Category: Olatunji Ololade

  • Northeast bazaar (2)

    Northeast bazaar (2)

    (Nigeria’s humanitarian crisis as a meal ticket to foreign NGOs)

    There is a formula for writing the story of the northeast. If you are a Nigerian journalist, you stick to the script. You are expected to fawn and grope through lattices of horror and contrived apprehension to present a humane story, often tailored to the funding needs, schema, politics, and administrative ego of United Nations’ multilateral agencies and other international non-governmental organisations (INGOs).

    You may be tame or sensational in your reports but whatever you do, do not ever reveal the duplicity characterising INGO operations.

    Not a few journalists are familiar with the process; they are too awestruck by patronage from the INGOs perhaps, hence you never get to read of the treacherous politics and decadence sullying their operations across dystopic expanses of the northeast  – this of course is a discussion for another day.

    The recent press release by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) reasserts the nature of its interest in Nigeria and West Africa. The organisation predicts famine in northeast Nigeria and Burkina Faso “if conditions worsen.”

    It reads, “In the West and Central Africa region alone, up to 69 million people are expected to need humanitarian assistance in 2023 amid concerns that north-east Nigeria and Burkina Faso, which are experiencing extreme hunger, could slip into famine if conditions worsen.

    “North-east Nigeria remains one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises, with at least 8.3 million people in need of assistance in 2023. The scale of suffering borne every day by women, men, and children across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe States remains undiminished; urgent action is needed now more than ever. Addressing the needs of 5.4 million people will require close to US$ 1.2 billion.”

    This extract from the press release answers my poser, last week, about the body of INGOs domiciled in the northeast. “Has there been any improvement in Nigeria’s fight against terrorism?” I asked.

    “What is your exit plan?” I persisted, “When would the crisis be deemed abated? Are we going to sit here and still talk about this in the next 10 years? Should Nigeria be wary of any plot to incite in the country a social humanitarian crisis like NATO and foreign NGOs did in Afghanistan?”

    While the “humanitarians” cringed and refused to acknowledge any considerable progress in Nigeria’s military campaign against terrorism in the northeast, we must acknowledge that beneath their immoderate claims and shady riposte subsists more posers about Nigeria’s anti-terror campaign.

    A “humanitarian” agent told me recently, in Maiduguri, that her country, a purported “superpower,” would influence the removal of the blockade preventing Nigeria from purchasing the weaponry needed to crush terrorism, if the country repeals its law criminalising same-sex marriage. To them, human lives are worthless compared to a minority’s sexual inclinations. Nigeria must re-examine its engagement with certain “superpowers” and their “humanitarian” agents vis-a-vis its distaste for such an agenda. It is sheer wickedness to deny Nigeria access to weapons needed to fight terrorism simply because it asserts its inviolable right to ban same-sex marriage.

    And beyond the push to prosecute arrested Boko Haram insurgents, and rehabilitate abductees rescued from their strongholds, Nigeria must also devise a more inclusive and sustainable strategy to reintegrate rehabilitated insurgents into mainstream society, curb recidivism, and aid reconciliation of individuals and groups pitted on opposite sides of victimhood and villainy.

    Nigeria must address the issue of corrupt elements among security agencies and prevent them from sabotaging the anti-terror campaign. The federal and state governments should equally work with security agencies to secure the country’s borders, to protect the country from external aggression and continuous infiltration of otherwise peaceful border communities by foreign terrorists and mercenaries.

    The next president-elect has certainly got his work cut out for him. Irrespective of the victor at the February 2023 polls, all parties in the race as well as the entire political class, the press, and the citizenry, must unite to rout the seeds of discord blooming across the northeast and other conflict zones.

    It is disconcerting to see Nigerians ignore the crisis in the northeast. It should worry discerning citizens that the country currently hosts over 245 “humanitarian” groups in the northeast alone. It should also worry the entire country that these NGOs are taking as much as a 10-year lease on properties in the region – it’s a scary reveal of “humanitarian” expectations and mission in the country.

    What are they preparing for? An aggravation of terror to validate the spurious prediction of Nigeria’s disintegration in 2015? “If conditions worsen” as OCHA predicts, more than 245 NGOs would retain residence in Nigeria’s northeast; they would continually push to lengthen their stay in the region touting unverified data and specious justification.

    But hosting them is hardly the issue, Nigerians should worry about the end game of each “humanitarian actor.” While seeming disparate in mission and outlook, they are all bound to a common purpose: a dateless regime in the country.

    Asides from their professed “humanitarian” mission, there is a dark, seductive quality to the relief and ideologies promoted by these alien groups.

    Their incursion into any target country hardly resounds like an invasion. It’s usually well scripted to alleviate established and speculated miseries of supposedly terrified communities and underprivileged divides – including the oft shady, divisive gender and sexuality campaigns sponsored by several “humanitarian” actors.

    In the case of Nigeria, vast tracts of land in a fertile and resource-rich region (northeast) have been rendered uninhabitable for Nigerian households – no thanks to protracted terrorism.

    The northeast crisis mirrors the Afghan nightmare. Even so, Nigeria careens on a suicidal path as the citizenry flirt with rage and dangerous freedoms. Local NGOs and media, in particular, are used to aggravate the crisis.

    Social media have become a major source of warmongering for insurgents, separatists, and fake news aficionados; in truth, they are all terrorists. Those who spread fake news in a bid to incite carnage and hatred against any individual, tribe, social or religious group must be prosecuted as terrorists.

    It’s about time we learned from Libya, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and other victims of the ill-fated and obscenely romanticised Arab Spring. Yet no INGO or so-called superpower must be blamed for our inclinations to self-destruct.

    Neither terrorism nor the 2023 elections shall be Nigeria’s masque of the proverbial red death. No matter how seductive it seems to silence hope and amplify our woes, we must shun the enticement of artifice and doomsday predictions, lest we wring life totally out of our fragile nation.

    This minute, I retract narratives of Nigeria as a sand pit of carnage guzzling human blood to fertilise sprawling killing fields. So should every compatriot.

    Nigerians must understand that we all have a stake in sustaining the Nigerian project. An interplay of poverty and misgovernance birthed protracted terror in Nigeria; it is a no-brainer that a citizenry dogged by oppression and persistently offered the short end of the stick would eventually yield to wild inclinations and propel Nigeria to self-destruct.

    A similar perversion of governance and citizenship reduced Afghanistan to a prey at the mercy of imperial predators. Its occupiers’ stratagem resonated themes found all over the world, a conflict between definitiveness and dissolution of the state, until the bubble burst.

    Before “conditions worsen” in the northeast, Nigeria must redefine and redirect its partnership with foreign actors hostile to our bid to end the insurgency and heal as a nation.

  • Northeast bazaar

    Northeast bazaar

    By Olatunji Ololade

    (Nigeria’s humanitarian crisis as a meal ticket to foreign NGOs)

    It was a simple question deserving of a simple answer: Has there been any improvement in Nigeria’s fight against terrorism? I asked, but the “humanitarians” parried. Brian Laguardia, the head, civil-military coordinator, OCHA, did his bit shielding the body of “aid agencies” from harmless scrutiny.

    He stated that none of the foreign non-governmental organisations (NGOs) present would respond to questions at the forum. They were collaborating senior military officers and with the Nigerian government to bring succour to the victims, he said condescendingly.

    “What is your exit plan?” I asked, “When would the crisis be deemed abated? Are we going to sit here and still talk about this in the next 10 years? Should Nigeria be wary of any plot to incite in the country a social humanitarian crisis like NATO and foreign NGOs did in Afghanistan?”

    You could hear a pin drop in the conference room of the Joint Task Force (JTF), Operation Hadin Kai, in Maiduguri, Borno State as the “aid workers” squirmed in their seats.

    Laguardia spiritedly stone-walled, deploying tepid diplomacy. It was the best he could do given the circumstances. But even as a trained military operative, he was tactful and polite, compared to the deputy head of OCHA, Esty Sutyoko, a diminutive but odd character who attempted to halt the introduction of participants at the meeting, describing it as “unnecessary.”

    Sutyoko frantically avoided the podium and tried to appropriate a desk microphone far from her seat but she later scurried to the dais to redirect the forum from the main issues.

