Category: Jide Osuntokun

  • Mushrooming private universities in Nigeria

    There is no doubt that there is a great need for university placement in Nigeria for the millions of young Nigerians streaming out of secondary schools. The total enrolment of young Nigerians in tertiary institutions including universities, polytechnics, monotechnics, and colleges of education both private and public is not more than one million. This, in a country with a purported population of about 160 million people shows the low level of access to tertiary education. It follows therefore that there is a need for expansion of tertiary institutions in Nigeria. Virtually all the state governments now have universities and there is also a federal university in each of the states of the federation and Abuja.

    After the pandora box of private universities was opened, there had been a mad rush of various sectarian organizations and individual businessmen and all kinds of do-gooders to establish universities. The result has not been uniformly good. In general, most of the sectarian universities are likely to have some quality, although no one can vouch for this, but very few of those established by individuals have any quality whatsoever. Unfortunately, this tendency is undermining the genuine efforts of those who are committed to public good like Chief Afe Babalola and Chief Ade-Ojo who by all standards have built institutions that are certainly physically imposing. The National Universities Commission (NUC) needs to be very careful in approving licenses to all and sundry in establishing universities. I know that the NUC has various criteria including money in hand, huge hectarage of land, staffing and so on and so forth but one has doubts as to whether these criteria are being enforced. The most dangerous trend that most of us in the system have noticed is that because of shortage of staff, criteria for promotion of staff across academic levels are being jettisoned to the extent that people are being promoted and even appointed professors without proper assessment in the traditionally acceptable way. Not only that, some universities rent staff and even books and equipments for the purpose of securing accreditation. Some young academics sometime teach in three or four universities at the same time all in a mad rush to make money and certainly at the expense of academic quality and integrity.

    Some of the names of some on-coming universities make one to laugh because the names are so foreign that one wonders the reason for approving such names.

    I have just had the opportunity of travelling to some universities in England and Scotland and noticing new trends in university education and the stupendous resources needed to realize the academic goals of the well-established universities in these countries. To be specific, the University of Glasgow was established in 1451 and over these centuries, the university has built first-class infrastructure that has enabled it to produce Nobel laureates but in spite of this, the university is still building to renew itself and this year alone, it has a budget of about N266 billion for its services. If one were to compare this with any of our so-called universities in Nigeria, one would get the picture of why no university in Nigeria can be in the first one thousand league globally. The universities in Nigeria generally are poorly funded, poorly governed and poorly staffed.

    When the University of Ibadan was the only university in Nigeria, some of its products were acclaimed as one of the best in the whole commonwealth and at a time, the College of Medicine in the University of Ibadan was one of the best in the world. Those were in the halcyon days when things were done properly in Nigeria. Since the mushrooming of universities in Nigeria, things have gone to the dogs academically speaking, but what worries one is the speed and rate at which these so-called private universities are springing up. The Federal Government and even some state governments have also joined in this madness of announcing the establishment of universities apparently without thinking them through and locating them sometimes in inaccessible areas presumably in the interest of even development as if universities were roads, railways and ports. The whole situation is so confused and confusing that one worries about the future. Universities are about people, they are about the future of the country, and they should be anchored on the idea and notion of building our youths for the future of Nigeria.

    In a world of knowledge industries, the preparation of the youths for the future is very critical but the way we are going about it in our country raises fundamental questions about our plans for the future. We need to do things a little differently. Of course, every section of the country’s economy is crying for development whether it is telecommunication, transportation, electricity and health but all these are predicated on availability of the right kind of manpower, this is why education is critical. So, what do we do? We need to go back to the regime of planned development as was the case after independence when we used to have five-year development plans at the state and federal levels instead of the haphazard so-called “rolling plans” that was foisted on us by the military. This was the way the old Soviet Union, India, China and the entire Eastern Europe were able to attain the technological level in which they are today. There is no miracle about it, planning is essential to development. The lack of planning in the educational sector is symptomatic and a reflection of the lack of planning in the country as a whole, licensing and building mushroom institutions and calling them universities is not the way out. There are minimum standards of university education all over the world and what we have in Nigeria is by and large a travesty of these universal standards.

