising that in their overenthusiasm to shut the nation and its wobbling economy down indefinitely, over their proposed unrealistic figures of N475, 000 for a cleaner or a messenger, they forgot the monster we are currently fighting is inflation.  Precisely because they believe they can intimidate the federal government and the state government including Imo State where they were once involved in fisticuffs with party rivals, they pretended they did not know that they cannot force private sector to give what they cannot afford or dissuade them from downsizing. A Senior Advocate of Nigeria invited to throw more light on the issue by ARISE TV on Monday evening did not weigh words. If asked to pay Labour’s unrealistic minimum wage, he would reduce number of lawyers in his chambers by half, he declared.

    But more disturbing is the way Ajaero and his ill-trained labour leaders behave as if they are above the law. Their first strike just as this government was taking off was said to be illegal. Their current indefinite strike has been declared illegal by the well-respected Minister of Justice and Attorney General. And as if to confirm Ajaero’s penchant for behaving as if he is above the law of the land, last Monday in addition to ordering hospitals and international airports across the country be shut down, he also shut down the national grid, an illegal act that constitute a threat to national security.

    President Tinubu is an avowed democrat who believes in the rule of law. And this is why he must ensure those engaged in illegal and callous shutting down of the national grid must be made to face the law. And with three strikes in one year, two of which were illegal, it is apparent, Ajaero’s goal is not workers’ welfare but destabilizing the country. We could not have suddenly forgotten that some members of his party called for military take-over following their electoral defeat in 2023.

    Kano sibling spiritual wars

     Lamido Sanusi’s sermon at last Friday prayers centred on the need for Muslims to accept their destiny for good or for bad: “We must believe whatever happens to us is predetermined and what we couldn’t have is also from God”. For those who claim religion is the opium of the poor, the Hausa masses who literarily worship their emir and spiritual leader are not complaining over their lot in life? On his path, by focusing on the theme of contentment, Sanusi is doing his job of preventing social dislocations by those who live in abject poverty while emirs live in opulence or as Fela put it. (Suffer suffer for earth enjoy for heaven while the Pope and Iman de enjoy for earth).

    A few years back, Sanusi also paid glowing tribute to his grandfather who supervised the famous Kano groundnut pyramids and his father who attended one of the best universities in the world. Sanusi, the father or the son, didn’t need to be troubled that the children of labourers who laboured day and night to cultivate the groundnut farms while emirs sent their own children to the best universities in the world, ended up as labourers. After all the policy of feudalism is ‘labourers born labourers’.  And precisely because  emirs’ word among the ruled, rich or poor, is law, his admonition to Ado Bayero, the deposed cousin he replaced  to accept his destiny, is in order.                                          

  • Of Tinubu’s ‘government of circumstance’

    Of Tinubu’s ‘government of circumstance’

    President Tinubu has said no one should pity him over the challenges his administration is facing because he asked for the job. What however is not in dispute is that he inherited a country in state of extreme distress, with a near collapsed economy, crumbling underfunded educational sector with 20 million of out of school children and general insecurity of lives and properties of Nigerians.

    Our nightmare started back in 1966 when “soldiers marched out on a straight path towards their vision of a good society, but the mission became more elusive, the closer they came towards it (Robin Luckman)”. They did everything to search for ‘the path to Nigeria greatness’ they never took, except retracing their way back to the beginning of our nightmare. Ex-military officers and their military-baked ‘new breed’ politicians that a took over as democratically elected leaders , like Fela’s (Zombies) unthinking soldiers just continued digging deeper into the hole.

    It was therefore not a surprise that Obasanjo/PDP 16-point agenda failed and Umaru Yar’Adua’s 7-point agenda died with him just as Goodluck Ebele Jonathan’s own 7-point Transformation Agenda suffered the same fate. Buhari prides himself on his anti-corruption credentials but it was his suspended chairman of the Presidential Investigation Panel for the Recovery of Public Property (SPIP), Okoi Obono-Obla that recently told Daily Sun newspaper that “Nigeria lost $500 billion to corruption under Buhari”.

    No one can therefore blame Nigerians if they had lost faith not only in politicians whether in khaki or ‘Agbada” but also in government, by the time Bola Tinubu came with his own seven-point renewed hope agenda, in 2023. Besides mistrust of cynical Nigerians, Tinubu had other challenges from those constituting hegemonic power in Nigeria and other ethnic irredentists who routinely exploit our innermost fears as a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society by forcing their followers to see the pictures in their heads as the only reality. They were in spite of INEC verdict and Supreme Court’s pronouncement ready to delegitimize his presidency and make the country ungovernable.