    It was amusing to see her chant her organisation’s characteristically grim and doctored statistics about gender-based violence while she announced an ongoing 16-day gender activism, saying it was imperative for journalists to participate actively.

    The forum wisely ignored her theatrics and focused on the main issues. By the time I was through with my submission, officials of the World Health Organisation (WHO) darted out of the room, apparently demystified. Laguardia lamented that they all felt “ambushed.”

    If they felt ambushed, how do they think Nigeria feels amid the protracted “humanitarian” racket and seeming ill-will meted to the country in the guise of international aid?

    I asked a simple question deserving a simple answer. Has there been an improvement in the situation in the northeast? But they cringed. The demeanour of the aid workers implied a deliberate bid to scuttle a realistic assessment of the anti-terror war in the northeast.

    Perhaps they know something we don’t; like another direful sitrep or hyperbolic “investigation” contrived with one or two of their sponsored foreign media – with a bid to justify their eternal residence of Nigeria’s northeast.

    Their deportment suggested an agenda to aggravate the crisis rather than resolve it. Of course, many a Nigerian get confused and misled by the NGOs’ cultured tokenism: a plumpy sup diet here and there for malnourished minors; an empowerment scheme targeted at women alone; and a flurry of sexed-up situation reports (sitreps) often misleads many to believe that but for the foreign NGOs, Nigeria would have imploded to the crisis in the northeast.

    Nigeria’s anti-terror campaign isn’t perfect. It is, of course, fraught with challenges, but it wouldn’t hurt the foreign NGOs to acknowledge success in local intervention irrespective of their plots to attract donations.

    The push by the Nigerian Armed Forces to end insurgency in northeast Nigeria, for instance, has led to the surrender of 82,237 fighters and their families since July 2021.

    The bulk of the surrendered fighters of Boko Haram and Islamic States West Africa Province (ISWAP) terrorist groups, were women and children of the fighters and others rescued by the military.

    And there is no gainsaying the crisis has abated in Borno; the insurgents have been dislodged from 23 local governments under their control and chased into the fringes of Sambisa and Nigeria’s borders with her francophone neighbours.

    Read Also: Flood: Rivers IDPs bemoan plight

    Commerce has picked up in the northeast region as thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) struggle to pick up the pieces of their lives in their war-torn communities and resettlement camps.

    It’d be abominable perhaps for Nigeria’s supposed NGO partners to acknowledge such milestones. They would rather harp on established shortcomings of the anti-terror campaign.

    The plot gets intense by the minute. Thus the persistently dark nature of foreign media reports about Nigeria’s anti-terrorism war. In about a decade of covering the conflict, I have discovered that international NGOs are wary of seeing the crisis end very soon.

    Their dilemma is understandable if Nigeria should successfully end terrorism, NGOs are done in the country. They would have no more reasons to stay.

    At the moment, the number of international NGOs or humanitarian actors has skyrocketed to about 243 in the northeast alone – most of them in Borno – many of them performing duplicate roles. It’s quite disconcerting and shady.

    It is in the NGOs’ best interests if the crisis escalates. And as a measure of their weird wishes for Nigeria, they make conscious efforts to reassert their stake in the crisis.

    It has become the norm to see an NGO take a five to 10-year lease on a private home or hotel in Borno. In fact, the staff of the NGO channel pride in how many modish homes and hotels they have acquired via such suspicious lease arrangements.

    Friends in NGOs carelessly brag about living in relatively posh apartments in Borno’s Government Reservation Area (GRA) and hotels. “The crisis won’t end in the next ten years,” an aid worker and friend from a neighbouring African country told me three years ago in a state of exultation.

    The hundreds of staff members of the NGOs are equally psyched to operate in Borno given the attendant perks of the hazard allowances (aka Danger Pay) among others frequently doled out to them as compensation for working in a conflict zone.

    More worrisome is the case of local NGOs run by Nigerians. Due to their dependence on funding and other resource support from their international partners, they continually submit as willing muscles and pawns in the designs of their international benefactors.

    The antics of the “aid workers” on Monday night at the headquarters of JTF, Operation Hadin Kai, in Maiduguri, insinuates dangerous plots in intervention efforts in the northeast.

    It’s about time the Nigerian government considered national interest in its desperation to look good before self-serving elements and tools of imperialism of the so-called first world.

    Nigeria must begin to pay better attention to the operations of foreign NGOs including their ‘partnerships’ with local affiliates. Who is monitoring the pathways of donor funds? Why do we have about 243 NGOs working in the northeast alone? What is the depth and direction of their operations vis-a-vis the actual intervention needs of the northeast? Is there sabotage?

    While we hold the Nigerian government and military to unimpeachable standards of conduct, let us accord the same treatment to foreign NGOs. They aren’t above our laws.

    Nigeria must learn from the Afghan aid disaster. Nobody could love our country more than we do. No foreign NGO or media would ever aspire to utmost humaneness and social responsibility in reporting Nigeria.

    Journalists and civil societies must equally avoid being used as pawns in validating their incendiary sitreps and reports. The lust for NGO patronage should never incite Nigerians to mortgage national interest for hard currency – whatever the slant of their greed and their sponsors’ professed intent.

  • The president Nigeria needs

    The president Nigeria needs

    There is the temptation to make the tragic sense of things the touchstone of Nigerian politics. This desire to daub life dire, has for a long while, defined the tide of political partisanship and the transience of hope as a national ideal.

    In the fracas of faith and filth, the negligible attains significance while the essential gets consigned to the fringes of awareness.

    The moral and ethical issues of misgovernance, predatory corporatism, treasury looting, the toxic assets amassed by politicians and civil servants, to vulturine lending, to self-serving legislation, to anti-growth economic policies, insecurity and sky-rocketing inflation appear to be irrelevant in the arena of public discourse en route to the 2023 elections.

    Instead, the partisan press, in fulfillment of its role as courtier, unfurls to the ungloved palm of doubtful patriots and dubious ethicists, hurling rant about which candidate may contest the presidency or not. Amid the noise, barely any news medium examines the aspirants for other political offices.

    Consequently, the latter enjoy a free ride to power, heedless of the electorate’s wishes, and markedly detached from the sense of purpose and responsibility attached to the public offices they occupy.

    As rival parties campaign across the country, politics gets intense as the major actors flout the rules and skirt around ethical tropes. Arise TV’s frantic broadcast of Bola Tinubu’s rumoured disqualification by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and its subsequent retraction few minutes afterward, on the same day, is incantatory of its partisan mind and nature.

    It’s subsequent apology to Tinubu and the N2 million fine handed out to it by the National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), however, resound like a pat on the wrist to many a supporter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate.

    But this piece is hardly about Arise TV’s curious practice but more about the tenor of engagement in Nigeria’s heated political space. The scalding rhetoric and venomous attacks on political personae exemplify the tragic sense of things in our heated spaces.

    This tragic sense of things is a response to the Nigerian experience and it manifests in the electorate’s detachment from patriotic endeavour. As we approach the 2023 polls, the electorate must unlearn the apathy of the herd reengage progressively in the ongoing transition. They must ask the crucial questions.

    Read Also: Leadership that Nigeria needs

    Of the prospective candidates, whose politics echo our heartbeats? To what do they owe our reverence of them? By their citizenship, do they furnish pathways to empower disillusioned, jobless youths of Umukegwu, Akokwa, Urualla, Borno, Apongbon, Idumota, Agege, Agbor, Sango Ota, Sankwala, to mention a few?

    Do they teach the youth to abhor greed, selfishness, god complex? Do they impress that, in the end, only Nigerians get to choose what becomes of Nigeria, not  a coalition of shady friends from abroad and black ops-activated humanitarian agencies?

    The answer resonates in each candidate’s utterances and deeds. Transcendent moments and deeds are manifestations of an exalted intelligence. Who among the candidates possesses the  loftiest acumen? Whose antecedents in private or public office – or both – elicits the passionate tribute of a cheer? Whose past and present exploits incite the passing tribute of a sigh?

    Despite the youths’ dissatisfaction with the status quo, do they project the moral character, strength, political literacy and intelligence required to make the right choice?

    The ongoing jostle for political spoils is overtly ritualistic. Duplicitous analysts and the political class relentlessly pursue their selfish interests amid widespread suffering and bloodshed.