  • Brief memo on constitutional review

    Brief memo on constitutional review

    Let me say right away that I do not believe in President Goodluck Jonathan or anybody setting up a small committee to review the constitution of Nigeria. The President or the National Assembly was not elected for this purpose it would be ultra-vires for them to do the work of a Constituent Assembly. I sincerely hope that our bright lawyers would not allow any constitutional imposition on hapless Nigerians. If they succeed in doing this, it would not be different from the constitutions the military imposed on Nigeria since 1979. Because nature does not allow a vacuum, we must continue to operate our present constitution while the government should put into process the mechanism for electing a constituent assembly. Whatever the constituent assembly arrives at would become the basic law or constitutional grundnorm of Nigeria. This is the process advocates of a sovereign national conference have in mind and nobody can argue that this is not a democratic process.

    The basis of a constitutional order is that the people are supreme. All powers must emanate from the sovereign will of the people. Whatever the constituent assembly passes, either good or bad, and approved by a referendum of the people, becomes almost immutable and not subject to frivolous review or constant tinkering. Whenever a constituent assembly is convoked and if I’m lucky to be a member, I would be guided by the following brief:

    Structure of Government

    Our country Nigeria shall be a federation and the constituent members of this cooperative federation shall be states. The Federal Government shall have power over the following enumerated functions:

    1. Currency 2. Immigration 3. Defence 4. Customs and Excise 5. Foreign Affairs 6. Post and Telegraphs

    7.Railways 8.Aviation 9.Shipping 10.Intelligence

    11. Ports 12.Air space 13. Exclusive Economic zone

    Whatever is not enumerated shall belong to the sphere of authority of the federating states of the union. But I would make provision for areas of concurrent jurisdiction such as:

    1.Policing 2.Higher Education 3.Highway development

    4. Taxation 5.Revenue collection, particularly federal taxes where applicable. 6. Health 7.Power generation, transmission and distribution.

    All other areas not enumerated as above shall lie in the purview of the states. These would include:

    1. Primary Education 2.Secondary Education 3.Agriculture 4. Highways 5. Inland Water transportation 6. Local Government 7. Minerals 8. Land 9. Forestry, etc.

    All other things not enumerated as belonging in the purview of the Federal Government shall be under state’s jurisdiction.

    Once the number of units of political organization known as states is set down by the constituent assembly, we would lay to rest forever, the question of state creation. The number of states in the federation should be determined by the constituent assembly, which would have the power to merge or split existing states but state creation must be based on rational principles such as contiguity and economic viability.

    No state would be created on the basis of sentiments or political convenience. The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo believed in creating state on the basis of common ethnic identity. This principle would suffice for the Yoruba, Igbos and the core Hausa states but would do no such thing for the remaining 250 odd ethnic groups and sub ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. Small ethnic groups living next to each other would have to be lumped together in viable political entities based on the principle of economic viability. With these divisions of powers, there would be no room for conflicts

    NO THIRD TIER OF GOVERNMENT

    Local government would not constitute as it is now a third tier of government. The Federal Government would have no hand or power in creating local governments. The principle of subsidiarity would apply and there would be complete devolution of power to the states and the states would be left to determine how many local governments they want in their areas.

    Each state would be encouraged to maximally develop its resources both mineral and agricultural resources in a rather co-operative and competitive rivalry.

    Funding of Federal Government

    Funding of the central government would be done through federal taxes levied on minerals as well as custom and excise duties and export duties levied on agricultural commodities. The state by and large would keep their resources to themselves after payment of appropriate taxes to the Federal Government.

    Security

    The security forces of the country shall consist of equal numbers of citizens of Nigeria recruited on equal basis from federating states. They shall also be deployed as territorial forces in their areas of recruitment, but training shall be coordinated from the centre. This may sound rather outlandish and impractical, but this is exactly what is done in the UK and; the British Empire on which the sun never set, owed much to this arrangement. The constitution also must make illegal and criminalize any coup d’état or violent seizure of power by the military. From the above, it is quite clear that I’m a supporter of pristine federalism and resource control while at the same time believing in the unity of the country, but my system would be based on devolution of powers to the state, while vastly reducing the power of the centre so as to minimize conflicts in an ethnically plural country like Nigeria.

    The Legislature

    The legislature shall be elected at federal and state levels by universal suffrage and the system of government shall be parliamentary system. The leader of government at the state and federal level would be leader of government’s business in the House. The Senate shall be elected on equal basis by the federating states while the House of Representative shall be based on population. The leader of government at the state level shall be called the Premier while the leader of government at the federal level shall be called Prime Minister. There shall be a ceremonial Head of State at the centre who shall be called President. The Premiers and Prime Minister shall hold office for a maximum of eight years.

