Category: Olatunji Ololade

  • The mascot and the stake

    By Olatunji Ololade

    The most prescient portrait of the 36 states unfurl in the twilight of 2019. The image is instructive: governors disagree with labour and the federal government over N30,000 minimum wage.

    Rising from a meeting in Abuja, the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) said, through its chairman and Ekiti governor, Kayode Fayemi, that governors would not pay beyond their individual capacity.

    Fayemi told reporters that the federal government cannot determine what happens in the states.

    In Fayemi’s statement, we glimpse the grotesque laws of primitive earth-cult: the federal government cannot compel state governors to pay the N30, 000 minimum wage but the governors can go cap in hand to seek alms and loans from the federal government to ‘run their states’ and pay workers’ salaries every month.

    It’s a curious case of entitlement. But the governors present their argument persuasively, stating that, while “States were part of the tripartite negotiation and agreed to N30,000 minimum wage, states also know there will be consequential adjustments. That would be determined by what happened on a state-by-state basis because there are different numbers of workers at the state level, there are different issues at the state level.

    “We have always been clear that this was a national minimum wage increase, not a general minimum wage review…Every state has its own trade union, with a negotiating committee and they would undertake this discussion with their state governments.”

    The outcome of such negotiations are better imagined. Previous deliberations of such nature didn’t end in favour of the underdog, the underpaid workers.

    The federal government and labour on October 18 announced an agreement on the implementation of the N30, 000 minimum wage thus averting a labour strike.

    The Federal Executive Council (FEC) at its meeting, presided over by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, approved the agreement and set dates for the take-off of the new wage and payment of the arrears between April 18 and December 31.

    But Fayemi said the agreement and directive apply only to federal workers. The governors, no doubt, present persuasive arguments about constraints that may result and hinder their capacity to pay workers’ salaries and smooth running of their states, if they should attempt to pay the N30, 000 minimum wage; not with the dilemma of ghost workers, dwindling internally generated revenue (IGR) and an over-bloated civil service.

    While such argument could be dismissed as duplicitous whining by the governors, it behooves civil societies and the citizenry to facilitate a forum whereby issues bordering on states’ insolvency, governors’ reckless spending, inflated budgets, unjustifiable borrowing, among others, can be debated with progressive results.

    It also calls to question the current political system and its constitutional pitfalls. While most governors and politicians pay lip-service to fiscal integrity and true federalism, reality asserts that very few among them actually walk their talk.

    Governors and deputy governors are entitled to N2,223,705 and N2,112,214 as annual salaries, states the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) but there are numerous allowances, including the controversial security vote not reflected in the figures.

    Thus very few individuals, less than 50 in number to be precise, cost over 196 million Nigerians hundreds of billions of naira, every year, as salaries and other allowances for serving as governors.

    The poverty report of the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS) estimated the poverty rate at 67.1 per cent of the total population, indicating that over 120 million Nigerians live below the poverty line.

    Amid the begrimed imagery, each governor nurtures a frantic lust to gift his state with an airport. This obsession is, largely, driven by a craving to embezzle state funds and provide a hanger for their existing or ‘soon to be acquired’ private jets.

    The logic of constructing airports by governors, whose states are less than an hour’s drive from each other, like Lagos and Ogun, flouts managerial wisdom and common sense. Even so, former Ogun governor, Ibikunle Amosun sought to build “an international cargo airport in the state” thus rendering over 5,000 farmers landless and incapacitated, in a severely depressed agricultural economy.

    If the roads were in good condition, Governor Fayemi would have no need to pursue a similar venture in Ekiti State. Funding and efforts wasted on such initiatives could be deployed in facilitating good roads and rail system by the governors across the 36 states of the federation.

    But rather than reprimand culprits for being profligate and purblind, the federal government cuddles them with free oil cash and loans from the federation account. A 2016 report revealed, that, of the 25 airports managed by the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), only the two in Lagos and Abuja are viable, according to aviation experts.

    More governors have taken steps to establish their own airports thus adding to the Nigerian landscape, an assortment of dystopic airfields.

    Its about time the NGF discarded the serpent desires of bowel and belly and seek realistic solutions to their states’ development challenges. Beyond their hysteria to construct airports, prospect for oil and embark on borrowing sprees, they could energise their states from the bottom up – grassroots.

    Airports hardly cultivate economies outside Lagos and Abuja. Most of the governors preside over impoverished states with unexploited consumer markets, untapped potential for commercial agriculture  and under-employed labour pools.

    Governors must imaginatively engage grassroots and state-level actors in driving economy, combating insecurity and addressing post-conflict needs, in northeastern Nigeria, for instance.

    President Muhammadu Buhari, as Page suggests, must also strike a balance between collegiality and coercion in his dealings with state governors. Let him deploy the carrot and stick approach with juvenile governors; he could give them loans in exchange for full transparency of state spending and accounts. He could also withhold financial bailouts from governors who shun needed reforms, thereby leaving them cash-strapped and politically vulnerable.

    Regardless of these tactics, the onus is on the citizenry to vote out inefficient governors. But this can only be achieved in the long-run via better voter education – a reality that the youth and INEC are unable to actualise.

    In the short-run, the 36 states will deservedly endure the affliction of mostly corrupt, inefficient governors – empowered by the constitution and cuddled by the NGF.

    The latter’s stance substantiates my previous assessment of governors’ immoderate spunk as they resumed office, few months ago, as Initial Gra-Gra (IGG), sporadic outbursts of a feigned vigour.

    Nonetheless, Fayemi bears the plague of validating the NGF as a ritual precinct of tin gods.

    He is burdened to explain, refute and justify fellow governors’ established and future misdemeanours.  He cannot control them but he endows their failings with his face and voice thus synthesising glassy intellect with the forum’s coarse flux.

    Like I opined few months ago, it’s a good thing that Fayemi became NGF’s chairman, perhaps. But despite his initial flurry as the voice of the virile statesman, he flaunts no virility yet. Right now, he is forced to endure perception as the sacrificial mascot who may end up on a stake.

    Sometimes, his colleagues would truly err. Sometimes, they would be misunderstood. But at all times, Fayemi would be parodied as an NGF idol and object, champion and captive, till he is buried – politically – or canonised as the bulging mass of NGF’s constipated frame.

  • A fable of gods and lesser creatures

    OLATUNJI OLOLADE

     

    WE do not know how to create a heaven or sustain the like of it but we love to create gods by the dozen. I do not speak of divinity that manifests only in far-fetched miracles and dreams; I speak of individuals we deify as our vanities dictate.

    For instance, a male cross-dresser has become hero and god to generations of Nigerian youths simply because he perverts nature, prostitutes for a living, and cruises around in a Range Rover. What’s not to ‘love’ about him? While he repulses this writer and this page by his debauchery, cowardice and attendant praise, he is idolised by various sections of modern society for hobnobbing with washed-out celebrities and being ‘brave.’

    He is feted and championed as a cult hero, a carrier of charisma kept under quarantine. He personifies an eerie sexual iridescence, like a pathogen. Masculine and feminine dilate about him like a solar aureole. He is celebrated not because he is dignified or virile but because he is taboo.

    Then we have the recently released inmates of the 2019 Big Brother Naija (BBN); it is noteworthy that male and female participants on the show attained fame, ‘wealth’ and ‘laudable’ notoriety by indecent exposure and having sex with random partners on impulse, like wannabe pornstars. The greater their infamy, the higher their acclaim.

    Defiance, aberrant virtue, taboo, or whatever we may call that mysterious trait emitted by the tabooed person is conceived by the modern youth as the essence or substance by which degeneracy is charged – just as Frazer’s Leyden jar gets charged with electricity.

    Our lust for heroes ends in double jeopardy: as reprobates soar in acclaim and society salts the ground they walk upon. Degeneracy abounds as a Nigerian plague by the primitiveness of minds. For instance, viewers comprising large segments of the electorate gifted the BBN porn show with 240 million votes in pitiful contrast to the paltry 27.3 million votes recorded at the 2019 general elections.

    While the argument persists in sophists’ circuits that the circumstances and rules are different in both events, one can’t help but marvel at the studious discipline and vulgar alertness devoted by the citizenry to a porn show at the expense of their future.

    Money is at the root of everything. The pursuit of it incites the worst monstrosities in reprobate groupies of porn idols and political celebrities. Being rich is certainly is the closest you get to being god in Nigeria. Add an impressive root and very intimidating academic record to the mix and you have yourself a 21st century hero or god.

    But of what calibre are man-made gods? Who really is the Nigerian idol? Olusegun Obasanjo? Bobrisky? Atiku Abubakar? Diezani Allison-Maduekwe? President Goodluck Jonathan? Muhammadu Buhari? Wole Soyinka? Late Gani Fawehinmi?

    Do their deeds make them worthy of hero-worship or blind deification? To what do they owe our reverence of them? Some would say it is their brilliance and achievements. Anyone could be brilliant or achieve feats from time to time but humaneness is what we have to affect all of the time.

    How humane is our ruling class? How human are Nigeria’s industry titans – government-anointed and corruption-activated billionaires to be precise?

    By their citizenship, do they provide pathways to empowering the Nigerian youth; the disillusioned jobless graduates and school drop outs of Umukegwu, Akokwa, Urualla, Apongbon, Idumota, Agege, Agbor, Doron Baga, and Sankwala, to mention a few?

    Do they teach the youth to evolve beyond the greed, selfishness and idiosyncrasies of their generation? Do they teach us to make peace with our guilt and conquer our demons?

    The answer lies as much in their utterances as their deeds. Transcendent moments and heroic acts are in truth, deeds of an exalted intelligence and unsullied mind, traits that the incumbent ruling class pitifully lacks.