    One year after, the emergence of Tinubu’s ‘government of circumstance’ blamed for the sins of his predecessors and hated with passion by Nigerian victims of his hash economic policies,  the juror is out, unfortunately led in the main by his political foes and Obasanjo who has seen nothing good in all his past successors. 

    Predictably, Obasanjo who institutionalised corruption through government its ill-implemented privatization policy through which Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b was sold for a paltry $1.5b now blames one year old Tinubu’s government for the poor state of the economy.

    For Obasanjo, Tinubu’s one-year administration must be held for what he describes as “consistently poor policies, lack of long-term sustainable policies, discontinuity and corruption firmed on personal greed, avarice, incompetence, lack of knowledge and understanding and lack of patriotism.”

    He went on to also dismiss Tinubu’s response to the economic challenges so far as  not different from “the statement and proposed actions he gave 45 years ago to stop fuel scarcity for which the sycophants and spin doctors of this current administration went out to castigate me”.

    However, the above is not to hold brief for President Tinubu but to put the records in perspective since those responsible for our nightmare are the same people writing our history.

    Taking a cue from his promise to change the narrative upon assumption of office last year, I think we can now attempt a critical analysis of his intervention in the last one year starting with his ‘fuel subsidy is gone’ declaration on his inauguration day for which he has received a lot of backlash.

    Most informed Nigerians agreed the fuel subsidy scam must go. But Nigerians had expected Tinubu who told us he was always a step ahead of his political foes to have anticipated sabotage from the fuel merchants that have for years lived on the blood of Nigerians.

    It was the case of the witch cried yesterday, the baby died this morning, who does not know it was the witch that killed the baby’ goes the usual Yoruba aphorism. Within minutes of re-stating the facts since Buhari had in fact removed the subsidy, fuel dried up in filing stations, a repeat of what happened in year 2000. But unlike Obasanjo who was stampeded into signing into law which increased the number of fuel importers from  four multinational companies to over 140 new companies set up by PDP stalwarts, Tinubu took the wind out of the fuel merchants’ sails by ordering NNPC to immediately jack up the pump price  to about N500 per litre.

    But if you ask me, knowing our governors are Leviathans answerable only to themselves, I think the excess revenue accruing to government from the subsidy removal ought to have been placed with an independent body to manage in the interest of suffering Nigerians whose objective positions today is worse than when under their oil marketers’ enslavers.

    Tinubu government must therefore understand why Labour and Nigerians confronted with unbearable cost of transportation and spiral inflation in cost of food supply (April’s food inflation was at 40.53 per cent, as reported by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)), are angry.

    There is no evidence that states governors who were also granted loans of N2.5 billion each for delivering palliative in addition to windfalls in their monthly allocation have brought any form of relief to their people. Many of them while building airports or bridges over dry land in their state capitals are yet to pay workers the national minimum wage.

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    I also believe Nigerians cannot but be unhappy with the president over his silence on our lawmakers’ frittering away of N57.6 billion on Sports Utility Vehicles (SUV) toys  for its members coming shortly after the Senate had, in December 2023, approved $7.8 billion and €100 million as part of the 2024 borrowing plan framework.

    Nigeria may be a very religious nation of religious people. But there can be no justification for government frittering away of N90 billion 2024 Hajj subsidy, while angry Nigerian taxpayers are demonstrating and threatening to take government to court over repressive taxation.

    I also don’t know how the president is able to sleep with daily harvest of deaths due to activities of bandits and kidnappers and terrorists long after it was agreed by experts and the 36 states governors that the panacea is state police. President Tinubu, many believe, does not need one year to persuade the National Assembly to do their job.

    If it is beyond the president to reject the wholesale devaluation of our naira by Bretton Woods institutions, the infamous apostles of market-driven economy, who Obasanjo said must be obeyed and who engineered removal of Buhari from office in 1985 over his recalcitrance, it is not beyond him to take us back to our neglected ‘backward integration policy’ which we foolishly traded for IMF ill-advised comparative advantage policy designed to deny us industrialisation. Experts also say we can also embrace some form of protectionism.