    The Judiciary

    There would be at the apex, the Supreme Court headed by the Chief Justice of the country. Below it shall be federal and state Appeal Courts and Federal High and State High courts. The post of magistrate shall be abolished and where necessary, customary and Sharia courts shall exist if demanded by the people.

    Official Language

    The language of education and business in the country shall continue to be English, while each state would be free to determine what local language to use in their legislatures and state government s. this is what is done in India, Switzerland and Belgium.

    It would now be left for my legal colleagues to put my ideas in proper legal phraseology.

  • The election in Ondo state

    The election in Ondo state

    The gubernatorial election in Ondo state has come and gone. Dr. Olusegun Mimiko and his Labour Party have won. In spite of the protestation of the PDP and the ACN, it seems that the people have decided. This is the spirit of democracy. The people have foolishly or wisely chosen who their leader for a while should be. Most of us independent observers are convinced that the economic integration platform of the ACN is in the longer interest of our people in the South-western part of Nigeria. I have a feeling that Mimiko himself would not be opposed to integration and I do not see how Ondo State can avoid integration with the rest of the Southwest even if Ondo state is not in the same party with its neighbours.

    In politics, one can choose his friends, but one cannot choose his neighbours. It’s like in life generally; one can choose one’s friends, but not members of one’s family. If this is a given position, both Mimiko and leaders of the ACN would have to get used to each other. If they do not, it is our people who would suffer. It is not necessary for elders to jump into the affray between the two contending ideologies in the South-west. Statesmanship should dictate that reconciliation is the way forward. Our interests are permanent, even though the strategies to attain these interests may change and there is no need to reduce political contestation to struggles between individuals and to personalize issues as it is being done in the story of Ondo State. There is absolutely no need to demonise and denigrate Bola Tinubu who by all accounts and yardstick has been a positive force in Yoruba politics. Whether we like it or not, Tinubu for the foreseeable future, will remain a relevant and constant force in Nigerian politics.

    I have read comments glamorizing one group while demonizing leadership of another group. There is no doubt that the leadership of the ACN has been largely successful in mobilizing people in the South-west and asking them to begin to look inwards, so as to find salvation from collective efforts, rather than looking towards an external saviour from Abuja. This trend has always characterised politics of people in the South-west over time and anyone who goes against this tendency would eventually find out that he has backed a wrong horse. This is the evidence of history and the political history of the South-western part of Nigeria is clear on this. This is also in tandem with global trend where cultural awareness accompanied by local autonomy is the order of the day. This is why I find it ridiculous for anybody to accuse the leadership of the ACN of tribalism. Politics is about defending group or collective interest and political parties are organised for this purpose especially in a situation of competing and conflicting interests as we find in Nigeria. Politics is war by other means. Instead of resorting to violence to defend one’s interest, one is involved in organised party politics. This is the real meaning and advantage of party political organisation.

    In advanced countries like the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, Denmark and Belgium, political parties exist specifically to defend regional or cultural interests and they don’t have to be apologetic about this; and anybody who feels defending regional interest is against the national interest is living in a fool’s paradise, because after all, the national interest is the aggregation of the interests of all.

    Dr. Mimiko should settle down and face the reality of the need to relate positively with the main political force in the South-west and he should avoid being used to fight intra and inter ethnic battles. He has enough on his plate at home and he must understand that his support in Ondo State is statistically very weak. He should concentrate on the task of development and creating jobs and economic opportunities at home. And that should take all his time, so that he doesn’t have time for indulging in self-adulation and praises from his A-men corner. Mimiko is an intelligent man and personally likeable, I have respect for his sense of judgement. He should avoid being used as a Trojan horse or bridgehead of those who may be opposed to progressive development in the region especially at a time when it is obvious the region is under intense and programmed marginalisation.

    The ACN as a political party needs to be seen as a mass movement that is ready to work with other mass movements in other parts of the country in preparation for 2015 election. The party must therefore be structured in such a way that its leadership is collective and not domineering. There is also need for internal democracy within the party so that candidates who contest elections command the support of the electorate. This is not a time to apportion blame, but this is a time for reform and democratization of all party organs. This is the bitter lesson that it must learn from the Ondo election.