    Our lust for heroes and gods illustrates a fable; it is not of latent strength but disintegration. It reveals the weakness and shallowness of the Nigerian adult’s awfully preadolescent mind. Thus his predisposition to creating gods of impoverishment and war.

    Some would say the random hero may pass as god. But the Nigerian hero is a human sound bite. He is essentially a half-formed mammal, animal to be precise. He is hardly humane. He has been flipped upside-down and inside-out; he has been scrambled, corrupted and fertilised by ghastly manifestations of self-love, tribalism, wantonness, sexual perversion and sense of worth.

    “All gods are homemade, and it is we who pull their strings, and so, give them the power to pull ours,” says Aldous Huxley, English writer. The manner in which the Nigerian public worships celebrities and the ruling class, however, enables their descent the steep slopes of bestiality.

    Having made super humans of public officers, for instance, they begin to see themselves as gods and the electorate by whose strength they attained their exalted positions as lesser creatures.

    Suddenly the feel the urge to ‘protect’ themselves behind fortresses. It becomes abominable for their wives, daughters and cooks to visit the same grocer or shop in the same market as the masses.

    They loot public coffers without inhibition and in response, we grovel at their feet for crumbs of what is rightfully ours. Whenever they intrude our world, they leave behind pungent memories and pains. Whenever they come to town, we must be kept in traffic for them to move freely. Whenever they are ‘guests of honour’ at our functions, we are treated with little or no honour, argues Kayode Oteniya.

    The true quality of a true leader is the apparent sincerity in his manners. The speeches he makes are never mere platitudinous chant and his developmental programmes are never extraordinary elephant projects. His politics and humaneness are not only heard but felt.

    There is prime merit in everything about him, and his life generally, radiates truth. His life is what we may call a great sober sincerity. A sort of temperate authenticity that is not only blunt but uncompromising.

    His fervour is undomesticated, bordering on the wild and forever wrestling naked with the elements that be, for the love of the good and the truth of things. In that sense, there is something of the savage yet humane in him, like all great men.

    He is one in whom one still finds human substance. He relishes no opportunity to tell any colourful story of himself anywhere; usually, he stands bare and grapples like a giant, face to face, heart to heart, with the naked truth of things. ‘That, after all,” says Carlyle “is the sort of man for one.”

    And such is the type of man we should value above all others. He is the man who, as American writer, Norman Mailer, opines, would argue with gods and awaken devils to contest his vision. When he dies, his death would be felt nationwide as something more than a historic calamity; women would weep and men would fight back tears as if they had heard of the death of a very dear friend or Saint.

    The creation of such a man and god would be Nigeria’s noblest work. Unhappy the land that has no heroes, says Andrea; No, unhappy the land that needs heroes, responds Galileo in Bertolt Brecht, late German playwright and poet’s “The Life of Galileo.”

    Regrettably, the meaning is lost on all.

  • ‘TRAVELLING on our highways is like cruising in a TOMB’

    By Olatunji OLOLADE, Associate Editor

    THERE was a glade in the bed of the crater where Bisi Sopeju broke her jaw and twisted her ankle on Adetola road, Ijaiye- Ojokoro, Lagos.

    Few minutes after she nosedived into sludge and got buried in road filth, Sopeju was hauled out of the puddle, off the path of a Volkswagen LT 35 commercial bus as it skidded towards her along the deathly course of the Adetola bypass.

    “The motorbike conveying me was bumped from behind by the commercial bus driver who had lost control on the dirt road. I screamed at my driver (motorcyclist) to get off his path but like me, he was paralysed by fear.

    The bus hit us and at impact, I was flung off the bike and buried face-down in the flooded crater,” said Sopeju.

    For a few minutes, Sopeju was “lifeless”, but when she came to, her jaw was broken, her ankle was swollen and her weave had tangled with moss and tufts of grass.

    That was in November 2018. It’s 2019, and that dangerous tract along the dirt road blooms in real time. Call it an everglade if you like.

    It’s a misnomer, no doubt, that a glade could sprout in the middle of the road in Lagos, Nigeria’s presumed “Centre of Excellence.” That has to be scary. It is.

    Sopeju could neither walk nor eat solid meals for three weeks or thereabouts after her accident. She developed a phobia for motorcycles and bypasses and was forced to join millions of commuters as they “roast in the heat and the sun” or “soak in the dampness and leakage” of rickety buses plying Lagos’ bad roads through scorching sunlight and torrential downpours.

    Speaking from her Akera neighbourhood, Sopeju said: “Travelling on Lagos roads is akin to taking a mud bath. You also get the feeling you might be journeying into untimely death. It’s like riding in a tomb. I lost my childhood friend three years ago. A steel container fell off an articulated truck and crushed him to death with two of his colleagues who were in the car with him. They were returning from the office. That is why I prefer travelling on an okada (commercial motorbike),” she said.

    Like Sopeju, Francis Usoro bemoaned the “dangerous state of Lagos and Ogun roads.” The staff of a Lagos-based firm lives in Akute, amid a dusty expanse shouldering Ogun from the Lagos border.

    For most of Usoro’s 46 years, he has lived on an unpaved strip of road in Akute on a street that has no drainage. During dry season, he travels the length and breadth of his street and adjoining dirt roads, with a nasal mask and a thick handkerchief.

    “I also avoid wearing white or bright coloured clothes. The few times I tried it, I was covered in dust and read earth before I got to the bus stop. The roads in my area are very dusty and rough,” he said. In the rainy season, Itoro navigates the craters of sludge and mud in a rubber boot rather than ruin his shoes in ankledeep slush. He narrated how taxis and buses avoid his neighbourhood’s dirt roads to pick up passengers, even during medical emergencies. “A neighbour of mine lost his wife while she laboured. It was hell getting her to the bus stop.

    When we finally got her to the bus stop, she died struggling with birth pangs in the traffic,” he said. “Only motorcycles and tricycles can venture into our area. It’s terrible if you have to change apartments.

    You have to plead and plead with haulage drivers to venture into your road even after you cough up a fortune to contract them. Some simply move their belongings on foot and in tricycles to the bus stop from where they are loaded on to a truck. It’s never a tidy process,” Usoro lamented. Sopeju and Usoro represent a minute fraction of Lagos and Ogun residents imperilled by a nexus of bad roads and bypasses.

    Despite successive attempts at road repairs, the situation persists as residents of the two states are forced to travel and live in horrendous conditions imposed by lack of functional drainage channels and good roads.

    The Lagos-Ogun conundrum DESPITE its official claim to the “Centre of Excellence” moniker, one iconic symbol of Lagos rural poverty has been the city’s dirt roads. Despite decades of paving over these back roads in the name of progress, many are still dusty washboard surfaces. Many Lagosians, irrespective of their location, attest to the prevalence and horridness of Lagos’ dirt roads.

    •Residents and commuters suffer through potholes on Lagos highways and inner city dirt roads.

    Wale Alani, a resident of Ajah, argued that contrary to notions that the Lagos Island is home to beautiful road tarmacs and esplanades, the area is rapidly turning into a slum. “Save for a few private estates in Lekki and Victoria Island, this area is a glorified shanty settlement.

    The roads are very bad. There are no drainage channels, thus we have to live with lingering stench and frequent bouts of septic tank spillage. “The town planning here is horrid. Many of the streets are dirt roads. Some of us park on the main road when it rains, pour streets get flooded for lack of drainages. We also have to avoid the quicksand and sludge that prevents our tyres from moving even in small residential clusters. I am seriously considering moving back to Agbado-Ijaiye, save the bad roads there, at least, the residents enjoy better urban planning,” he said.

    While Alani moved to Ajah to assert his ascent the social ladder and stay closer to his workplace, many residents on the mainland have seen their lives drastically change, no thanks to bad roads. Sayo Lawal, for instance, missed what he considered a life-changing job interview due to the state’s bad road network. “I left home very early on the said day in order to beat traffic. The interview was slated for 11 am and I left my home in Magboro at 4.30 am. Sadly, I spent six hours in the traffic between my area and Lekki, where I was supposed to attend the interview.

    They gave me no other chance,” he said. “Fortunately,” for the 32-year-old, he has found a “good job importing cars via a business arrangement with his cousin in the United States. It’s better. I do not have to worry about beating traffic to arrive at someone’s office. The only time I have to worry about that is when I have to visit the Apapa port to clear my vehicles,” he said. He said: “I almost gave up when I missed the interview but I have learnt that when there is life, there is hope.”

    At least, Lawal enjoys the rare boon of a life filled with hope, the same can hardly be said of Kingsley Ejike, a resident of Magboro, who was swept away by flood resulting from a recent downpour. Ejike, a cooking gas supplier, drowned in a flood around Sparklight Estate axis of the Lagos-Ibadan highway in Ogun State.

    The deceased owner of Kingsfield Gas at Magboro reportedly drowned on a trip to supply gas to some residents of Sparklight Estate, near the MFM church around 6.00 pm. Abimbola Oyeyemi, the Ogun State Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), who confirmed the incident, said, “The person (Ejike) was riding a motorcycle and wanted to pass through Sparklight Estate, but didn’t know that the construction company, Julius Berger, while constructing the road, channelled water under the tunnel in the area. But because the area was flooded, he drove past the axis and the flood swept him and the motorcycle into the tunnel.

    But local divers and the police recovered his body this morning around 9.30am and deposited it in the mortuary.” Then, there is the sad case of an unidentified 11-year-old boy who got swept away by flood along with one Wasiu, who was trying to rescue him, at Aboru in Alimosho Local Government Area of the state few days ago, in the aftermath of a down pour.