     But beyond economic recovery, President Tinubu once again must be reminded of the need to address our political problem. As Olisa Agbakoba reminded him last week, “To fully realize his transformative vision… he must establish a strong foundation of national order and engage with ethnic groups, the National Assembly, and diverse stakeholders to resolve fundamental questions around Nigeria’s  political identity and arrangements for living together as one united entity”.

    And finally President Tinubu needed to be reminded that government is communication and communication is government.

  • Between Wike and Fubara

    Between Wike and Fubara

    Last Sunday, May 19, the Ijaw Youth Council Worldwide while calling for “peace throughout the entire Niger Delta region”, at the end of a one-day peace and security summit, ‘urged the politicians causing political turbulence in Rivers, to sheath their swords’. The following day, Monday May 20, former President Goodluck Jonathan while performing the flag-off of the construction of the multi-billion naira Trans-Kalabari Road project in the Obio/Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State appealed to Minister Nyesom Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara “to work together for the development of the land and the people of Rivers State”. He then went on to commend Governor Fubara for his “vision and the courage to start the much needed road located within a difficult terrain which he said “is not going to be a tea party”, among other critical elements including airport, rail and water transport systems if (we) must develop a  nation”. 

    It was apparent from Jonathan’s comment that the work of development cannot be accomplished by one administration. This fact was probably lost on Wike who was named Mr. Project by ex-VP Yemi Osinbajo on account of the giant strides he made in infrastructural development in Rivers to have suddenly forgotten that before him was Governor Rotimi Amaechi who attracted those who mattered in Nigeria including the Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka, to Port Harcourt to commission completed projects.

    But for President Jonathan’s observation, those outside Rivers State would have thought there would be nothing else to commission after 16 year’s rage of commissioning of projects executed by Amaechi and Wike. 

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    We however now know there is still much work of development to be carried out in Rivers. And this is why it is hoped Wike will humble himself by admitting ‘the world is a stage where everyone plays his own part’ instead of trying to hold Rivers and its new governor hostage.

    Ignoring the fact that there is already a new sheriff in town, Wike publicly expressed a desire to control Rivers State PDP political structure he successfully deployed to secure victory for Fubara. I don’t think anyone should begrudge Wike for laying claim to ownership of Rivers political structure. He has demonstrated during different elections that he is the undisputed leader of the riverine grassroot politicians who decide outcomes of every election within dangerous riverine terrains election umpires and observers will do anything to avoid.

    Wike admitted reaching a truce after President Tinubu privately waded into their conflict. The truce was however dismissed by some Rivers elders, led by Rufus Ada-Gorge, a former governor of the state, who claimed that if the peace deal is allowed to succeed it, would amount to President Tinubu unilaterally suspending the Nigerian Constitution which he says portends executive rascality which undermines our constitutional democracy, rule of law and good governance.”

    The elders were joined by some opportunistic youths eyeing the seats vacated by pro-Wike commissioners. They were in solidarity rally at the demolished Rivers State House of Assembly complex which was earlier torched on October 29, 2023, to forestall planned impeachment of the governor, singing “we are not slaves. Some slaves are happy in their chains”.

    Lionized by elders and opportunistic youths, Fubara refused to represent the budget earlier approved by four suspended loyal state lawmakers even after the warring 27 state legislators withdrew their impeachment threat.

    If Wike had been a good student of Nigerian politics, it was at that point he ought to have known the game was up. It was obvious Fubara had borrowed a leaf from Akintola’s playbook of 1962.  Like Akintola ‘taku’ (refused to step down in line with constitutional provision), Fubara dared Wike, saying “I am now in power even if it was by mistake”. That was a subtle threat he was prepared to pull the whole edifice down on their heads.

    Fubara was also a good student of Obaseki. To forestall impeachment by Adams Oshiomhole’s 17 loyal state lawmakers, the Clerk of Edo House of Assembly, Yahaya Omogbai, was said to have ushered seven members in a house of 24 lawmakers-elect into the chamber at midnight and read out the Obaseki’s letter of proclamation with which Honourable Frank Okiye the governor’s anointed candidate for speaker was elected. To seal the fate of the 17 elected majority lawmakers, Obaseki refused to swear them in while the National Assembly was told “it could not compel Obaseki to issue another proclamation within the lifespan of an existing proclamation”.