    Political parties grow when challenged. Parties without opposition tend to ossify. This is why I believe the ACN has no reason to feel discouraged or despondent, after all, it made a good show in Ondo in spite of the loaded dice against it. The electoral process must be transparently fair and not subject to the shenanigans of party hawks who would like to use federal might and muscle to win elections. We have seen this before and it has not always been in the interest of Nigeria and Nigerians. If this country is to progress, we must allow a contestation of ideas from which the right way forward would evolve.

  • Massacre of miners in South Africa: The price of liberty

    Massacre of miners in South Africa: The price of liberty

    Nigeria invested a lot of time and resources in the liberation of southern Africa and I personally was involved in this process. It is therefore reasonable for Nigerians to be concerned about development in South Africa. South Africa is the biggest economy on the continent while Nigeria has the second biggest economy in Africa south of the Sahara. There is no way the African Continent will realise its economic potentiality without a symbiotic relationship between the two countries. There is of course healthy rivalry between South Africa and Nigeria and there is nothing wrong with that. This rivalry as long as it is healthy should not disturb the amicable relations between the two countries. As a Nigerian, I would of course like us to represent the continent and black people in the most important forum of international organisations in the United Nations Security Council. Whether this pious hope will be realised in the future is in womb of time.

    This is why I felt very sad when 34 hapless miners were murdered by South African Police in Marikana Mines belonging to the London Group, Lonmin one of the largest producers of Platinum in the world. A tragedy of this proportion happening in the new South Africa is simply unbelievable and unacceptable. This is why critics of the new regime refer to it as a Neo-apartheid regime and that nothing has changed in South Africa except that a few black leaders have become stinkingly rich while the vast majority of the people remain in abject poverty.

    South Africa like Brazil manifests the reality of the first and third world living side by side in the same country. It was very sad to hear that ownership of the platinum mines involved in this tragedy is shared between the London group and family members of the ruling elite including even the grandson of Nelson Mandela. This is why Julius Malema, the outspoken former leader of the ANC Youth wing has been calling for nationalisation of all mines in South Africa and also redistribution of wealth. More than a decade after the ANC took over government, Black South Africans are still living in shacks and shanty towns and are at the margin of society. The incidence of crime is very high and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome in South Africa is the highest in the whole world and many South Africans are dying in drones of either violence or disease.

    The President of the Republic, Jacob Zuma is not providing the right leadership that South Africa requires rather he is indulging in sexual pleasures of renewing his harem regularly. It will be extremely sad if South Africa were to go the way of other African countries after independence. In terms of total GDP, South Africa is not doing badly but GDP per head is considerably lower than expected because of the unequal distribution of wealth – unfortunately along racial lines. While I will not support nationalisation of mines and other sectors of the South African White owned economy as advocated by Julius Malema, there has to be a concrete effort made to alleviate the suffering of the vast majority of the South African black population. Nationalisation is not the way out; we in Nigeria know the havoc the indigenization decree of the Yakubu Gowon era did to discourage foreign investment in Nigeria. I remember advising Thabo Mbeki, when the apartheid regime in South Africa was on the verge of collapse, that he should ensure that they did not make the same mistake of nationalisation as was made in Nigeria. He of course said ANC did not have that plan but no one would have believed that an ANC government would be murdering African people living under a so called non-racial majoritarian democracy.

    To make matters even more painful, after 34 striking miners were struck down in cold blood, 100 of their striking colleagues were rounded up, detained and taken to court to face charges of murder under a spurious old fashioned apartheid law of “common purpose”. This law says that demonstrating workers knew that they could be killed by police and by demonstration they had caused the death of their colleagues. Enforcing this rather insensitive code was met by criticism all over the world to the embarrassment of the South African government which quickly withdrew the cases from court. As a face saving measure, Jacob Zuma the President has now set up a judicial commission to probe the massacre of the 34 miners. After closing the mines for more than five weeks, the miners have returned to work with a raise of 20% in their salaries but at the cost of several lives.

    This wildcat strikes has now spread to other mines in South Africa thus threatening the extractive industry on which the South Africa economy depends. One hopes that all the issues will be amicably resolved and South Africa will once again take its rightful place among the BRICS countries.