    The deceased was one of two young boys who were reportedly sent by their parents to buy cooking gas but unknowingly fell into a drain through which water passed into the canal. “Three young men attempted rescuing the boys and succeeded in rescuing the older one, but one of the rescuers, popularly known as Wasiu Stubborn, was swept away while trying to rescue the other victim,” NAN quoted a source as saying. Lagos would also never forget in a hurry the tragic fate of the 12 casualties who got burnt to death in the June 28, 2018 petrol tanker explosion on the Otedola Link Bridge, on the Lagos- Ibadan highway.

    According to the Lagos State government, 10 of the victims, including a minor, died at the scene of the accident, while two others died at the hospital. The Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) also announced that at least 54 vehicles were burnt with the tanker. Nevertheless, a number of eyewitnesses, nearby residents and public believe that the reports on the economic loss and casualties are distorted by government and media When flood kills  THERE is no gainsaying incessant rain in Lagos and Ogun states in the past one week has wreaked havoc and exposed infrastructural deficit in the two neighbouring states. While commuters suffer excruciating spells in vehicular traffic, wasting precious hours on cratered and badly flooded roads, flooding, a consequence of non-existent and non-functional drainage channels and bad roads, have claimed lives and destroyed homes and property in the downpour.

    For instance, the downpour on Saturday, killed Jumiah Utache and her three children, Faith (9 years), Domino (2) and Daniel (1) in Magodo area of Lagos. The Utaches died after a hilltop structure crashed on their home at 48, Orisa Street, Magodo Phase One, Isheri Waterfront, during the downpour. Neighbours said the hilltop structure on Otun Araromi Street collapsed and fell on the Utache family residence, crushing the woman and her children who were asleep. The head of the family, identified as Emmanuel Utache, was also injured in the mishap. The Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Lagos State Emergency Management Agency (LASEMA) Dr. Femi Oke-Osayintolu confirmed the incidents. He said the agency had recommended full implementation of the existing law on collapsed building in the state which included seizure of the affected property.

    He said: “Investigations revealed that aside the heavy downpour, the obviously old building constructed with mud bricks, had been seriously distressed over time with visible cracks on its other yet-to-collapse sides. “In order to avert danger to adjoining buildings and other users of the environment, LASEMA has recommended strongly that its remains be pulled down, the debris removed and the property forfeited to the Lagos State Government as stipulated by law.” Perilous traffic THE tragedy persists outside the bloodied neighbourhoods of Magodo and Alimosho as commercial transporters crush commuters to death, driving against the traffic to escape heavier snarl-up along their legitimate routes.

    In May 2019, a trailer driver crushed an official of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority (LASTMA), Folashade Remilekun Arogundade, to death. The accident occurred on a Saturday in Apapa, around 5pm, when the deceased joined her colleagues and other agencies’ officials to clear the area of trucks and tankers, in a the wake of a presidential directive for the immediate clearance of Apapa Port to decongest the area and rid Apapa roads of gridlock. The trailer driver, it was learnt, accidentally hit Arogundade while reversing, dragging her back and forth against a wall and crushed her. The driver, The Nation learnt, ran away immediately he discovered that he had killed the LASTMA official. Subsequently, Arogundade was taken to the General Hospital, Apapa, by her colleagues. There, the doctor said she was “Brought in Dead” (BID).

    The deceased left behind her mother, husband and two-year-old daughter. Due to bad roads, transporters hike bus fares with impunity not minding the impact on the purses of helpless commuters. A trip from NITEL Bus Stop in Agege to Abule Egba would cost N50 in a tricycle but since the rains, drivers charge as much as N200 citing bad roads and traffic. The bus fare from Oshodi to Sango is hiked from N300 to N800 by transporters leaving many passengers stranded through the night. Many of them cite traffic and bad roads, lamented Ifeanyi Dike, a steel fabricator. “But the high fares are not only the issue, travelling through bad roads and heavy traffic is bad on one’s health. I develop cramps just sitting for long hours in the bus.

    The exhaust fumes from badly serviced cars make me sick too. I once had to hop off a bus bound for Obalende when I got nauseous and needed to vomit. “I feel sick from the fumes; hence when I have the money, I board okada, even in the rain,” said Dike. Living and cruising ondirt roads  RESIDENTS and commuters passing through Ipaja-Ayobo, Agbado Kollington, Dalemo, Akera, Ijaye- Jankara, continually lament the deplorable state of the Lagos-Abeokuta highway linking their inner dirt roads. The Nation findings in the axis re-  vealed dangerous gullies in Adetola, Olaniyi, Agbado-Crossing and other bypasses and streets spanning Abule-Egba, Ahmadiyya, Meiran, Ipaja and Ajasa- Command. The roads linking Ayobo with Itele, Iju-Ishaga, Ajuwon-Akute, Ojodu and Ajegunle, bordering Ogun State, are also pockmarked by gullies and potholes. And yet around the corner, at the point where the Lagos dirt havens mesh with Ogun State a different kind of ugliness subsists in Lafenwa, Aiyetoro, Olugbode, and several other communities along Itele road.

    The roads are equally bad in Owode- Ota, Owode-Ijako, Agoro, Iyana-Ilogbo, Ijoko, Oju Ore, Ilo-Awela and Oke Aro. At Joju, Temidire and environ, mucky pools still stagnate in large craters even as chuckholes devastate Alagbole and Ajuwon roads thus making travel and habitation very difficult in the areas. “Because the roads in this area are broken at many places, there is no smooth ride for the motorists.

    The buses, trucks, cars, three-wheelers and motorcycle have to halt after every fivesix minutes just to adjust with the road breaks and pot-holes all over. It has been repeatedly brought to the notice of the Local Government Office, but all efforts to get them to do something has been in vain, thus leading to using incessant traffic problem on the roads,” according to Adeogun Kafayat, a resident and commuter in the area. Residents of Abule-Iroko, Itoki and neighbouring border communities sharing borders with Lagos in Ado-Odo/Ota Local Council, Ogun State, are also afflicted road gullies and craters.

    The road leading from Ajegunle to the Bible College junction, beside the moribund Gateway Hotel, Sango-Ota, and which ends at the new Railway terminus on Ijoko road, along the Ota-Ijoko- Alagbole Akute highway linking Berger on the Lagos-Ibadan highway, forces motorists to affect caution in dry season and is practically impassable when it rains, according to The Nation findings. Lagos and Ogun governors react OGUN governor, Dapo Abiodun, has assured the people of Ota, in Ado-Odo Ota Local Government Area that roads within the local government connecting the state with neighbouring states would be repaired to make room for connectivity and mobility within and outside the state.

    Governor Abiodun who made this known while inspecting some roads in the local government that share close proximity with Lagos, said that the visit was in line with the campaign promises he made to lay emphasis on rural and township roads. “We appreciate the fact that one of the biggest advantages that we have is that we are able to provide services for neighbouring states, particularly Lagos State. A lot of people want to live in Ogun and work in Lagos and we promised that we are going to ensure that we do that so that our people can move between Lagos and Ogun with relative ease.

    “So for us, connectivity and mobility is very important. We are starting with the connecting roads that connect us with Lagos state, and we have seen three of those critical roads,” he said. And at the backdrop of outrage over the deplorable state of Lagos roads, the state governor, Sanwo-Olu, has declared a state of emergency on dilapidated highways and carriage roads within the state. Governor Sanwo-Olu, who inherited the bulk of the near road collapse, gave the order that massive rehabilitation work on critical roads across the state must commence on Monday, October 14. Sanwo-Olu’s directive followed the conclusion of his series of meetings with eight multi-national engineering firms in respect of the road rehabilitation initiative. He said: “The contractors have been given the mandate to start mobilising to their respective sites without further delay.

    Their activities must first give our people an immediate relief on the affected roads so that there can be free flow of traffic even during the rehabilitation work.” To complement the major construction work on the highways, Sanwo-Olu said Lagos State Public Works Corporation (LSPWC) would be carrying out repairs of 116 inner roads across the State, in addition to over 200 roads already rehabilitated by the Corporation in the last three months.

    Despite the governors’ spirited efforts, many residents of the two states are yet to benefit from their much hyped rehabilitation projects. Residents and commuters along the dirt roads of Owode-Ijako, Agoro Road, Iyaba Ilogbo, Ogba Ayo, Itele, Lafenwa, Ijoko, Bible College, Toll gate-Ilo Awela, Joju, Temidire among others still commute and live in dire circumstances as the areas are yet to benefit from Ogun governor, Abiodun’s rehabilitation scheme. Likewise, residents of the Adetola bypass in Ijaiye-Ojokoro and environs, Olaniyi in Abule Egba, Dalemo-Akera, Agbado Kollington, Agbado Crossing, Giwa, Oja Oba in Abule Egba, Moricas, Olukosi, Super, Orile, Mulero and Iju roads in Agege, Oshodi, Ibeju-Lekki, among others are yet to enjoy the reprieve of smooth roads and functioning drainages among other infrastructural improvements promised by Governor Sanwo-Olu.

    “Let’s hope they (government) won’t come to fill our potholes with sharp sand, cement and gravel as they are wont to do. It has become the norm for the so-called task force to come around in the wake of the governor’s promises to fill gullies and craters on our roads with sand. That is a half measure that never works,” said Kola Bamidele, a retired civil servant and resident of Danjuma, Agege. Bad roads cost Nigeria N1trn – Senate DUE to poor state of the roads across the 36 states, Nigeria loses ₦1 trillion every year, according to the Nigerian Senate.