    Fubara on his part first secured the support of Uche Secondus and other PDP elders Wike had fought to a standstill. He then relied on four suspended members of Rivers State House of Assembly to declare vacant the seats of decamping 27 state lawmakers loyal to Wike.

    It is also obvious, the 1999 constitution created Leviathans out of our governors. Deputy governors or other adversaries will take on our governors only at their own peril.

    Wike had before leaving office publicly declared paying for all projects, a claim Fubara as Wike’s chief accountant did not dispute while being railroaded to become governor. He even admitted: “Originally, our mantra was supposed to be ‘Consolidation and Continuity”. Now in power, he says his administration is bogged down by the debt piled up by Wike. Like Akintola did with disastrous consequences, Fubara has started to talk of probing the administration of his estranged godfather.

     Fubara also now questions the integrity of his godfather. Last week he told reporters that he invited the governor of Abia State to commission his projects because “he is not an artificial integrity man. He is an action integrity man. He is not the one that they will gather because they just want to talk”.

    But before we crucify Fubara, let us first look at ourselves in the mirror. Democracy is a new values system we embraced without the accompanying democratic ethos.  Of this, character, or what Aristotle described as ‘balance between passion and caution of political actors’ is important if democracy, as a majoritarian rule is to be anything other than the tyranny of the majority. For democracy to thrive therefore, political actors must be committed to a set of ideals. Unfortunately for us our political space has been largely populated since independence by men that believe neither in any creed nor any set of ideals.

     The collapse of the first republic started with Akintola’s refusal to obey his party’s constitution and Prime Minister Balewa and President Nnamdi Azikiwe, who in breach of the constitution, served as accomplices while Senate President/Acting President, Nwafor Orizu, once convicted by the colonial powers for fraud against his people, out of ethnic sentiments, ceded power to Aguinyi Ironsi.

    Apart from the late Umaru Yar’Adua, there was no evidence Obasanjo, who embarked on a third term fiasco, and Buhari, who was unable to rein in ethnic irredentists in his government, believe in any set of ideals. And precisely because we often play the ostrich, we expect Fubara to be different from Odili, Amaechi and Wike, predecessors.

    A part of a whole cannot be holier than the whole.

  • Of false prophets and overzealous aides

    Of false prophets and overzealous aides

    I sympathise with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his ‘Renewed Hope Agenda’ designed to “unleash our country’s full economic potentials by focusing on job creation …the rule of law and the fight against hunger, poverty and corruption”. Unfortunately his first year in office has been marked by war of sceptical Nigerians with the battle cry of “we are hungry” even as he continues to appeal to Nigerians for understanding and more sacrifice in spite of negative impact of removal of fuel subsidy which between 2005 and 2021 gulped N13tn ($74bn) (NEITI-The cost of fuel subsidy, A case for policy review).

    But in truth, no one can blame incredulous Nigerians. They have in the past been serially betrayed by false prophets. Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa adored for his simplicity and golden voice betrayed promise of nationhood of “Our dear native land where tribe and tongue may differ but in brotherhood we stand with our flag serving as a symbol that truth and justice reign”.

    Aguiyi Ironsi was a master of mischief and intrigue. Gowon thought he was fighting a war to keep Nigeria one. Murtala Mohammed and Obasanjo destroyed the foundation of society – the academia and bureaucracy.  Babangida laid the foundation for our current socio-economic travails by opening our country to the labour of other nations.  Abacha, besides stealing the country blind waged a five-year war against us.

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     Obasanjo, in spite of his “I only listen to God and not advisers” turned out to be obsessed by term elongation. Buhari, a prophet worshipped by some unquestioning 12 million ‘talakawas’ from the north left Nigeria worse than he met it because of his cronyism and provincialism.

    The paradox however is that despite serial betrayal, our survival as an organized society depends on politician’s versatility, brinksmanship and skilful exploitation of man’s infirmities. Who else can reconcile public affluence with public squalor or give ‘hope which rises eternal in the human breast’ but the politician?

    Now let us critically examine some of the president’s other controversial interventions that impacted negatively on Nigerians in the last one year starting with February CBN hikes in import duty “at the expense of Nigerians” (apology to Chamberlain Usoh of Channels TV).

    The only justification for hike on duty paid on imported vehicles was the fluctuation in the exchange rate of naira to the dollar. Clearing agents protested in the circumstance that an importer of 10 years old used car would be asked to cough-out N4.8m tariff because of volatility of exchange rate even when dollar is not our legal tender.