    Even the self-appointed progressives have shunned the lilies and languors of virtue for the raptures and roses of vice, as Dolores would say. Amid our suffering, they reconstruct Nigeria into a narrow commune, beholden to their selfish interpretations of power and political office.

    Their virtues are short, and their vices extensive and implacable. Their lips, full of lust and laughter, attach to the country’s bosom like curled serpents that are fed from the breast. Every dispensation, they press with fanged lips where their reptilian predecessors have suckled.

    Nigeria thus becomes the doomed Cleopatra giving suck to their asps. When kicked out of office, they grudgingly recoil – but never quitting the corridors of power – to accord Nigeria the affliction of deadlier asps in the successive administration. Nigeria would never be rid of them until we set our grief’s needlepoint astride the prick of pain.

    Of the aspirants, I see a true progressive, a patriot, and misunderstood titan. I see men enslaved to power and god complex. I see voyagers hampered by baggage from a past and present that would forever haunt them. Even the ‘new kids on the block’ come forged as minnows and bathetic ogres.

    I see a colossus whose handlers paint a ravishing portrait of him even as critics dismiss him as yet another genome of leadership, dastardly and base like the Casanova lost in the folds of the bearded meat.

    I see an electorate wrought of two extremes: cynical and apathetic. Very few candidates excite passion and hope, save the dangerous fits thrown by their pawns and puppets on the social media.

    It’s about time we identified the contender jostling to handle our heartfelt yearnings as his tuberous burden. Who among the candidates is best equipped to resolve Nigeria’s economic woes and most pressing conflicts?

    Many Nigerians are probably living through one of the worst decade of their lives. They read of bloody genocides at dawn, poverty and strife in the next city – many more live through such. And as usual, an economy patched with foreign loans, fleeting growth and duplicity.

    It took a perfect gathering of bad leadership to get to this moment. It would take an imperfect cannonball of a man to lead us through, to survival. Who, among the candidates is wrought of such fibre?

    What we should be interested in is a president-elect capable of fostering the type of education and skilled force Nigeria needs to power her industry. We have no need of a big and egocentric President in hard times; what we need is a humble man of great depth.

    We need a president who would be forever indebted to Nigerians, for giving him the opportunity to serve. We need one now as today is spitting out monsters and tomorrow portends the birth of a thousand trolls.

    We are done believing in the dignified duplicity of treacherous men. We need a president who acknowledges that today, everything is broken, and that the very system that produced him needs to be fixed in a way that wouldn’t make deity of him and sacrificial lambs of the Nigerian people.

    We need a president capable of speaking gently and intelligently too. A president who listens. Nigeria deserves a man who internalises the citizenry’s griefs in order to end them.

    We may identify such a leader by his antecedents and present conduct. Let us seek the candidate who would become the blank screen, on which Nigerians of vastly different stripes may rally and project their agonies and wants. And he wouldn’t lose his head.

    The president we seek believes in justice, equality and the rule of law. He is pious without being self-righteous. He is responsible, tolerant, and in many ways, more evolved.

    We need such a character to drive a practicable and all-inclusive plan of national rebirth; a proposal of shared targets and intentions with broad based support and the moral and political will to implement its mechanisms and ends with profound understanding of law, governance methods, economics and social organisation of humane statehood.

  • 2023: Placebo aspirant as mob therapy

    2023: Placebo aspirant as mob therapy

    For those enthralled with the placebo aspirant, the 2023 elections will end in a splash of spittle and a curl of the tongue inwards.

    Yet en route to the polls, Nigerians fondle splinters of fury into fragile fictions of change. Many a placebo seeker reenact the parable of the frantic electorate who would burn Nigeria to charred rubble to birth nirvana out of rage.

    Their passion connotes spurious purpose. What Paglia would liken to the still heart of a geode rimmed with crystalline teeth. Their bromidic chant resounds as a soothing lullaby; it’s akin to rubbing a lantern to make a genie appear.

    Amid the racket, dreams of progress bloom like a fictitious retreat. An emotive simplicity. It’s a  Nabokovian invention of rarefied detail, as Gardner would say.

    Incensed by the fiery mantras: “Sustain the Change!” and “Change the Change!,” citizens march to both real and taught indignation. At the 2019 polls, many submitted their mandate to a leash of cash, bigotries, and incoherent sound bites. Three years on, they are still howling from dawn through dusk, threatening tumult atop soapboxes of rage, forgetting that the storms they incite consume Nigeria’s bliss.

    Some make good their threats, anyway, deploying hate speech, kidnap for ransom, armed banditry, internet thuggery, and terrorism, while the press sensationalises the tragedies they incite in reportage that stretch beyond the photographs of trodden deaths.

    It’s all part of a recurrent script. Some would call it the Naija-theory of things. I would call it the therapy of the mob; the deputation of evil from one social class to the other.

    The heathen dialectic of Nigerian politics depicts the electorate’s mind and nature en route to the 2023 polls. Many Nigerians will vote for tribes, money, and random bigotries. Many would vote to actualise established and latent hostilities, using their voter’s cards as a weapon to torment a rival ethnic group or religious divide. 

    Both the 2015 and 2019 general elections fulfilled such horrid stereotypes. The electorate, severely divided along ethnoreligious divides, voted for Muhammadu Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan, and then Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar respectively, in fulfillment of the ugliest sentimentality.

    Few voters could convincingly articulate their reasons for choosing their candidates. True, a depressed economy, sky-rocketing inflation, and embarrassing corruption across tiers of government substantiated the debate for and against each contender.

    For most voters, however, the decisive factor was the religious affiliation and ethnic root of the contestants. The malady subsists to date. As Nigeria prepares for the 2023 polls, the electorate separates into two factions, spawned by ethnic and religious bigotries. Whatever their frantic narratives, they are inmates of familiar mental jail cells.

    Education is the key out of such captivity. Such enlightenment must, however, be tempered by native intelligence, knowing that intelligence could be morally neutral. It can be used to further the exploitation of the electorate by predatory leadership, or it can be used to defeat the forces of oppression.

    Where intelligence is docile, the educated man evolves like a bitch; a scrawny, sheeplike mutt, led only by wild instincts and subservience to a crafty, self-seeking shepherd. Political tyranny is bodacious and corruptive of intellect thus the unstated ethic of sheepish intelligentsia to amass a fortune while justifying the dominance of their oligarch masters.

    Come 2023, Nigeria must elect competent leadership or resume foraging in the desert end of our green pasture. At the moment, youthful segments of the electorate display political illiteracy that is embarrassingly far-flung and sentimental. In response, rival parties re-invent a political devil in each other, to exploit voter ignorance and intolerance.

    The youth rant that they have been excluded from power at the state and federal levels even though they have populated Nigerian politics for 62 years as rhetoricians, thugs, murderers, arsonists, vote buyers, and sellers.

    There is an urgent need for the country’s enlightened youths and elder statesmen to seek each other out in wisdom and coalesce into more definitive roles. True change can only be driven by true patriots vying on dependable platforms. Platforms matter as much as the candidates. Failure to get this right has often foisted on the electorate, limited choices.

    Our situation demands urgent, proactive steps by progressive change-makers. Nigeria must choose the candidate with the most visionary and realistic manifesto. The one whose candidacy furnishes a foundation for the unity of ideas; the one whose social agenda strengthens the ideals of progressive enlightenment, common progress, commonwealth, and moral autonomy.

    Nigerians must shun the placebo aspirant. Like the fictional child character of  James Barrie’s 2015 fantasy film, “Pan,” his passion is borne of illusion, cunning, and pixie dust. Nigeria must shun such a fantasist because no matter the tenor of his rhetoric, he is impervious to authentic humane experience. He is an emotional cripple whose passion to serve is driven by frantic delusions of self-worth and an overvalued realism of his grandiloquence.

    In truth, he weaponises a dark sentiment, luring the masses into a dark cycle of duplicity. His exaggerated gestures and confessions of love are an assertion of dubious lust. He moots no self-sacrifice, only refinements of domination.

    Beneath his artifice subsists a frantic hankering for unearned privileges and spoils of power. He is the manipulative candidate using ethnic bigots and embittered segments of the electorate as pawns. The latter by default are inclined to furnish his pseudo patriotism by playing the role of a systems manager.

    Revolutionary movements fail in Nigeria because the arrowheads continually cloak their measures and homilies in hostilities and platitudinous rants – such hackneyed dialect is a barrier to effective communication and progress.