    •Motorists drive through flood on Iju Road, Agege, after a downpour on Monday

    The Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (FERMA) also calculated the number of hours people loss annually in cost, when they are being delayed on the road because of traffic and bad roads, putting it at ₦1.02 trillion. Senate Committee Chairman of FERMA, Senator Gershom Bassey, revealed this at stakeholders meeting on road maintenance put together by the agency. He said: “I think the first thing is to obey the law.

    Clearly, there is a FERMA Act and the key issue in road maintenance is funding. This issue was addressed in 2008 in the amendment of the FERMA Act, which provided for additional sources of funding for road maintenance. “But the problem we have now is that, that law has not been obeyed by the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency, as it is supposed to ensure that a portion of the tax on petrol and diesel is credited to FERMA for the maintenance of roads.”

    The Senate believes that enacting prescribed laws would be of immersed help in the maintenance of Nigerian roads Tunde Lemo, Chairman of FERMA’s Governing Board, stated that the capital for the maintenance of roads across the states was less than 1% of Nigerian’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). He said it was less than three per cent of the GDP World Bank recommends as the least spending limit. Lemo added that more than 80 per cent of the trips made in Nigeria are by road, and 90 per cent of the travels are on Federal interstate roads. He went further to point out that the Federal roads in good condition are just 10, 0000 km while fair and bad roads are 13,300km and 11,600km respectively. According to him, it’s the reason why road density in the country is just 0.21 km/sq.km2.  Photos: Olatunji OLOLADE & Biodun ADEYEWA

  • How ‘Lagos’ killed Dele Agekameh

    Olatunji Ololade

     

    DELE Agekameh’s demise offers a glimpse of the Nigerian spectacle. Alive, the veteran journalist made living theatre of his turbulent world. He wrote of angels and monsters in private life and public service. He wrote of winners and sinners, bandits and law enforcers. He wrote of the criminal and the corrupt in epic narratives; it was always a delight to read his Tell Magazine Cover Stories.

    “Bullets na groundnut for east” particularly comes to mind perhaps because he graciously shared byline with me in the cover story in twilight of the year, 2000.

    Those of us who were opportune to work with him in the glory days of the foremost news magazine at Textile Labour House, Acme Road, attest to his resourcefulness, humaneness and astounding generosity.

    But while generosity is often touted as a life-saver, and crusader journalism, the seed by which the journalist reaps bountifully from the universe’s orchard of recompense, for Agekameh, it offered too little rewards save some fortune and media merit awards.

    At the time he needed recompense, fate denied him quittance. Did the universe fall asleep leaving him at the mercy of life’s cruel elements? Why shove him to the cruelty of the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH)’s medical personnel, the state’s terrible roads, atrocious traffic and maladroit leadership?

    For Agekameh, there was no reprieve between life and death; the grim reaper leapt through crevices of abstract dread into fatal visibility, killing him. Nobody knows what went through his mind as he breathed his last.

    Was he oblivious to the irony of his fatal demise in Lagos, where he diligently served and established his practice? Did he flinch knowing that he was dying at the entrance to a tertiary hospital supposedly teeming with life-savers and caregivers?

    His first son, Fabian, a lawyer, told Premium Times (PT) that his father was another victim of Nigeria’s dysfunctional health system.

    Having discovered his kidney problem in 2010, Agekameh managed his health condition going to India in 2012 for a successful surgery to remove kidney stones. “However, he was advised that he might need a kidney transplant as a lasting solution,” said Fabian.

    Later in 2012, Agekameh began dialysis, “which he did at least two times a week and three times when he could manage it. That routine became part of his life until he passed away by 9:05 pm on Friday, October 11.”

    “On the morning of Friday the 11th, he proceeded to Kidney Solutions, off Adeniyi Jones in Ikeja as usual, but there was difficulty hooking him up to the dialysis machines again. A surgeon from Lagos University Teaching Hospital performed what was considered a minor procedure at the dialysis centre before he advised that dialysis must still take place. About one hour into the session, he became too weak and medication was administered, but his blood pressure remained low.

    “According to his assistant who was with him, around 5 pm, the decision was taken to transfer him to a bigger hospital. Several calls were made for an ambulance to no avail until they decided to hook him up to oxygen and transport him with his personal car. After fighting traffic to get to Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), there was another issue getting him into the emergency ward, as nurses who were finishing their shift refused to attend to him, based on the account of those with him.

    “They reportedly claimed that the doctor that could attend to him was busy and they should wait. He was still in his personal car, clinging to life when a doctor went out there to pronounce him dead.

    “His driver and personal assistant insist he was still responsive after their arrival at LASUTH. He has been deposited at LASUTH morgue awaiting an autopsy,” according to the Premium Times report.

    No doubt, Agekameh’s sad end mirrors the ugliness of Nigeria’s health sector and the grotesqueness of LASUTH’s healthcare.

    To LASUTH’s nurses, his gaunt frame was uninviting. He became to them, what the average citizen seems to the Lagos government, a negligible integer in the state and the hospital’s records of citizenry deaths.

    Some commentator chose to mock those saddened by Agekameh’s death, stating that the real tragedy in his demise is the dearth of investigative journalism.

    He is wrong. Investigative journalism is still very much in existence in Nigeria. It’s just not the forte of every journalist as neurosurgery is never the forte of every medical doctor.

    Need I emphasise that not every lecturer can function as a super tutor cum visionary academic, and not every cop becomes a super detective.

    Every profession has its vast array of middling practitioners and a few excellent breed. The latter constitutes the rarity that enriches our world by their scarce endowments.

    It is ironic that PT published recently, “Why Lagos govt’s N5.6bn cardio-renal centre remains grounded, in terrible state” thus highlighting the factors responsible for the untimely demise of several Agekamehs across the state and Nigeria as a whole.

    The commentator’s claim that the deceased was “too close to certain politicians” isn’t enough to dismiss the value he added to journalism; he was an excellent traditional native.

    Investigative journalism is not dead in the country. Nigeria is blessed with the likes of Isioma Madike, Emmanuel Mayah, Adekunle Yusuf, Seun Akioye, Kunle Akinrinade, Fisayo Soyombo, Innocent Duru, Hannah Ojo, Oladeinde Olawoyin among others. Wherever they ply their art, they would always be revered as great ambassadors of Nigerian journalism as Agekameh was.

    Agekameh’s death also imparts great lessons to journalists and editors across the country. If several news organisations would report uncompromisingly, policy failure, ailing health facilities, bad roads, corruption in the civil service among others, more lives could be saved and Nigeria would be better for it.

    It’s always pitiful to see an editor or publisher condemn and “kill” a well-researched news report, simply because it “might offend” his “associates,” “clients” or “benefactors” in public office and private business sector. Such editor or reporter might be digging his own grave.

    Agekameh, in his prime, was an award-winning journalist who at various times worked for Champion Newspaper, Newswatch Magazine and Tell Magazine. As the quaint outline of his life ebbed and he fell helplessly silent, what memories assailed him?

    As death teased him gently into the proverbial long night, did he assert feeble will to contend the plague of truth that he was dying and would never, ever come back?

    Did he “like a man,” stoically accept, the reality of his tired ardour and the impermanence of mortality as life fled him, weary and undone?

    What were his thoughts as he frailly submitted to be hooked to oxygen in his personal vehicle, lacking essential health facilities because he could get no ambulance. Was he saddened by his disgraceful and shabby treatment by Lagos health workers at the threshold of death?

    And to those who would speak ill of the dead, they forget that death’s circuitous dice is still rolling. Let’s hope it doesn’t catch up with you while you struggle through heavy traffic, on Lagos’ treacherous roads en route LASUTH’s hospital corridors of death.

  • Aisha Buhari: Before the curtain falls

    By Olatunji Ololade

    AISHA Buhari talks a good game. She projects random imagery as a fearless, mettlesome woman and First Lady, who speaks truth to power no matter whose ox is gored.

    But that is as interesting as she gets. Who is Aisha Buhari beyond the politics and entertainment of her advertised image?

    Whether she desires visibility or not, politics yokes her to the brute, inflexible cosmos of its performance theatre. The interpretations are hazy. Yet an understanding of her politics may shed light on her being.

    Aisha’s recent remarks on the BBC’s sex for marks investigative report is in tandem with the inherited character of her ‘office’ as Nigeria’s First Lady.

    At the report’s première, Aisha, represented by namesake, Aisha Rimi, lamented the sexual harassment of women in the society and stressed her readiness to assist victims to get justice but also have a safe space to speak out.

    Mrs. Buhari advised women that their dignity and self respect should outweigh whatever challenges they face, stressing her determination to ensure “a sexual abuse free society for women” – and therein subsists the sore point of Aisha’s activism.

    Like previous First Ladies, is Aisha Buhari frantic to protect her gender alone from societal abuse?

    Few months ago, she lent her voice to outrage over Busola Dakolo’s rape allegations against Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo of the Commonwealth of Zion Assembly (COZA).

    Dakolo alleged that Fatoyinbo raped her when she was a teenager fresh out of secondary school.

    Aisha, like a humane woman, mother and wife made a public and emphatic call for justice.

    It is disconcerting, however, to understand First Lady Aisha and her junior First Ladies’ silence while the General Overseer (G.O) of Jesus Intervention Household Ministry, Reverend Ezuma Chizemdere, evaded arrest for allegedly ‘raping’ 15 teenage boys in Ejigbo, a Lagos suburb .

    One of his victims, 16-year-old Anthony Shedach, was discovered to have been infected with HIV in the process.

    The pastor, who was eventually arrested months after the police issued a warrant for his arrest, allegedly lured teenage boys between 15 and 16 years old to his apartment , where he “penetrated” them through the anus. At the end of the act, he reportedly gave each of his victims N2000.