    Apart from inflicting more pains on Nigerians, the other bi-product was inflation. Government excessive taxation was passed by importers to Nigerian consumers who unfortunately have no alternative to used cars. Since we have been warned by KPMG that we cannot stimulate growth by overtaxing our people, a more creative approach would have been to retrace our steps back to the era of backward integration (before we were swindled by model builders of ‘theory of comparative advantage’), and see how to bring back the assembly plants through which we once assembled our cars, busses and vehicle accessories, including batteries, seats, windscreens, brake pads etc. That was an era when imported new car in Nigeria cost just about N3,000 while Nigeria-assembled Peugeot car was valued at about N8,000.

    As for the recent hike in electricity tariff, no one in government has been able to give Nigerians rational explanation to support the exercise, a development which makes people wonder if government understands governance is all about communication. 

     But let us remember where we are coming from. Government expended between $8b and $16b on NEPA before it was unbundled. Many of the PDP stalwarts who bought the discos had no knowledge of the industry. The result was that, they only serviced their indebtedness to the banks from monies collected from consumers while they spent what was left on themselves.

    Meanwhile government held on to the transmission line, in the name of national security. Unfortunately in spite of eight years of government’s direct negotiation with German government, SIEMENS’ promised expansion of the transmission line which currently transmit only about 50% of what is generated is yet to materialize.

    The generating plants are also supposed to be independent. The Minister for Power, Adebayo Adelabu however recently told us they still enjoy government subsidy because the Discos could not meet their obligations. This perhaps explains why the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) said it needed N135.2 billion as subsidy for the second quarter of 2023 which was an increase of N99.21 billion or 275% per cent compared to the previous quarter of N36b.

    But it is also on record that the former Minister of Finance, Mrs. Zainab Ahmed, back in March 2022 told Nigerians that “we have been able to quietly implement subsidy removal in the electricity sector and as we speak, we don’t have subsidy in the electricity sector. We did that incrementally over time by carefully adjusting the prices at some levels while holding the lower level down”. Unfortunately, these inconsistencies have only made the president’s arduous work and call for more sacrifice difficult.

    It is also not any less intriguing that some two years back, the Discos negotiated what could be considered an economic rate with those now placed in “Band A’ with an assurance they would enjoy at least 20 hours of electricity supply per day. It is unimaginable discos would have done this especially in Lagos if it was not profitable. That one is assaulted in the face by an array of at least 19 state-of-the-art Toyota SUVs at Ikeja Electric Headquarters, allegedly meant for the use of Directors was in itself evidence of profitability.

    That Ibadan, Benin, Kaduna and some other discos were taken over by banks could only be attributed to inefficiency of the part of their managers who as indicated above have little knowledge of the industry and committed no personal funds of their own when they bought the Discos.

    Unfortunately, the minister of power and his men who did not think Nigerians deserve explanation for the above contradictions and went ahead to hike electricity tariff from N66 kilowatt per hour to N225 kilowatt per hour, an increase of over 300%, have only made the president’s call for more sacrifice by overburdened Nigerians to fall on deaf ears.

    The current controversial Cybersecurity levy over which civil society groups have on behalf of overburdened Nigerians dragged the president to court was probably the work of overzealous aides. Most Nigeria newspapers last Monday led with howling headline “Tinubu suspends cybersecurity levy to prevent overburdening of Nigerians”.

    First, Cybercrime Security Act 2024 expressly identified banking and other financial institutions covered by the Act. How then did overburdened Nigerians get smuggled in, if one may ask?

    It is obvious banks that declare humongous profits in billions are not doing enough to protect the interests of depositors. Many of them have in fact been known to protect criminals. As for other forms of cybercrime insecurity, President Tinubu is not helped by the failure of Buhari to eradicate security threats despite what Nigerians went through during the process of NIN registration supervised by Isa Ali Pantami, former Minister of Communication and Digital Economy.

    And finally, it is hoped this one year baptism of fire will enable President Tinubu to take more seriously the repeated warnings of Nigerian stakeholders that after almost 60 years in the wilderness, the way forward is to go backwards. Only last Monday at a book launch event, new converts – former presidents, Obasanjo and Jonathan suggested a return to a parliamentary system.