  • ACN’s quest for Internally Generated Revenue (IGR)

    ACN’s quest for Internally Generated Revenue (IGR)

    One of the basic responsibilities of a citizen is payment of taxes. Classical Athenian democracy divided responsibilities within the state. Citizens enjoyed participation-direct democracy while slaves and non-citizens did most of the work. But by the time of Pericles, citizens not only participated in decision making but also paid taxes and defended the state under the pressure and example of Sparta. Military service became one of the hallmarks of citizenship. When representative democracy became the norm, taxation became the rite of passage of citizenship. The United States arguably the oldest democracy in the world was founded on representation and taxation. The 13 American colonies rebelled against King George of England III because he imposed onerous taxes on the people without their being represented in government. Since then taxation has become a necessary condition of citizenship.

    In Nigeria, the history of taxation dates back to as far back as the 14thCentury in the Hausa states. By the time Usman Dan Fodio took over and established the Caliphate of Sokoto, he was able to systemize a form of taxation which still exist till today. This was the Jangali-(Cattletax) and also poll tax on farmers. These taxes became the nucleus of the so called “Native treasuries” or Beit-el-mal during the heydays of the indirect rule system of Sir Fredrick Lugard and Sir Richmond Palmer. This system was extended to Yoruba land with the fulcrum around which a native treasury was built. Attempt to extend the system into the acephalous societies of Igbo and Ibibio met with resistance and rebellion. Even in Yoruba land revolts in Okeho and Iseyin in 1916 and a much bigger revolt in Egbaland in 1918 followed the imposition of taxes. The levying of taxes succeeded without problem in the Islamic North, but in the non-Muslim areas of the North, it was rebellion all the way. This long introduction is necessary to prove that people in Nigeria except in the Muslim North do not like paying taxes. The Tiv area throughout colonial times and after, was up in arms against the regional government partly because of the people’s opposition to taxes.

    The Action Group government in Western Nigeria lost the federal election in 1954 because it was portrayed as a tax and spend party. The Agbekoya revolt of the late 1960s was a tax revolt by farmers who felt they were not getting anything in form of development for the taxes they were paying. The revolt did not end until those taxes were abolished.

    I examined a PhD thesis in the University of Ibadan some years ago and the conclusion of the student was that we have not witnessed a people’s revolt in recent times because people in the villages and on the farms are more or less excluded from paying taxes. The import of this conclusion is that government must move gingerly in imposing taxes on the poor people particularly, in the villages and yet before people can become stakeholders and take interest in their government, they must at least pay taxes. One of the reasons why the elite has gotten away with rampant corruption and thievery is because the money being stolen is not tax money but commissions and corporate tax skimmed off the petroleum industry.

    If taxes have to be imposed, they would have to be restricted to the cities and municipalities but not the villages. This is why IGR involving direct taxation would have to be restricted to the cities only. In most countries of the world it is easier to collect revenues through consumer tax-value added tax (VAT) because most people do not even realize that they are being taxed when they pay VAT. It is a pity that VAT in Nigeria is collected by the federal government. In a federation, VAT should be state tax. Imagine if Lagos can get all the VAT collected in the state, it would not have to levy the present onerous land use charge it imposes on all and sundry. It is this land use charge that the ACN states having seen how it has boosted the IGR of Lagos to N20 billion a month now want to extend to all of them. Whether they would succeed is a moot question. Edo State saw this being used by the PDP against Adams Oshiomhole in the last election which he handily won. But there may be problems introducing land use tax outside Lagos. I am in support of it. But it must be done in such a way that old people and people living in their homes would not pay much and that the bulk of the taxes would be paid by corporate bodies, industries, institutions and houses rented out. But everybody should pay something perhaps graduated from as low as one thousand to one hundred thousand.

    Now that we are talking about constitutional review, this is the time the VAT collected in states should belong to where it is collected rather than first sending in it to Abuja and later distributing it to all the states. This should be a case for constitutional review. The ACN leaders outside Lagos where the land use charge has succeeded must educate the people before levying them. Success in Lagos of the levy does not automatically guarantee its success in all the states under the ACN administrations. It is safer to impose a state VAT in addition to the federal tax than a land use levy which may elicit some opposition.