    The teenage boys’ ordeal, undoubtedly, pales in significance to Busola Dakolo’s travails with Pastor Fatoyinbo, on First Lady Aisha and peers’ logic of reproachable vice.

    What’s Aisha’s excuse? Lackeys and underlings in severe fits of sycophancy, refer to her as the mother of the nation. Is she? If she is, she would quit showing flashes of interest to here and now issues. She wouldn’t cherry-pick injustices and disasters to respond to.

    As First Lady, Federal Republic of Nigeria, she would understand why she can’t afford the luxury of silence while “her children” nationwide, live at risk of rape, kidnap, human trafficking, sex trafficking and untimely death.

    The northeast portends disaster at immense proportions. Earlier, Mrs. Buhari showed flashes of interest in the plight of the region’s vulnerable divide. She seems to have tired out. Is she bored of the anguish of thousands of war-orphaned minors, trafficked boys, girls, women and Boko Haram’s sexual captives, among others.

    It’s been a long time since we’d had a compelling First Lady mythos. Optimists idealised Muhammadu Buhari as Nigeria’s messiah while Aisha was presented as his humane, brilliant, ravishing side-kick. Aisha’s tirade in a BBC interview further endeared her to the citizenry as a gorgeous moralist, whose presence at the Presidential Villa would challenge hypocrisies and corruption of her ruling class.

    In the interview, Aisha suggested that her husband’s government had been hijacked by only a “few people,” who were behind presidential appointments.

    “If it continues like this, I’m not going to be part of any re-election movement,” she said.

    Of course, some opposition figures claimed Aisha’s comment was scripted to earn Buhari empathy, on the flipside, Aisha triggered a compulsive optimism in her husband’s leadership.

    Since antiquity, the wives of certain monarchs and presidents have played significant roles in the politics of their time. Aisha may yet emerge as a powerful force, using her office to improve the lot of the citizenry via progressive, gender-blind programmes.

    To do this, First Lady Aisha and her junior ‘First Ladies’ must humanise the system that augments their roles via unconstitutional structures and independent instruments. They must avoid what Amina Mama identifies as Femocracy.

    Femocracy, argues Mama, is an anti-democratic female power structure, which exploits the commitment of the local and international movement towards greater gender equality in the interests of a small female elite. Femocrats assume that they should have power simply because their husbands are in power thus reinforcing patriarchal failings.

    The basic institutional framework for femocracy, argues Ibrahim Jibrin, is usually the office of the First Lady. From Maryam Babangida, Maryam Abacha, Stella Obasanjo, Turai Yar’ Adua, Patience Jonathan, to wives of the 36 state governors, Nigeria has endured spells of intrigues and highjinks via the “Office of the First Lady.”

    Most projects emanating from the office are philosophically inadequate. They focus only on the female gender. More evolved occupants of their office would understand that they aren’t supposed to trigger or aggravate needless gender wars and privileges in a society already ravaged by savage forms of misogyny and misandry.

    Aisha Buhari must wield her influence to reorientate her junior ‘First Ladies.’ For instance, she could teach them to understand that the Awaawa, One Million Boys and other gangs of teenage miscreants prowling the streets of Lagos, Borno, Ogun, Benue, Jos, Adamawa, Taraba, Kano, Kaduna among others, are as much their problem as the girl-child.

    They should stop ignoring these social elements in plain sight simply because their husbands find “good use” of them, deploying them as thugs, assassins, arsonists and canon fodder for mayhem against opponents in election season.

    It’s futile trying to raise empowered, emancipated, model girls and women only for them to be thwarted and imperilled by boys and men in whom toxicity was left to fester.

    Nigeria’s First Ladies may serve the citizenry and country’s interest in more useful capacities.

    But first, they must evolve a truly humane, pro-citizenry intervention programmes that addresses the challenges faced by all social elements.

    When properly executed, a First Lady’s life, argues Scherer, unfolds with the precision of manned space-flight — a job exquisitely planned and breathtaking to watch.

    If the Nigerian First Lady’s life were a manned space-flight, how glorious has been the ride?

    Previous First Ladies were showy and arrogant. Their disdain for the grassroots woman whose interest they claim to pursue, is continually cited as evidence against the duplicity of their struggle.

    Some became obscenely rich, using their positions to amass wealth, illegitimately. They are often misled by aides and friends, who tirelessly ornament their misbehaviour with honeyed tongue.

    Let Aisha and peers remember that the loyalty-acrobatics of such lackeys are driven by lust to justify their pay-check and butter their loafs.

    Èrò ní wón nínú oko` ó…(They are mere passengers in the bus). They will hop off at the crossroads, where the curtain falls on her husband’s tenure.

  • ‘The BLASTS that changed OUR LIVES’

    Olatunji Ololade, Associate Editor

    The fragrance of rain whiffs through the tent Muhammadu Idrissu shares with his family. As the cold draft seizes the shelter, the nine-year-old’s face breaks into a wince.

    “He feels ache in his legs whenever it rains. The cold breeze causes him great pains,” says his mother, Fatouma.

    Rubbing her hand on the stump where her son’s left knee used to be, the 33-yearold recounts how Muhammadu lost his leg to a blast from a landmine while fetching firewood with his older brother, Musa, in Biu.

    It happened in the twilight of 2015 thus casting the family in unexpected gloom. On the day he lost his leg, Muhammadu had wandered far from home with Musa and friends in their neighbourhood, because they intended to hunt for game (bush meat), at the end of their task.

    The boys worked at feverish pace so that they could have enough time to hunt for grass-cutters and squirrels.

    They would skin, roast and eat their kill before heading back home for a late supper. It was part of the thrill of running errands in a group.

    Although their mothers warned them against wandering too far from home, most parents knew of the kids’ escapades in the bush. It’s all part of the thrill of growing up.

    While they gathered firewood, Idris, then five at the period, saw his brother poke at something that looked like a steel plate. Instantly, there was a blast and that was the last thing the child remembered. When he came to, Idris had lost his left leg and his brother. The latter was violently torn apart by the bomb.

    The incident claimed Musa and two of their friends and rendered two others crippled including Muhammadu.

    In a voice laden with grief, Fatouma said: “Musa was a wonderful child. Always in high spirits. He wanted to become a doctor. Although he is gone, I am lucky I still have Muhammadu.” Fatouma has every reason to be thankful. Unlike Sekinatu Jayya, tragedy sauntered into Jayya’s life in common hours.

    News of doom intruded her home in Baga, while she made millet soup for supper and awaited her children’s return from a play date. Nuru, five, and Ayisatu, seven, had been gone since noon. But Jayya was assured of their safety. She knew they were secure playing with their friends in the neighbourhood. Then a loud noise intruded through her windows at a quarter past 4 pm. The shutters rattled at the hinges and Jayya’s heart sank with her spirit.

    The 28-year-old was suddenly assailed by a foreboding of evil. But she shook off the feeling and set out to look for her children.

    “People stared at me as I hurried towards their play zone, near a dry well two streets away. But I thought it was because of my appearance. I had rushed out of the house without my hijab and with one slipper on my left foot,” she said.

    Then she got to her destination. And her heart sunk lower as she sighted a large crowd. Jayya rifled through the mob, haphazardly, like bullets from a Dane gun, stopping for breath at the edge of an opening where puddles of flesh and bone fragments seethed in the sun.

    Some mothers bathed in the carnage. Others rolled and wailed in the bloodsoaked sand, amid the spatter of decapitated minors. In their grief, they fought off the firm grasps of their husbands and sympathetic neighbours.

    The loud blast that caused Jayya’s shutters to rattle had claimed the lives of her children and seven others.

    The minors had discovered an unexploded canister under a pile of dried bush. The bomb went off while they fiddled with its metal ring. Amid the heap of decapitated minors, Nuru’s head jutted dolefully with what’s left of his torso. Few metres away, Ayisatu’s innards spilled from her belly, even as her forelock streamed with blood. Such was the imagery at her children’s playground, and venue of their dismemberment. It’s all part of her grisly memory now but Jayya lives in dread of remembering.

    “Everytime I remember what my children looked like, torn apart, I shed tears uncontrollably. Most nights, I cry myself to sleep. My husband has been very strong and supportive. He consoles me. But he cries too. I have heard him cry during Salat (prayer). He cries in his sleep too. Together, we try not to remember. That is why we relocated from Baga to Maiduguri,” said Jayya. ‘They came to change our lives with bombs’ “BOKO Haram came and changed everything. They made this place unsafe.

    They came to change our lives with bombs. Our kids can’t go out to play in the sand. They can’t hunt for sport. We, their fathers have to be careful too, except we intend to die before our time and watch another man father our child, be a husband to our wives. There is bomb everywhere. The bomb ruins everything,” said, Ibrahim Koni, a crippled trader. Before his disability, Koni used to be a farmer. He worked through wet and dry spells to cater for his family and rebuild his ancestral home. But on a hot afternoon, the 41-year-old suffered a decapitation of both legs when he hit on an unexploded ordnance on his farm, with his hoe.

    It was like a scene from a horror movie. Koni admitted that he had heard of farmers dying from bomb blasts as they tilled their farms but he never imagined that he could be on the receiving end of such gruesomeness. “The blast flung me backwards belly down. I had no clothes on save a worn knicker and my face was buried in the sands. Two of my neighbours who farmed beside me could not come immediately to my rescue.

    They fled for safety as soon as they heard the explosion, thinking our village was been attacked by Boko Haram. It took them two good hours to get to me. I could have died. But Alhamdulillah, Allah spared my life. “When there is life, there is hope. Though I cannot farm anymore, I am trying to gather some money to start a small trade. Something I can manage on my own…Since my accident, I have been on my own.