    It is the same dialect adopted by political, and corporate players to cheat the electorate of their votes and rig the financial system in the obscure, cryptic language coined by their propaganda labs.

    Education, I reiterate, is the key out of such a mental jail cell; more realistic learning divorced from the pricey occupational training by which tertiary schools turn several youths into mindless certificate-seeking machines.

    If the ongoing transition has revealed anything, it is that vast segments of Nigeria’s youths share kindred spirits with the political class whose oppressive leadership they seek to unseat.

    It’s commendable, however, that they have summoned the courage to demand better leadership and a higher quality of governance. Yet constraints of savage origins hatch into their midst courtesy of the demons within and outside.

    As Nigeria approaches another definitive moment in her history – the February 2023 general elections – the electorate should be wary of ideals that are deemed beneficial simply because they allow them to defy established power.

    Such misappropriated sentiment is currently being weaponised by separatists turned accidental patriots; many of whom have adopted their presidential candidate on the strength of his cunning and predisposition to tell lies for applause.

    Through the mayhem, the privileged are perfecting their Plan B to ‘Jakpa’ or relocate abroad. Thus this message is for the millions without the luxury of an overseas refuge: it is about time we cautioned our youths to desist from inflaming the polity be it as internet warmongers or cannon fodder for physical carnage.

    We need a peaceful country to successfully fight and defeat corruption, governance failure, power outage, infrastructure collapse, and substandard health, and education among others.

    If we truly seek change, we must achieve a unity of mind and common purpose by constructive participation in the political process.

  • 2023: Hate is  everybody’s torment

    2023: Hate is everybody’s torment

    Hate looks like other people’s torment until it glares at you. Sometimes, it glowers in the eyes of a bigot, and the scowl of a predator; sometimes, it seethes in the quiet glances of their prey.

    These days, it shrieks in the rant of the wild – Nigeria’s virtual wilderness to be precise. In our wild, we relive the infernal crud of frantic personae: the political animal, apolitical pacifist, hyperbolic ‘influencer,’ data-fabulous millennial, and the defiant Gen Z, scud to the shore of national consciousness on the world wide web – all hoisting tribal banners and interests –  in support of one presidential candidate or the other.

    Whatever the bent of their politics, they cuddle one candidate and cringe at the other as their vanities dictate. They call it value-based politics even as they clash in defense and furtherance of random bigotries, like pitiless hooligans. Ultimately, they afflict the social space.

    Like all decadent archetypes, social media hooligans mistake lava for wit and molten banality for intellect. Their voices weigh like a thundercloud; whether debating celebrity scuffles or their preferences for Nigeria’s next president, their passions sparkle and flit from fetid intelligence to brilliant witlessness.

    Venom runs in their veins. In their hearts, love and hate are seductive caverns brimming with hate and relative truths, and then death – the death of decency, civility, and humaneness.

    There is a cult of ignorance knifing through Nigeria right now, ripping all that should bind us apart – particularly in cyberspace. This cult thrives on anti-intellectualism and base sophistry – derogatorily dismissed as otellectualism in Yoruba parlance, to connote the presumed intellectual’s acquiescence to be corrupted by what the Yoruba term as ‘ote’ translatable as ‘perfidy’ or ‘treachery.’

    This strain of anti-intellectualism blows by a constant storm, rifling through our sociopolitical and cultural lives, nurtured by the false notion that freedom of speech means that ‘my ignorance is just as good as your knowledge’ or that ‘my malevolence is just as good as your benevolence.’

    The malady manifests in cyberspace in real-time. In this public space, everybody becomes a wilding, trading bitter realism, infantile whim, and pseudo-idealism with awful relish.

    The guts and sinews of every stereotype and theme-park hatred are validated via mind-numbing sloganeering, toxic bigotries, sophistry, and outright lies.

    A casual visit to Facebook or Twitter manifests as a pilgrimage of sorts; the esplanades of public discourse unfurl to a sordid, cutout version of anarchic thinking, replete with ethnoreligious bigotries and the hassle of incomprehensible logic. Then, there are the strange movements and morbid ideologies – all fostered and marshaled from bizarre platforms.

    In this public wilderness, everybody pontificates. Everyone mutates from philosopher to savage pawn and vice versa; they all speak impressive and atrocious lingo. Call it our patois of rebuke and immoderate assemblies.

    Here you encounter Nigerians of vast mental stripes: the BATIFIED, ATIKULATE, AND OBIDIENT. Once you get past the facade of slogans and artifice, it’s mostly the same defiant, virulent passion driving the mob.

    As the bickering persists, we see the savage mutations of the political Nigerian: persons of presumed higher learning, persons afflicted by poverty, persons of affluence, authority, and high glamour. The lambent complexion turns muddy; the aura vanishes. Integrity is innately borne and espoused as a kernel of character but respect is a gift under no one’s control. It peaks and ebbs as spectator mood at a crunch soccer tie.

    A familiar decline from admiration to disillusion, hope to disenchantment festers in the citizenry’s public engagement with each other and their elected representatives

    But our greatest undoing would be our inability to douse the flames of bigotries and hatred incited by our utterances and cutthroat politics.

    As we approach the 2023 polls, our politics must be rid of rancour. There is no excuse for maligning an individual, group, or social divide for its political choices and preferred candidates.

    Where such mayhem subsists,  everybody gets burnt: the ruling class, opposition parties, the entitled elite, and the rich upper class. At the bottom of the cauldron, however, roasts the incorrigible hordes of the boondocks, or the electorate if you like.

    Through the inferno and chaos, we seek a redefinition of the Nigerian patriot. Strikeout patriot; it’s about time we redefined the Nigerian.

    Again, I reiterate that Nigeria must learn from the Afghan experience. In the wake of the United States-backed NATO’s sudden withdrawal from Afghanistan, Gaisu Yari, an Afghan refugee, now grantee of the Open Society Foundation (OSF), recalls his flight from his homeland as his darkest hour.

    As the U.S. and NATO commenced their hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, he had just four hours to pack up every personal item in his apartment. He had to decide, without wasting time, what to take and what to leave behind—knowing that he might never see anything left behind again.

    “One rule kept circling through my mind: Pack the life you have created here in Afghanistan into one suitcase and never forget the dreams of the people of this land,” he recalled.

    Thus on August 19, in barely four gruesome hours, he anxiously stuffed a few belongings in his bag and parted with his life, his work, and everything that made him Afghan. In a pain-filled memoir, Yari revealed that he cried all through his perilous trip to the Kabul airport. He hadn’t enough time to say goodbye to loved ones.

    “And as much I tried to conjure ways to plan, resist, and fight to stay in Afghanistan with each passing moment, it was gut-wrenchingly evident that we had lost our chance,” he said.

    One year after his painful departure from his homeland, Yari relives the agony of his flight; he relives the pain of saying goodbye to his tearful mother on the roof of an old house, where he had been hiding from the Taliban for three days.

    He eventually evacuated to Poland, landing with his family in a refugee camp with scarce food or resources. Even so, Yari is luckier than fellow refugees and Afghans who fled to Poland, France, Canada, and the U.S. At least, he enjoys the momentary boon of an OSF grant thus he might not have to really worry anymore about the quality of his provisions, living space, and food supplies.

    Yet every day he rues the misery of refugee life, the pain of sudden flight, those stolen moments with his mom, and the aching feeling of being abandoned.

    Every new dawn he spends abroad lacerates him to the bones and leaves a thick welt on his psyche. He realises that he is living some of his “darkest days a year after leaving” his homeland.

    Would Nigerians learn from the sad fate of the Yaris of the world?  Yari and fellow Afghan refugees never imagined that their country “could fall back into the hands of the Taliban—and that no one could save it.”

    As they fled, many of them took with them, what they thought was important. “A prosecutor told Yari in his OSF-sponsored documentary, “Afghan Voices” that he brought his knowledge and experience to the U.S. “But does that matter here in the United States? No,” he said. Quite instructive.

    And despite their initial patronage by the bleeding heart press, Afghanistan has faded from global news headlines.

    As we approach the 2023 elections, let us be guided by the Afghans’ experience. Nigerians must avoid rancorous engagement with each other. We must scorn chaos and poisonous interventions by aliens, whose major interest is to abolish our sovereignty, plunder our resources, and strip us bare to devious elements.