  • National Conference, a must

    In recent times there has been call for “sovereign national conference”, “constitutional conference”, conference on “true federalism” and so on. Whatever name it is called, the time for a constitutional talk is now. From all indication it seems there is some kind of unhappiness with the state of the nation. There are two sides to the debate. There are those who feel there is nothing wrong with the present constitution. There are those who feel there will be no development unless we have a new constitution. I am on the side of the latter. Ab initio the present “military” constitution has made the centre too strong for a country whose founding fathers and their people opted for a federation as the best way of keeping our ethnically plural country together. On the march towards independence, Obafemi Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello representing the Western and Northern Nigeria respectively opted for federalism. While Nnamdi Azikiwe of the Eastern region wanted a unitary constitution. While Azikiwe once pleaded with Nigerians to forget their ethnic differences, Ahmadu Bello said we should not forget but understand them. Awolowo actually parroting Giuseppe Mazzini described Nigeria as a “geographical expression” and that there is no Nigerian as there are French, German or English people. He was absolutely right. It took the pogrom in the North in 1966 to convince Azikiwe and his cohorts that Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello were right and correct in their analysis of Nigerian politics.

    From the above follows the fact that the independence federal constitution of 1959 and 1964 should be the starting point of constitutional re-jig of the Nigerian state. These are the only constitutions that can begin with “we Nigerians solemnly bind ourselves by this fundamental basic law” any other constitution including our present one is a fraud imposed on us through the force of arms. Some may sneer that in 1959 there were only three regions. Yes I agree. It is either we go back to the grundnorm of 1959 or we apply the same principles to the present 36 states structure fraudulently imposed upon us by the military. The present state and local government structure is not only unsustainable but it is also wasteful. Even when we retain the present 36 state structure, there is nothing wrong in running the country as a federation.

    Switzerland is about the size of Lagos State, it has ethnically based cantons independent in almost all areas apart from common currency, customs and immigration. Belgium is also a small state with the French and Dutch speaking regions almost relating to each other in a confederal structure. There is some sense in those who suggest that the present six zones should be the federating units of this country. This will do for all the zones except the South-south which may have problems. Whatever we decide, the time is ripe to have a look at the structure of the country so that we can design the right kind of architecture. It is no use burying our head in the sand and thinking all will be well. An unhappy marriage sooner or later will collapse and to save an unhappy marriage one needs to find the course of unhappiness.

    There is disquiet and unhappiness in the Northern part of Nigeria. Boko Haram may be a religious manifestation, but it is shrouded in political mystery. Professor Ango Abdullahi retired former Vice-Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello in an interview in the Guardian on Sunday a few weeks ago, let out the cat when he said this disquiet in the North is not unconnected with the disequilibrium in the allocation of resources from the federal distributable pool which favors the oil-producing states against those not producing oil. While I agree with him that the oil-producing states may not have the absorptive capacity for the kind of money they are getting and that accounts for the Ibori kind of phenomenon where governors run away with state exchequers, my antidote will be that some of these monies can be saved against when oil will run out in those states rather than outright denial. Ango Abdullahi in his views said very little about the non-performance of the northern governors and rampant corruption in the North as the cause of the neglect in the North occasioning Boko Haram. Some of the northern governors have in some cases 2000 special assistants and advisers!

    There is this feeling in the country that unless one’s ethnic group controls the federal government, one’s ethnic group has lost everything. Nothing can be far from the truth. What has the ordinary northern Nigerian gained from decades of northern monopoly of power? I do not know what the Yoruba people gained from the Obasanjo’s presidency and what the Izon are gaining from the Jonathan’s presidency. The predominance of this feeling is the more reason why we must talk to reduce the power of the centre and transfer the centre of activities to the zones and the states. As long as the centre remains this strong, this country will never have peace. There is no zone or part of the country that lacks resources. The South-south may have oil, so does the South-east and South-west or at least some parts of them. The agricultural wealth of this country is in the North and partly in the South-west, South-south and South-east. There is need to challenge different parts of this country to bring to the federal table the resources deposited by God in their different zones. I support resource control and I believe this is the only way to have peace and respect for one another in this country. Let us talk to design a commonly negotiated architecture that will ensure that each part of our country develops at its own pace and according to its own culture without any enforced homogeneity. California and Rhode Island are both states of the United States union. So also is West Virginia and Texas. They do not have the same resources and there is no even national level of development. There is no need for one. The fingers are not equal. Children in the same family are not expected to have uniform level of performance. One must be a beckon to others. But at the end of the day each person has his or her own unique and peculiar attributes which when taken together will enrich the whole. It is the same with states. We must find out and understand our differences and similarities and try to live with them in a new constitutional architecture.