    My wife fled with our only son. She couldn’t stand the fact that I had become useless to her and my son,” said Koni. The grim picture HUNDREDS of people have been killed or maimed by landmines in north-east Nigeria, according to research findings. Mines laid by Boko Haram terrorist group over the course of its deadly insurgency in the Lake Chad region, killed 162 people in two years and wounded 277 more, according to the Mines Advisory Group (MAG), a landmine clearance charity.

    Casualties rose from 12 per month in 2016 to 19 per month between 2017 and 2018, making Nigeria’s casualty rate from mines the eighth highest in the world. After a decade of the insurgency, locally produced landmines, unexploded bombs and improvised explosive devices are scattered across the north-east. MAG’s Avishek Banskota, who is based in Maiduguri, said: “Everyone I have met in Borno State has been affected in one way or the other, whether losing a family member, a friend or a house. People can’t move around freely in most of the region and much of the land can’t be used to farm or collect firewood, so the impact on communities is huge.” According to the police, insurgents use pipes, pots and other items to make their own munitions and harvest explosives from undetonated ordnance.

    ICRC to the rescue

    Most victims of Boko Haram assaults make it to a health facility. Many die in the heat of the attack. Some die few weeks after due to inappropriate medical care. Others live with disabilities for life. They are forced to move on with their lives without the necessary facilities, like physiotherapy and prosthetic limbs, that could make their lives easier. Some very few amputees, however, enjoy the rare boon of support, courtesy a healthcare programme devised by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in partnership with the Borno’s State Specialist Hospital.

    The ICRC runs a medical, rehabilitation programme courtesy a Mobile Surgical Team (MST) at the State Specialist Hospital in Maiduguri. Over the duration of the protracted insurgency in the northeast, the surgical team has treated hundreds of people wounded in bomb blasts in Borno. For instance, in 2016, the team together with surgeons from Michika Hospital, treated 76 victims of the blast in Madagali market, while another ICRC surgical team treated 15 people injured in Maiduguri. Recently, the health organisation introduced of a rehabilitation programme, whereby it facilitates the acquisition of prosthetic limbs to victims of bomb blasts with amputated limbs. The primary focus of the project is to cater for amputees from the conflict, women and children, according to Claudia Soares, Head Nurse of the ICRC’s Mobile Surgical Team (MST). Soares shuttles through wards and the operation theatre, daily, at the State Specialist Hospital in Maiduguri.

    “The majority of our patients are weapon-wounded patients and internally displaced people (IDPs) fleeing the conflict. We receive patients from across Borno State. Some of them are referred to us by other humanitarian organisations and some of them come to us by their own volition.

    They are all treated for free. We treat them all free of charge,” she said. The Boko Haram conflict has destroyed the livelihoods of millions of people in the highly impoverished region, where many live on less than $2 a day thus making prosthetic limbs – which cost on average nearly $700 – prohibitively expensive to them.

    Amputees are first assessed in Maiduguri, where the ICRC runs a medical clinic that caters specifically for victims of Boko Haram attacks. The clinic complements services provided by a handful of state-run hospitals in the city which have been overstretched by the sharp rise in emergency cases from occasional violence. Once potential beneficiaries of artificial limbs are screened, they are then sent for a fitting in Kano, nearly 600 kilometres away. Medical personnel work on an average of five amputees per week, which is just a fraction of the number of those seeking his services. One of the many beneficiaries of the initiative is Musa, a soccer-lover, who lost his left limb in a bomb attack.

    The incident happened when a boy walked into his school with a bag despite the fact that bags were banned in his school, Government Science Secondary School, Potiskum, with a bag. “We kept asking him why he was carrying a bag,” Musa recalled. “Then we heard a beeping sound, but we thought it was his phone.” Unknown to Musa, his teachers and mates at the school assembly, the intruder concealed a bomb in his bag. The ensuing blast was huge, killing two dozen students and injuring more than 40.

    When Alhaji Musa, Musa’s father, who lived in the staff quarters near the school, heard the bomb go off, he ran into the school. “ I saw dead bodies everywhere and everyone running around confused. I started looking for my son,” he said, recalling the November 2014 attack. “I eventually found Musa in the emergency ward of Potiskum General Hospital.” Musa’s left leg had been blown off by the blast.

    The football-loving teen faced a gruelling recovery. However, three days after the blast, Musa’s family learned about ICRC’s programme to fit victims of violence with a prosthesis free of charge. Musa was fitted with a prosthetic limb three months afterwards at the National Orthopedic Hospital, Dala-Kano in Kano. The youngest person in the programme at the time, Musa was trained by the orthopaedic staff on how to use his new limb. Like Musa, Njidda Maidugu, a fuel station attendant, never thought he would walk again on two legs after he lost his right limb in a Boko Haram suicide bomb attack at a checkpoint in Maiduguri, northeast Nigeria, in 2016. Maidugu has been fitted with a free artificial limb in the project run by the ICRC. Modu Yaganami, a native of Dikwa, Borno State, is another beneficiary of the initiative. He said: “I used to be a trader going to several markets. I was very strong and energetic, until this happened to me.

    I was brought to the hospital and my limbs were fixed and treated for free by ICRC. “I was also given an artificial limb. Now, I can move around and do my normal business…I have peace of mind. I thought I was never going to walk again. It was after I was fitted with artificial limb that I felt normal.” Ali Suleiman, 35, said he had been on admission for a month as a patient at the mobile surgical ward of the health facility. “I am a victim of a bomb attack in Bama. Thank God, out of 13 of us that got injured, only three of us survived. I am recuperating gradually and receiving the best care from this people,” he said.

    Tending the maimed is, however, no walk in the park. It requires a great degree of commitment and cooperative efforts Nikolai Dmitriev, an ICRC Surgeon with the MST, stated that he has to frequently operate weapon-wounded people from the very old to the young. “Our patients are really broken. And it is not enough to heal their bodies, there is also need to heal their minds,” said Dmitriev. Daniel Madembo, Chief Physiotherapist with the MST, stated that it is the job of his unit to help amputees get accustomed to the use of the new artificial limbs provided for them by the ICRC.

    “We help them learn to fit the limbs and walk properly on it. We help them reintegrate into their new lives and their communities,” said Madembo. Living under the bomb ABOUT 565 people might have been killed by the explosive remnants of the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria’s restive northeast region in 2018, according to a recent report by the United Nations anti-mine agency. Lionel Pechera, a programme coordinator of the United Nations Mines Action Service (UNMAS), disclosed this at a campaign to mark the International Day for Mine Awareness and Assistance in Mine Action in the northeastern city of Maiduguri, the birthplace of Boko Haram. Pechera said the presence of explosive hazards was a barrier to accessing the majority of land for agricultural activities, which in turn increased food insecurity in the northeast area.

    A November 2015 assessment in Adamawa and Borno states by international de-mining organisation Danish De-mining Group (DDG) had noted local community reports of a number of local government areas in Borno state they thought needed clearance, including Bama, Dikwa, Gwoza, Kala-Balge, Kukawa, Marte, and Ngala. In 2015, the Nigerian army warned civilians of the threat of improvised devices using adapted submunitions. Caches of French-made air-delivered BLG-66 “Beluga” cluster munitions were reportedly found in Adamawa state. Also identified were anti-personnel and anti-vehicle mines resembling Chinese No. 4 anti-personnel mines and Type 72 anti-vehicle mines; a variety of body-borne, vehicle-borne, and remotely controlled devices; as well as cluster munition remnants, mortars, rockets and rocket-propelled grenades, hand grenades, and Man-Portable Air Defense Systems (MANPADS).

    Going forward…

    Boko Haram’s insurgency has killed more than 20,000 people since 2009 and left over 2.6 million people homeless. Contamination from mines and other explosive devices has had a serious humanitarian impact, impeding the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and exacerbating the crisis in the region. In October 2016, the governor of Adamawa State confirmed that many IDPs were unable to return to their farms due to a fear of landmines. Roads were closed to civilian traffic by the military due to the presence of mines or other explosive devices and there were numerous reports of civilian casualties and farmers who feared returning to work their fields, contributing to sharply worsening food shortages. At the moment, there is no structured mine action programme in Nigeria.

    Both Nigeria’s armed forces and its police carry out explosive ordinance disposal (EOD) activities and explosive remnants of war (ERW) clearance. The army’s ERW clearances are primarily focused on facilitating military operations and clearing roads and areas to facilitate access for troops to carry out attacks on Boko Haram and keep military supply routes open.

    The 2016 Buhari Plan for Rebuilding the North East from the Presidential Committee on the North East Initiative (PCNI) includes a plan for de-mining as part of clean-up operations in reclaimed communities before resettlement of IDPs. It assigns responsibility for clearance to the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), the Nigerian military and paramilitary agencies. In early 2018, it was reported that some de-mining was taking place to facilitate the safe return of internally displaced persons (IDPs). In September 2018, it was announced that the federal government was planning to spend $6.7 billion to deliver the PCNI. Yet, hidden explosives constitute a major challenge to IDPs to Boko Haram survivors. According to MAG, mine action should be prioritised as a core protection activity within the humanitarian response in the northeast.

    It also emphasises attention on coordinated strategies for safe, voluntary and informed returns to areas where there is risk posed by landmines and other explosives. Bounded by the Ottawa convention also known as the Mines Ban Treaty, Nigeria is obligated to destroy stockpiles, clear mined areas and assist affected communities. Majority of landmine victims are civilians who step on a mine after armed conflicts has ceased in their areas. In most instances, over one-third of all casualties due to landmines are women and children.