     

  • Midterm blues  in America

    Midterm blues in America

    What has been called the most consequential election in recent American history will take place  on November 8, a week from today.  It is not a presidential election.  It is designed to elect or re-elect a one-third of the 100 members of the Senate.  But it has come to be seen as a referendum on the sitting president two years into his term, with two more to go.

    Traditionally, the President’s party loses seats in both chambers, altering the balance of power between the legislative and executive branches.  Sometimes the losses are so substantial that the president is reduced to a lame duck for all practical purposes, if not a hostage of the opposition.

    President Obama was prescient to have pursued his signature legislative accomplishment — the Affordable Care Act during his first term, when the Democratic Party controlled healthy majorities in both houses. Even so, securing it was a titanic battle in which he had to make many compromises that diluted it. 

    If he had scheduled the project for a second term, he would have in retrospect had little to show for his presidency.  For he entered his second term without the legislative majorities that had made the ACA possible, the Republican Party having taken control of the House and neutered the Senate

    The losses the President’s party usually suffers in midterm elections bear little correspondence to the actual policies and programs the president has pursued. It is the opinion polls that drive public perception of the president’s performance.  Public opinion, a protean creature, has no independent existence.  It is shaped by covert and overt propaganda, disinformation, an individual’s psycho-social makeup, so-called pocket-book issues, among them the price of gasoline, over which the government has little control, as well as intangibles.

    Take President Joseph Biden as a case study.  He restored a sense of normality after the armed assault on the Capitol designed to keep Donald Trump in office after his defeat, led the country through the ravages of Covid-19, steered it toward economic recovery and full employment, enacted an infrastructure programme to replace or refurbish America’s crumbling highways and railways, and set out to redeem a campaign promise to forgive or reduce student loans for by as much S20, 000.

    Yet, Biden’s approval rating has remained stubbornly well below 50 percent, except for a brief period.

    Meanwhile, he has had to contend daily for attention since taking office with his disgraced   predecessor, who seeks to disparage and undercut him at every opportunity.  It an extra-terrestrial were to land in America today, it would have a hard time figuring out who, between Joseph Biden and Donald Trump, is America’s President.

    For days, Biden may not figure significantly in the news.  But Trump is in the news all the time, every day, promoting policies that are flagrantly subversive of the U.S. Constitution              and election candidates committed to advancing not the uncoerced will of the people but his preferences and prejudices.

    To that end,  Trump has endorsed and campaigned vigorously for some of the most odious candidates for federal and state elections, persuaded that his support alone will override public aversion.   In this, Trump might well be taking a page from Roman Emperor Nero’s playbook. Didn’t Nero make his horse a Senator?

    Trump sees this way of doing business not as a mark of his contempt for the state institutions and all they stand for, but as a measure of his capacity to inflict his will on the self-same public with its approval. That capacity and the immense satisfaction he draws from it count for everything in his universe.

    Trump and his acolytes have  steered away the GOP from the pursuit of democracy, the rule of law, government based on the consent of the people as expressed in free and fair elections and all such noble precepts that undergird America’s claim to exceptionalism. 

    Inspired by Trump and drawing strength from his proxies in the Supreme Court which is at bottom the Republican Party in judicial robes, state legislatures have been enacting electoral laws that seek to curtail or trammel the right to vote – a right that generations of Black Americans fought and bled and died to win,

    Read Also: Will America’s midterms in 2022 replicate 1866?

    With a sense of urgency that should serve far nobler ends, they are enacting laws that make it harder and harder to vote.  In one state, it is an electoral offence to offer someone on the line a bottle of water or a sandwich.  In some states, you can show up to vote only to be told that your eligibility has been challenged, and you cannot vote until the challenge has been determined. 

    These who used to work the polls during elections have quit in large numbers, unable to put up with daily threats of violent assault or assassination from hard-right vigilantes.

    Trump and his acolytes claim that such measures are warranted to forestall electoral malpractices.  But malpractices on a scale that corrupts election outcomes virtually never occur in America.  The measures that Republican-controlled states are enacting at such a s furious pace nothing but solutions in search of a problem.

    But they can count on the super-majority in the U.S. Supreme Court to conjure up reasoning or doctrine that confers constitutional validation on the most restrictive measurers they can devise.

    A recent New York Times/Siena poll found that Americans regard the threat to democracy as an important issue, though not a threat they should do something about.  Political scientists, historian and philosophers tell us this is one of the ways in which democracies die.

    This, then, is the context in which Americans will be going to the polls next Tuesday.

    The Democrats hold a slender majority in the House, and a plurality of just one in the Senate if Vice President Kamala Harris deploys her casting vote to break what is otherwise guaranteed to be a 50:50 tie.

    Before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade, the 1973 ruling precedent that protected the right to an abortion, the  polls were unanimous that the Democrats faced nothing short of a wipeout in Congress, in the gubernatorial mansions, and in the state legislators.

    When women turned out in huge numbers to register to vote and vowed with the more liberal sections of the public to show their resentment at the midterms, the fortunes of the Democrats rose somewhat. They might not face a wipeout after all, the experts were saying.  They would lose the House for sure, but might just keep the Senate and stay competitive overall.

    Biden’s legislative accomplishments also gave Democrats a bump in the approval ratings

    But after a while, the poll numbers for Biden and the Democrats dissipated.

    At this writing, the indications are that Republicans will prevail in the midterms.  If they do, those on the other side of the political spectrum should be afraid.  For they will set America on a reactionary course that will, in practice, repudiate the exceptionalism that America claims.

    If the Republicans don’t win, those on the other side should be very afraid. Many of the GOP’s stalwarts have declared, following Trump’s example,  that they would not accept the  election results unless they won, and others have been perfecting the rules that would empower them  to certify losers as winners and winners as losers. 

    And they are foresworn to violence to achieve these ends.

    This rite is not going to make for a pleasant passage.

    It is a reflection of the present that an assailant broke into the San Francisco home of House of Representative Speaker Nancy looking for her, and not finding her, hit it her 82-year-old husband on his head and body with a hammer.  He is still in hospital at this writing, receiving treatment for serious injuries.  

  • The next apocalypse (2)

    The next apocalypse (2)

    This minute, Nigeria stews like a cauldron of scorching realities. Amid the sweltering pot, politicians, entertainers, social influencers, industry titans, the political hooligan, military chiefs, and the fabulous cabal, jostle to assert their stakes in the forthcoming elections.

    All bets are hot, whether plotted or not, as rival parties wager over political actors en route to the 2023 polls.

    Of the contending actors, however, none elicits as much dread as the boy thug; the child bandit, insurgent, and gangster personify our reality check. Each is a child cradling dreams that may never manifest even as he evolves to become our greatest nightmare.

    Childhood to the boy thug unfurls as flaming turbulence in which he plays puppet and pawn to treacherous puppeteers. As Nigerians march to the polls in February next year, there are worries in several quarters over what devious purposes Nigeria’s boy thugs would be deployed to.

    Consider the sad case of Aliyu Jatau. At my first encounter with him a few months ago, the 17-year-old pulsed with memories of hell bespoken. In Zamfara, Jatau disclosed to me, his dream to become “a very big rice farmer.”

    But he embraced banditry and strife, and his life transformed into a constant blur of anti-bullet charms, AK-47s, mindless rape of women and girls, and bloody raids on defenseless villages. Caught in the fast thrill of the forest, he often tells himself, that he’s on a mission to rescue his mother and sisters abducted by fellow bandits. A mission from which he remains far removed.

    The 17-year-old revealed that his gun is “occasionally for hire” to interested politicians. Jatau, tenting humanity beneath his whim, spooled a disconsolate yarn of Nigeria’s retreat to bestial nature.

    Like many boys of his age, he was robbed of his innocence by a “bandit god.”

    His childhood is an epic in which innocence plays little part. Jatau’s narrative evokes dual inspiration: he is at once a bright boy and a gun-wielding bandit.

    Life as a bandit oft becomes heated and extremely dangerous but child bandits like Jatau are ready to die with the gun. In their reckless, macabre life, peace is overrated and school is a terrible bore.

    Their loaded rifles spit nutriment to their malnourished minds. In their world, bullets glow like ‘dabino’ and a rocket launcher excites their thirst for mayhem. Strife has poured into them its metal and chaos in queer doses. And they will give them back, first, in bitty slugs of rampage. Then, in mammoth dispensations of carnage and bloodlust.