    There is no disputing the perils of landmines as indiscriminate weapons that lie dormant until triggered, be it by a soldier, or a civilian, a friend or a foe, an adult or a child. Jonathan Gambo is one such child. In a widely advocacy and award-winning report, Temitope Kalejaiye, a Commonwealth staff, narrated Gambo’s ordeal. At age 12, Gambo lost his arms, while fetching firewood in his village, Uba, where his parents worked as farmers.

    While gathering firewood, his elder brother, who had been curious to unearth a chunk of metal, unwittingly passed him the object, a bomb, before instructing him to throw it away. The device blasted off Jonathan’s hand and right arm up to the elbow. Like Gambo, Muhammadu lost a limb, his left leg, while fetching firewood with his brother in Biu. Then there is the sad case of Jayya, who lost her two children, Nuru, five and Ayisatu, seven to an unexploded canister.

  • MISSING IN CONFLICT

    IF eyes are windows to the soul, little Ibrahim’s eyes are giant panes. At age 11, the scales of innocence fell from his eyes, as the moth’s wings melt in the fire.

    Ibrahim suffered a rude jolt in January 2015 when the rampaging hordes of the Boko Haram (BH) terrorist sect invaded his home in Baga, on the shore of the Lake Chad, in Maiduguri, Borno State.

    The insurgents sacked his home and like thousands of kids, Ibrahim got separated from his family. In a frantic bid to stay alive, the 11-year-old boarded a boat sailing to Chad whereas his family members fled by road.

    His parents were eventually hacked to death by BH insurgents, thus rendering him yet another orphan of the lingering terrorism and humanitarian crisis wracking Nigeria’s northeast.

    Through his ordeal, Ibrahim keels through each day, bemused, like a child forced by tragedy to become a man. For the minor, innocence chokes amid the fumes of his ruined childhood.

    Ibrahim feels his loss like a burn, deep to the bones: the loss of his father’s approving smile at his completion of a task; the loss of his mother’s embrace and the warmth of her fuss through torrential rainfall and sandstorms impales his peace like the shank-end of a sharp spear.

    All he is left with are memories of their love. But memories are not enough to assuage the pain of their demise and absence in his life.

    Months after he fled Baga to live with 4, 999 fellow refugees at the Dar es Salaam refugee camp in Chad, Ibrahim has returned to Maiduguri.

    Having being declared missing by his only surviving relative, his aged grandmother, Ibrahim returned to endure a tearful reunion with the septuagenarian. As the aircraft bearing him touched down in Maiduguri, Ibrahim stumbled out with eight other kids into Borno’s heat and searing realities of their destabilised worlds.

    Families have been split. Dear ones may have been lost but they enjoyed the reprieve of reunion with loved ones. As Ibrahim reunited with his older relative, words failed them. Grandma and grandson broke into tears, their bodies and eyelids convulsing with echoes of their buried narratives.

    Few paces away, four- year-old Bintu struggled to make sense of the piercing wail and the floodgate of tears let loose on her fragile frame by her half-sister, Aisha. She was just too young to properly remember her half-sister Aisha; and even though neither of them know where their mother is, Aisha is simply grateful to be reunited with her missing sibling.

    For the reunited families, being together again is a huge relief. The uncertainty imposed by their disordered lives, however, implores the passing tribute of a sigh.

    The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) together with the Nigerian Red Cross reunited Ibrahim, Bintu and seven others, who had been displaced by the armed conflict in northeast Nigeria to Chad, explained Serena Tarabbia, Restoring Family Links Delegate of the ICRC .

    She said: “We have reunited them with their families, their parents, their siblings, their grandparents, here in Nigeria.”

    And so for Ibrahim and peers, family life could begin again. But thousands more remain separated by conflict, alone in refugee camps and other places.

    In about a decade of chaos, almost 22,000 people have been registered missing with the ICRC. Many of them are children and for their affected families, the work of identification, tracing, and reunification must go on.

    ‘They said they were taking us to a better place’

    THE process is, however, no ordinary walk in the park as desperate mothers and fathers hope for good news about their loved ones. Falmata Amodu, resident of the Gubio Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp, is one such parent. Having lost her 10-year-old son, Alkali, nine years ago, when her village was attacked by Boko Haram, she pines for his return.

    “I couldn’t sleep. I could hardly eat any food. I found it difficult to mingle with people, I wasn’t in the right frame of mind. Every night when we go to sleep, I think about him. My eyes stay open until daybreak. My only hope is for my son to be found, that’s all I want,” she said.

    The ICRC is working hard to try to find the missing, and, where possible, unite separated families. But, ICRC President Peter Maurer warns, that the 22,000 cases the already known may only be the beginning.

    “Huge populations have been displaced, and therefore huge populations are missing. Their relatives, their fathers, mothers, sons, families at large; 22,000 cases opened at the ICRC are just the tip of the iceberg, most likely, of what we are going to see in the future still here in Nigeria as the conflict unfolds,” he said.

    Armed conflict in northeast Nigeria and the Lake Chad region has displaced an estimated two million people. Many of the displaced are children, who have been declared missing and are completely alone.

    The fate of these minors currently constitutes great worry to their relatives, government and humanitarian agencies, at the backdrop of a burgeoning human trafficking trade that has gradually found its way into Nigeria’s conflict regions, of the northeast.

    A global and local syndicate make determined forays into the northeast via avoidable cracks in the country’s security network. Displaced minors bear the brunt of this human error.

    Radia Abdullah, for instance, fled her home in Baga after watching BH insurgents hack her parents and grandparents to death in their living room. She made it “through the bush” in the company of neighbours to Maiduguri, where she sought refuge at the Dalori IDP camp.

    She was 13 years old at the period.

    Two months into her arrival on the camp, however, Abdullah was approached by camp officials, who promised her prospects of a better life outside the camp.

    Already weary and worn by the hardship of life on the camp, the 13- year-old bought into their colourful yarn of instant luxury and economic security in faraway Calabar, Rivers State.

    “They said they were taking us to a better place,” she said.

    Unknown to her, she was being set up for prostitution. Contrary to the promises by the camp officials, the 13-year-old was sold to a local madame who forced her to “remove her hijab” and “sleep with customers” for money in a makeshift room at the back of her car wash and run-down bar in Calabar.

    The teenager was eventually rescued by a “customer” who “fell in love with her” and paid her thoroughfare back to Maiduguri.

    Now 15, Abdullah earns her livelihood by doing menial tasks in a canteen, around Post Office, in the Borno capital. She saves a fraction of her meagre earnings to purchase and sell sweets to neighbourhood kids and on IDP camps.

    Unlike Abdullah, Hafiza, couldn’t escape through the “bush” while Boko Haram ransacked her family compound in Baga. Consequently, she was abducted by the insurgents, who made her watch the execution of her father and grandfather, before whisking her away.

    Two years into her abduction, Hafiza escaped from her captors in the wake of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MJTF) onslaught against the terrorist sect.

    She made it to the Muna IDP camp. However, she was forced to leave due to shortage of water and essential provisions.

    “I had to beg for food. Life was very hard. Everywhere I went people tried to sleep with me. Eventually, I had to date a camp official in order to get some food rations. When his wife discovered, she attacked me in the camp. I had to run for my life,” said the teenager.

    Subsequently, she made it back to Maiduguri. There, she slept in motor parks and unofficial camps. Three weeks after she relocated to Borno, Hafiza was approached by a middle-aged woman, called Khadija, who was reportedly visiting her cousin and coordinator at the Dalori IDP camp.

    “She asked if I wanted to go to Dubai and I didn’t hesitate before saying ‘Yes.’ She promised to get me a job as a shop attendant with a jeweller. I saw her cousin, who assured me that I would be in safe hands if I went with her. Before we left Maiduguri, she gave me N5, 000 pocket money and bought me beautiful bangles and abayas. She said there was more from where that came from,” said Hafiza.

    Excitedly, the teenager departed with the lady to Nassarawa for an onward journey to Dubai. Unknown to her, she had sold herself into slavery for a paltry N5, 000, two abayas and counterfeit jewellery.

    On arrival in Nassarawa, Hafiza’s supposed benefactor became hostile to her. “Her demeanour changed totally. She collected the N5, 000 from me as we alighted from the vehicle at the park. She said she wanted to keep it safe for me. When we got to our destination, I realised that it was a brothel. I had sold myself into prostitution,” she said.

    For 15 months, the teenager served the wild tastes of different classes of men, from taxi drivers, students, menial workers to park urchins, until she summoned the courage to flee from her captor.

    “I fled with the help of an older colleague at the brothel. She is from the east. Her name is Nancy. She advised me not to dress nice or take anything with me on that day in order not to arouse suspicion. I fled on a Sunday evening while my madam attended to her boyfriend in her sitting room. Nancy had arranged with one of her boyfriends, a cab driver, to smuggle me out of the brothel to Bauchi.

    “I had the choice to relocate to Lagos or Abuja but I came back to Maiduguri because I wish to find my mother and sister,” said the teenager.

    Conflict and the trafficking market

    A clandestine trade in under-age girls thrives across Borno’s IDP camps and the street corners, where displaced kids, mostly girls, are abducted or lured into sexual slavery. “People come there in the evening for recruiting, I can say, taking young girls, going away with them. I see it as they are going there for sexual exploitation,” said Mitika Ali, the zonal commander for the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP).