    More worrisome is their idolatry of terrorist leaders, bandit kingpins, and warlords; this sacrilegious worship of criminals by the teenagers represents a troubling heft of empathy for the wild and atrocious.

    The teenagers’ grotesque dreams, deliberate or accidental, are a manifestation of our failures. The boy thug sees in and sees out of our carnage of values and nationhood. But he is both the victim and villain. He is an innocent minor, orphaned, and abducted to the terror boot camps holding about 10,000 boy bandits and insurgents in Boko Haram and armed bandits’ campaign of terror across the northeast and northwest regions.

    He is the street urchin (omo osanle), gang-banger, and cultist terrorising Lagos suburbs. He is the impressionable boy prematurely hurled into toxic adulthood. He is the young adult frozen in the labyrinth of becoming. He is both poseur and voyeur, spectre and terror.

    Brainwashed, he unfurls in his puppeteers’ gloved palms like a half-blind marionette, seeing only what he has been taught to see. He learns to live by aspiring to terror.

    He is Nasir Kwatarkwashi, 16, who dreams of becoming a bandit kingpin. He said, “I don’t need to go to school. What will I be if I go to school? A teacher? Doctor? Engineer? Fighters make all the big money. They have all the power. Politicians fear them. The government fears them. See, my father was a politician. He promised to make me a councillor. He is dead now. Bandits killed him and my stepbrothers. Then they took my stepmother away to be their forest wife. Bandits have all the power today. I will become a bandit leader, make big money and retire very young.”

    Likewise, Aminu Badarawa, 18, “would like to be a bandit,” in order to live largely. “I will be rich. I will make money and live in Dubai. I will keep one family there and one family in Nigeria. When I am away, my boys will work for me and collect,” he said.

    Down south, in Lagos to be precise, teen gangs including the One Million Boys, Fadeyi Boys, Ereko Boys, Akala Boys, Ijesha Boys, Awala Boys, Shitta Boys, Nokia Boys, No Salary Boys, Japa Boys, Koko Boys, the much dreaded Awawa Boys, lay siege to various parts of the coastal city. These teen gangs maintain a strong presence on the mainland and Lagos Island.

    What started innocently as groups of minors begging people for money eventually metamorphosed into gangs of fearsome teenage cultists, rapists, and armed robbers terrorising Agege,  Iyana-Ipaja, Sakamori, Ibari, Ashade, Dopemu, Ogba, Ifako-Ijaiye, Abule-Egba, Ifako-Ijaye, Agege, Isale Oja, Ibari, Akerele, Papa Ogba Ashade, Aluminium Village, Ibeju Lekki, Ajah and other parts of Lagos Island.

    They rob with guns, machetes, daggers, and weaponised cutlery, forks in particular. They also rape young girls and women. Most of the gangs nurse a morbid fascination for raping women old enough to be their mothers and young girls.

    Rape is a crucial part of their initiation rites. It helps to groom fearlessness in even the youngest member. Prospective initiates are ordered to rape a certain number of girls or a particular woman they intend to shame.

    If there is another storm that Nigeria should be worried about, it’s the influx of teenage boys into terrorism, armed banditry, and cultism. There are too many boys pretending to be hard men.

    In my previous encounter with Mustapha, a child insurgent in Borno, I learnt that many boys from Zamfara, Kaduna, Sokoto, Katsina, Borno, and Yobe States are taken for training at Boko Haram’s forest boot camps in Chikungudu.

    There is a reason Boko Haram and armed bandits’ creed of violence and wanton genocide is resonant among brainwashed minors. The compelling nature of the grievances articulated, and the pervasiveness of poverty justify the boys’ rationale for embracing a creed of carnage.

    A history of corruption and neglect at the federal, state, and local levels of government, among others, is a major source of widespread dissatisfaction towards politicians, the legal system, and law enforcement.

    These sentiments thrive in greater depths and concentration in the north, where armed bandits, insurgents, and their sponsors, cash in on the situation. Boko Haram offers them a passport to paradise, telling them that their religion is under threat; together, with bandits, they manipulate the sentiments of little boys and teenagers, luring them with food, money, and freedom to abduct and rape girls of their choice and women old enough to be their mothers.

    Government and law enforcement agencies explore ambitious themes of amnesty and deradicalisation for repentant insurgents but the jury is out on whether such templates would resolve the scourge of boy bandits of the northwest and the teen gangs prowling down south.

    As Nigeria heads to the 2023 polls in a few months, the following measures may be taken to address the problem of the boy thug.

  • The next apocalypse (1)

    The next apocalypse (1)

    There is an apocalyptic drift to the scourge of minors – mainly boys – and young men, who have laid siege to Nigeria’s suburbs and rural areas.

    Nigeria’s intelligentsia and political class perceive them as fractions of the country’s disposable human trash. They believe that there are more pressing political and economic problems to address. This is a mistake. A grievous one.

    These boys are products of Nigeria’s dysfunctional system. Inured to mayhem, they are forbiddingly dangerous. Their personalities, shaved of compassion are sculpted to project strife by their maleficent benefactors.

    Brainwashed, they become puppet personae, stunted in growth, and unquestioning of their puppeteers’ malicious intent.

    Amid their benefactors’ toxic patronage, they manifest like soulless dummies, casual workers in a Nigerian carnage factory.

    As victim and villains, they are both exposed and enclosed, behind their coarse faces and masks.

    Each boy is naked yet armoured, premature yet ritually experient. They are impervious to morals because they have become soulless; their defiled innocence screams for urgent help and yet remains closed to redemption.

    Their naivete is deceptive – not to be toyed with. Military officers in Nigeria and neighbouring countries claim these minors are fearless on the battlefield. In Cameroon, a local commando unit dispatched helicopters and artillery against waves of Boko Haram’s child insurgents, who appeared to be drugged, some armed with no more than machetes, said Col. Didier Badjeck , a former Cameroonian army spokesman.

    During a recent battle between Boko Haram and Cameroonian gendarmes, in northern Cameroon, more than one hundred screaming boys ran towards a fortified position, many of them barefoot and unarmed, said Badjeck to WSJ, and most were swiftly gunned down. Soldiers found in many of their pockets packaging from the opiate, tramadol.

    “It’s better to kill a boy than have 1,000 victims,” said Badjeck. “It’s causing us problems with international organizations, but they’re not on the front lines. We are.”

    While the world focused on Boko Haram’s mass abduction of women and girls, the terrorist group was stealing an even greater number of boys. Over 10,000 boys were abducted by the group since its campaign of terror across the northeast and the Lake Chad Basin began in 2009.

    These boys are trained in boot camps in forest hide-outs and abandoned villages, according to government officials and the Human Rights Watch (HRW), a New York-based advocacy group.

    With no formal database for the missing, it’s impossible to know how many boys were abducted by Boko Haram and forcibly conscripted as fighters.

    In the northwest, teen bandits prowl with menacing ardour, posing a serious threat to the anti-banditry military campaign in the region. Worried by the situation, Zamfara Governor, Bello Matawalle, recently sounded the alarm that teen bandits were terrorising his state.

    Ultimately, they constitute a scary outcrop of the region’s insecurity scourge even as their individual tragedies blend into the hobbling footprints of the region’s failed agricultural economy.

    Read Also: IGP orders probe of singer Portable over One Million Boys

    Amid the mayhem, it’s harder to digest, the glowing admiration by northwest minors, of bandit personae, who harnessed their hitherto mundane, promising lives with strife.

    Collectively, their fates resonate a tragedy so intense it manifests as a protracted wail. Before many of them fell in love with bullets and guns, they had dreams, like any normal child their age. In Zamfara, 17-year-old Aliyu, told me that he dreamt of being “a very big rice farmer.”

    But he embraced banditry and strife, and his life transformed into a constant blur of anti-bullet charms, AK-47s, mindless rape and bloody raids on defenceless villages. Caught in the fast thrill of the forest, he often tells himself, that he’s on a mission to rescue his mother and sisters abducted by fellow bandits.

    Down south, in Lagos to be precise, teen gangs including the One Million Boys, Fadeyi Boys, Ereko Boys, Akala Boys, Ijesha Boys, Awala Boys, Shitta Boys, Nokia Boys, No Salary Boys, No Mercy Boys, Aguda Boys, Night Cadet, Black Scorpion, Red Scorpion, Akamo Boys, Omo Kasari Confraternity, Japa Boys, Koko Boys, and the much dreaded Awawa Boys, lay siege to various parts of the coastal city. These teen gangs maintain a strong presence on the mainland and Lagos Island.

    What started innocently as groups of minors begging people for money eventually metamorphosed into gangs of fearsome teenage cultists, rapists and armed robbers terrorising Agege,  Iyana-Ipaja, Sakamori, Ibari, Ashade, Dopemu, Ogba, Ifako-Ijaiye, Abule-Egba, Ifako-Ijaye, Agege, Isale Oja, Ibari, Akerele, Papa Ogba Ashade, Aluminium Village, Ibeju Lekki, Ajah and other parts of Lagos Island.

    They rob with guns, machetes, daggers and weaponised cutlery, forks in particular. They also rape young girls and women. Most of the gangs nurse a morbid fascination for raping women old enough to be their mothers and young girls.

    Rape is a crucial part of their initiation rites. It helps to groom fearlessness in even the youngest member. Prospective initiates are ordered to rape a certain number of girls or a particular woman they intend to shame.

    Several women have been raped on their way to and from work by those boys in parts of Pen Cinema in Agege, but victims have learnt to keep quiet, hiding their pain for fear of being stigmatised by their communities and loved ones.

    Though predominantly a cult of boys, females including prepubescent girls are recruited into these gangs too. They move in pretty large squads and pride themselves in their numbers. Often times they operate as a flash mob of close between 100 and 150 but for smaller missions, they move in squads of between 20 and 50 boys and girls. Sometimes, they operate in rag-tag squads of four, five, seven, 10 to 15 boys bearing deadly arms including baseball bats, clubs, meat cleavers, daggers, crude metal bars, ‘two by two’ (wooden planks with nails) and forks.

    Members of the cult are drug dependent. They binge on psychotropic substances including omi gota (gutter juice), colorado, pamilerin, codeine, cannabis, rohypnol and tramadol.

    Just recently rival gangs terrorised Agege in a protracted turf war that lasted almost one week. After establishing their dominance in any neighbourhood, they engage in a peculiar brand of hustle by which they perpetrate scams, bullying, political violence and armed robberies.

    Several gangs are linked to criminal operations across Lagos. They commit house burglaries and armed robberies and the stolen valuables are often sold at ridiculous prices.

    These gangs are composed of mainly young males, aged seven to 25 years. Despite their dangerous proclivities, they provide young people with a sense of belonging and social identity, and as they operate in shadow economies, they make up for the lack of educational and job opportunities afflicting young boys.

    Within gangs, young boys have found camaraderie and a way to make a living. Many of them commit serious crimes such as robbery and burglary with the intention of exchanging stolen goods for cash. The money earned from such crimes is invested in hard drugs, commercial sex workers, gambling and other guilty pleasures.

    In Lagos, many gang members and area boys act as violent brokers in parallel structures, having created an income for themselves via forced extortion and narcotics peddling, playing guard of individual property or public space in situations of inadequate or ineffective police presence.

    Over time, they have become an accepted part of the urban landscape even as they become mercenaries for various forms of criminal contracts in the process.

  • 2023: Against anarchy

    2023: Against anarchy

    The most prescient portrait of imperialist desertion of a colony under siege was the United States-backed NATO’s sudden withdrawal from Afghanistan.

    As the country’s capital, Kabul, fell to the Taliban forces on August 15, 2021, the world stared with abashed horror and revulsion at the most defining imagery of the Taliban takeover: the occupation forces shoved back hundreds of frantic Afghans struggling to get a spot on a departing aircraft, while Taliban goons flogged hundreds more with horsewhips, ordering them to go back and live obediently under the new tyranny.

    Afghans clung to the side of a departing U.S. military jet as it rolled down the tarmac to airlift out of the country. Some of them fell to their death as the aircraft gained altitude, according to agency reports.

    The U.S. authorities estimated that at least seven people died during the chaotic evacuation at the airport, including several who fell from the military jet.

    Many Afghans dreaded living under the Taliban’s brutish dictatorship as the sect’s leadership assumed de facto control of the country and immediately pronounced it the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

    The Afghan nightmare mirrors the Nigerian situation. At the moment, the country careens along a suicidal path, at the behest of citizenry flirting with rage and dangerous freedoms.

    Too many individuals and groups have thrown caution to the wind in support of their preferred candidates en route to the 2023 elections. Conversation degenerates to a melee online and offline as warring groups trade expletives – and sometimes hurl actual death threats as a function of partisanship.

    Yet the 2023 elections shan’t be Nigeria’s masque of the proverbial red death. No matter how seductive it seems to silence hope and amplify our woes, we must persistently look to the sunnier side of things.

    We must shun the enticement of artifice and doomsday predictions, lest we wring life totally out of our fragile nation.

    Read Also: 2023: Sylva declares APC complete takeover in Bayelsa

    Currently, Nigeria is a sand pit of carnage, guzzling human blood to fertilise sprawling killing fields. The citizenry’s lives drain with every breath, leaking from every pore.

    Like the predatory oligarchs, youthful Nigeria manifests as another ogre, a jaded generation turning thumbs down on the mainstream, at first for survival, and ultimately for their own amusement.

    A citizenry mired in oppression and wild inclinations would eventually propel Nigeria to self-destruct. A similar perversion of nationhood and citizenship reduced Afghanistan to prey at the mercy of imperial predators. Its occupiers’ stratagem resonated themes found all over the world, a conflict between definitiveness and dissolution of the state, until the bubble burst.

    As the US/NATO forces frantically pulled away from a stunning rout, the Taliban seized nearly all of Afghanistan in one week, despite the billions of dollars spent by the U.S. and NATO over nearly 20 years to bolster Afghan security forces. The former’s sudden withdrawal has left too many Afghans disillusioned and scared as an old but familiar monstrosity stirs into a beast rendering their homeland a dystopic wilderness. The beast now waits in every glade, returned to its wild perch in nature.

    Would Nigeria learn from Afghanistan? It’s about time we understood that nobody could love our country more than we do. No Joe Biden, Emmanuel Macron, or Liz Truss, could ever love Nigeria more than Muhammadu Buhari. These leaders of the so-called developed nations, like their predecessors, would always see Nigeria (and the rest of Africa) as a mere tool for preserving their country’s enlightened self-interests. It’s as simple as that.

    No foreign media would ever aspire to utmost social responsibility in reporting Nigeria; that is a role best served by patriotic segments of our local press. Have we a patriotic divide in the Nigerian press?

    Journalists in particular must desist henceforth from inflaming the polity via incendiary statements and reports. The lust for NGO patronage should never incite them to mortgage national interests for hard currency – whatever the slant of their greed and their sponsors’ professed intent.

    Social media, in particular, has become a major source of warmongering for separatists and fake news aficionados; in truth, they are all terrorists. Those who spread fake news in a bid to incite carnage and hatred against any individual, tribe, social or religious group must be prosecuted as terrorists.

    We do not need another civil war. We must not give the doomsayers the opportunity to gloat; since their prediction of Nigeria’s collapse by 2015 failed, they had been left smarting in shame and earnestly committed to Nigeria’s death watch.

    It’s about time we learned from Libya, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and the victims of the obscenely romanticised Arab Spring. Neither America nor Europe must be blamed for our inclinations to self-destruct.

    Carter Malkasian, author of The American War in Afghanistan: A History, served as a civilian advisor in Iraq and Afghanistan; according to him, throughout his travels with U.S. military commanders around Afghanistan, he saw numerically superior and better-supplied soldiers and police suffer incessant defeats by poorly resourced and unexceptionally led Taliban.

    While the U.S. and Afghan forces fought for hegemony and money respectively, the Taliban soldiers were inspired by faith and the promise of a divine nirvana – however spurious. They were united in belief and purpose as they fought to thwart a common enemy: the American soldiers of occupation and their Afghan enablers.

    May we not face a similar threat from Boko Haram, ISWAP, armed bandits, and spurious separatist groups.

    Corruption was part of Afghanistan’s problem. The military and police suffered as their commanders and government officials pocketed their pay, hoarded ammunition, and sabotaged the counterinsurgency operations.

    The Afghan nightmare evidently mirrors the Nigerian situation. Thus we must scorn poisonous interventions by countries whose major interest is to abolish our sovereignty, plunder our resources, and strip us bare to devious elements.

    It is about time we actualised a culture of true ideals against petty passions and sordid objectives. Let us begin to build that proverbial bulwark of citizenship with an ideal of patriotism untainted by wantonness, ill-bliss, power, and gratuitous rage.

    The ongoing jostle for political spoils at the 2023 polls is the most incantatory of our political games. It is overtly ritualistic. Devious oligarchs comprising politicians and serving public officers relentlessly pursue their selfish interests amid widespread suffering and bloodshed.

    The electorate – comprising the masses and self-appointed progressives – on the other hand, have shunned the lilies and languors of virtue for the raptures and roses of vice as Dolores would say.

    Politicians and the electorate jointly reconstruct Nigeria into a narrow commune, beholden to their selfish interpretations of citizenship, power, and democratic dividends.

    Our homes, families, worship houses, schools, communities, to mention a few, produce and sustain our affliction by corrupt leadership and followership. We must surgically excise from within our penchant for corruption and yearning to self-destruct.

    At the moment, the average Nigerian manifests the electorate’s detachment from patriotic experience. Most guilty is the Nigerian in his youth. He samples dissent but will not commit to progressive intent. Rustling ‘wokeness’ out of tired bromides, his sterile passion stifles patriotic fervour.

    We must live wary of the nature of youth participation in politics – perhaps because they have become a significant force in contemporary society.

    The youths personify the core of the Nigerian spring but if their passions pulse with uninspiring badges, notably toxic dissent, mindless bigotries, and predisposition to mayhem, Nigeria may crash and burn sooner.

    Where youths serve as cannon fodder for violence, the possibility of progress is forever muted. And hope is consequently eunuchised.

  • Bad hustle (2)

    Bad hustle (2)

    The most resonant message from John Eka Ewa aka John Lyon’s predicament is that manhood is the new fiend.

    Lyon, who was arrested by the police, on Thursday, September 15, over links to a kidnap syndicate responsible for several high-profile abductions in Bayelsa and other parts of the Niger Delta enjoyed fabulous repute on social media until his arrest.

    The 36-year-old’s plight once again highlights why most societal problems are attributed to degenerate maleness. The previous arrest of boychild ritualists: from the Bayelsa teens, Emomotimi, Perebi, and Eke (all 15-year-olds) for money-making rituals, has been blamed on poverty and the lack of a positive male role model in their lives. But what do we make of Lyon’s motives?

    From teenage boys and young men’s frantic lunge for sudden wealth via money rituals to their complicity in terrorism, gender-based violence, armed robbery, kidnap for ransom, Nigeria careens to the shove of dissembling manhood and we experience a fatal forming of maleness and society.

    Toxic families produce toxic citizens. Toxic citizenry becomes poisonous to nationhood in the long run. The interplay of toxic materialism, misandrist-feminism, and the absence of an exemplary father figure has foisted upon us a generation of ill-nurtured boys.

    Economic forces aggravate their sense of disenchantment and futility and changing gender roles and the denouement of masculinity afflict them with greater confusion.

    Masculinity flows from nature as an aspect of the birth mother, no doubt, but it is sculpted by society and a father figure into humane and effective manhood. The boy-child learns by instruction, counselling, and imitation.

    In an ideal setting, the father moulds his character by careful nurturing, awarding punishment for vice and reward for virtue. So, he teaches him to be a man within acceptable precepts of culture and society.

    Where the father is absent, or feckless, the boychild suffers exposure to degenerate blooming, like 32-year-old Afeez Olalere, who was encouraged to use his younger brother for money ritual by his mother – to encourage him, she fed poison to the said brother (her younger son) and watched him die.

    Boys are in trouble; due to the lack of positive male role models in their lives, they get what they can from the streets, social media, anti-male movies, and video games. All they need is someone whose exemplary footsteps they could follow but society provides them only men they could dumb down to.

    A recent analysis of 2, 000 mass media portrayals of men and male identities, found that men were depicted mostly as villains, aggressors, perverts, and philanderers. From this stockpile of anti-heroes, the boy-child is expected to navigate for a good male identity.

    Promoting the image of men as juvenile, mean, and stupid is cynical and exploitative, which makes the tide of inverse sexism that has swamped out television screens and the pages of literature even more appalling.

    In modern Nigeria, boys and young men suffer a dire lack of role models, especially if they are raised in a single-parent home. The situation is worsened by the lack of positive role models in extended family and government and the perpetuation of overwhelmingly negative images of men by the media and feminist scholarly research.

    Ultimately such portrayals lead to negative social costs for society in areas such as male health, rising suicide rates, and family disintegration. This is a precarious age for the boychild. He is taught to repudiate positive patriarchal notions of manhood and imbibe virulence as the cornerstone of his becoming.

    The college gender gap is another worrisome development; it must be acknowledged that while Nigerian males are projected to hold a statistical edge over females in school enrollment rates, they do not hold a productive edge over females.

    There are more females contributing meaningfully at work and acquiring postgraduate degrees. A cursory look at education statistics may be instructive.

    The academia shies from the issue bound by the gag of gender politics and the dubious notion that males enjoy higher school enrolment, are more financially stable and are better placed in business and politics. Consequently, several boys are denied push from high school to college.

    Read Also: Bad hustle

    I have seen more boys drop out of school to become internet scammers (Yahoo Boys) disguised as bitcoin traders, forex specialists, and I.T gurus, to mention a few. Many of them are casualties of dysfunctional families and the changing dynamics of the new global economy.

    The economy has become less friendly to men. This is a global problem, however. Jacqueline King, of the American Council on Education in her group’s study of lower-income adults in college, discovered that men had a harder time committing to school.

    They tended to start out behind academically, and many felt intimidated by the schoolwork. They reported feeling isolated and were much worse at seeking out fellow students, study groups, or counselors to help them adjust. Mothers going back to school, however, described themselves as good role models for their children. Fathers worried that they were abrogating their responsibilities as breadwinners, explained Hanna Rosin.

    Against the backdrop of these realities, the “protector” and “provider” theories of manhood and fatherhood are continually dismissed as credulous and crude, in a modern world where conservative ideals of masculinity are maligned and fiercely rebuffed.

    On the flip side, female folk enjoys patronage in crusader art and pedagogy. This slanted social complex has been adduced to a toxic leftist orientation.

    The situation is aggravated by a lack of adequate attention to Nigerian males at the policy level. Responding to my query on the issue, a staff of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) told me recently, that his organisation ignores Nigerian boys and adult males in its intervention programmes because the government has failed to make provisions for them in the policy level.

    “The Nigerian government and local NGOs do not consider boys and men worthy recipients of any form of intervention,” he lamented.

    It is pleasing to see girls and young women flourish and succeed. But it is wrong to neglect boys, leaving them to grow up embittered and miseducated. This is sure recipe for disaster, the kind that is happening in real-time.

    Aside from the teen boy and young adult male’s fancy for quick money via money ritual, a tragic manifestation presents via Boko Haram and armed bandits’ replenishment of their ranks with a steady stream of boy combatants, moving child abductees cum stone-cold killers through neighbourhoods and forests, using military trucks and passenger vans to boot camps holding more than 1,000 boys on the watch of adolescent trainers.

    There is a reason the “money ritual,” and Boko Haram and armed bandits’ creed of diabolism and violence is resonant among misled and brainwashed minors. The exasperating nature of their lusts, the grievances articulated, dysfunctional families, and the pervasiveness of poverty amplify the boys’ rationale for embracing a creed of cruelty and carnage.

    A history of corruption and neglect at the federal, state, and local levels of government, among others, is a major source of widespread dissatisfaction with politicians, the legal system, and law enforcement.

    More worrisome is the teenage cult, Awawa’s incursion into primary schools. Just recently, 12 pupils of the Egan Community School, between the ages of 6 and 16, were reportedly initiated into Awawa, in Alimoso area of Lagos.

    These days, in the far north, it is normal to see 10-year-old boys romanticise raiding villages, killing traditional chiefs, and taking over their wives and daughters.

    This is how fragile the situation is.