    According to Ali, many female residents of the camps are at risk of being sold into slavery by human traffickers prowling the camps. Further investigations revealed that child trafficking is a flourishing business across IDP camps in the northeast. The racket flourishes in divisions of smaller subunits which may specialise in a particular task or sequence of the operation comprising recruitment, provision of shelter, false documents, transportation of victims to and from their workplace, roster exploitation, or rotation of victims to different destinations.

    Then there is a management unit which maintains a vertical structure of supervision and control over the subunits. While the complexity and number of specific tasks differ from one trafficking organisation to the next, trafficking enterprises have been characterised by a number of specific roles that individuals take on within the organisation to provide specific services. These roles include but are not limited to the investors, who put forward funding for the operation, and oversee the entire operation.

    These people are unlikely to be known by the everyday employees of the operation, as they are sheltered by an organisational pyramid structure that protects their anonymity; they may be separate from the organisation. There are the first level recruiters cum human traffickers, who seek out potential victims across IDP camps. They often target unregistered IDPs and unattended minors. A lower level of recruiters, however, comprises displaced persons who act as middlemen between the buyer and the seller. The displaced person cum middleman identifies likely targets among children orphaned by the crisis and those who have been separated from their parents. He or she negotiates the terms of transaction with the first level recruiter and trafficker.

    The middleman may be members of the culture and the community from which the trafficked children are drawn. They liaise with the first level recruiters, who come from distant places like Lagos, Rivers, Abuja, Nassarawa, Akwa Ibom, Imo, Anambra and Kaduna, to scout for victims. The Nation findings revealed that the price for a four or five-year-old child often ranges between N20, 000 and N150, 000. The price could be set higher or lower depending on the desperation and bargaining skills of the negotiators. After negotiations, the middleman approaches the camp official in charge, who collects the money and approves the release of the kids.

    The child trafficker subsequently deals out the child as a domestic servant to an interested family or bonded slave to a brothel madame. From Maiduguri to Niger Republic AISHA and Halima present a sad case that perfectly illustrates the fate of displaced kids in the theatre of war. The 15-year-olds were lured to bonded slavery in Italy by a group of women, who approached them one morning while they fetched firewood near their IDP camp in Madinatu.

    The teenagers had just escaped captivity by Boko Haram and they could not resist the lure of the luxurious life bewitchingly marketed to them by the traffickers. The traffickers promised to get them lucrative jobs as hairdressers in Italy, revealed Philip Obaji Jnr, a human rights educator, and the founder of Up Against Trafficking, a non-governmental organisation. But rather than fulfill their promise to the teenagers, Aisha and Halima were taken to the central Nigerien city of Agadez, to a “connection house,” where they were instructed to wait until the smugglers were ready to continue their journey through north Africa for the Mediterranean crossing.

    Their arrival had coincided with a government crackdown on smugglers, and they found themselves moved from one house to another to escape arrest. When finally they were driven from the city towards the southern Libyan town of Sebha, their trafficker spotted a police convoy patrolling the route through the desert. Worried he would be apprehended, he ordered the girls to get out of the car and drove away, said Obaji.

    While sub-Saharan migrants are particularly vulnerable to trafficking by armed groups, displaced persons and minors fleeing Boko Haram’s terrorism have been rescued by government and international groups, as they attempted passage in return for debt bondage, forced labour in construction or on farms, and prostitution. Traffickers also prey on IDPs selling them into servitude across state boundaries, thus facilitating the blooming of a local trade in trafficked persons.

    Evidence for the nexus is strongest along these routes, since migration routes are controlled by militant groups who operate in the largely anarchic regions of the Sahel. Boko Haram insurgents have employed their captives as suicide bombers, sex slaves and domestic servants. Terrorists benefit from victims of human trafficking in different ways. Direct sale of victims appears to be the most lucrative.

    For instance, Boko Haram has been involved in the abduction, trafficking and enslavement of children and women. Hundreds of women and children have been abducted since the group’s insurgency started. But Boko Haram’s most wellknown abduction occurred in April 2014, when 276 female students were taken away from their dormitory at the Government Secondary School, Chibok, in Borno State.

    The abduction triggered a global campaign #BringBackOurGirls. A few months after the Chibok girls were abducted, Boko Haram’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, said he would sell them. “I am the one who captured all those girls and I will sell all of them,” he said in an online video in which he justified human slavery.

    “Slavery is allowed in my religion and I shall capture people and make them slaves,” he said to the chagrin of Muslims within and outside Nigeria, who refute his claims, arguing that they have no basis in Islamic tenets and practice. Idris Abdulhakeem, a Muslim cleric and scholar, argued that, “Shekau is grossly misled and engaged in acts contrary to Islam’s peaceful and humane traditions of worship and citizenship of humanity.”

    Going forward… In response to continued reports of sexual exploitation of IDPs in the Northeast, NAPTIP partnered with an international organisation to create and implement a screening and sensitisation campaign to identify sex trafficking victims. They visited at least 14 camps in Maiduguri area in the process. Every day, people go missing in conflict in the northeast. Given the magnitude of the phenomenon and the intergenerational impact that unsolved cases have on families and communities, the ICRC highlighted the gravity of the situation disclosing recently, that, about 22, 000 persons have been registered as missing by its personnel during a decade of conflict in the northeast.

    The Geneva-based humanitarian institution said the figure is the highest number of missing persons registered with the ICRC in any country. “The figures could be higher given the absence of a dependable missing person’s register and security network across IDP camps in the northeast,” stated a camp official at a displaced persons camp in Maiduguri. “Every parent’s worst nightmare is not knowing where their child is. This is the tragic reality for thousands of Nigerian parents, leaving them with the anguish of a constant search.

    People have the right to know the fate of their loved ones, and more needs to be done to prevent families from being separated in the first place,” said ICRC President, Maurer, at the end of his five-day visit to Nigeria. There is no gainsaying that families are the greatest casualty of the protracted conflict in the northeast. Mustapha Garba, for instance, over his separation from his 14-year-old daughter.

    It is four years since she went missing but the 53-year-old is hopeful of reunion with her, following reports that she was seen alive in neighbouring Chad four months ago. Like Garba, Falmata Amodu nurses hope of reunion with her missing son, Alkali. “What troubles me is that I haven’t heard whether he is dead or alive. I just don’t know.

    Whenever I cook food for his siblings, I think about him,” she said, stressing that her husband died pining for their missing son’s return. She said: “For the three years that we stayed in Maiduguri, my husband was very distressed and would repeatedly have nightmares. He would call the name of our abducted son, ‘Alkali, Alkali, Alkali’ all the time. Eventually he died from the trauma.” Words cannot capture the anguish of parents like Garba and Amodu. For them, every new day begins with visions of reunion with their lost wards.

    To reunite the separated families, the ICRC works with the Nigeria Red Cross and other NGOs in the northeast to trace the missing persons across large swathes of the region. They will distribute photographs and bellow their names, while going door-todoor across camps and communities. At the backdrop of these efforts, concerned parents would utter a silent prayer, hoping desperately that their wards survived the grisly cocktail of gunshots, sexual slavery and bomb blasts.

  • Dear Narcissi

    Capitalism is neither wicked nor cruel when the commodity is the ‘whore’ – blue-collar or brothel ‘whore.’ Nigeria is neither ‘doomed’ nor ‘forsaken’ when the national cake is shared among the loudest activists, shady politicians and public officers.

    Profit is neither vicious nor impure when victims of multinationals’ exploitation are voiceless, impoverished host communities, and the bleeding heart rights activist, ‘social influencer’ or crusader-journalist eventually earns courtship and seasonal inducements by the transnational culprits.

    Government is neither tribal nor unjust when the Igbo, Hausa, Ibibio, Tiv, Jukun, Yoruba, Fulani groups, to mention a few, have their lands and treasures forcibly splayed for kindred “activists” and “saviours” to plunder.

    Values are neither degenerate nor effete when its the ‘emancipated’ youth having sex in a public toilet or unisex hostel on Big Brother Naija (BBN); sexual slavery becomes hip when ‘future leaders’ are presented as meat and body parts on the ill-conceived reality show.

    When reality is different, let’s cut to the chase and blame government for everything. While we do so, let us remember to blame Muhammadu Buhari and his “under-performing” cabinet and cliques for our elevation of fatuity as enchanted condition.

    We should blame government for our fancy pornography, the drab one too, while we conveniently forget that our erotica of the left-wing is the graveyard where our “woke” clans slither to die in eternal wokeness.

    Dworkin was wrong to imagine that the Left cannot have its politics and whores. We are Leftists, or progressives if you like, and in our clan, politics and whoredom are in perfect sync.

    Nigeria’s whoredom proliferates by her youth. The latter, having learnt to manipulate protest into performance, emerge as a rising political bloc. Dirty artifice, hitherto an exclusive preserve of questionable politicians, becomes the tool by which they renegotiate their claims to social spoils.

    Yea, Buhari, no matter the frequency of his bursts of political savvy and implied strength, will never curry the favour of his most virulent critics. This, unfortunately, shall be his lot until push gets to shove a la 2023 general elections.

    Nonetheless, Nigeria has got you and I to save her from the ravage of familiar predators, plundering her treasure trove for sport. Who knew pillage could be so elevated as recreation, and that coffer rapists could attain the honour of national heroes?

    The malady persists by our psychology of youth participation in politics, which highlights a lust for instant gratification and unearned greatness. This explains why some youths, goaded by sycophancy and a false sense of self-worth made frantic gestures to become Nigeria’s president at the last general elections.

    Their ambition had little to do with being visionary and competent for the job. It was arrant narcissism.

    A curious form of what clinical psychologists would call maladaptive self-love seem to have crept up on the Nigerian youth. Little wonder hordes of youths, unquestioningly, submit as tools and canon fodder for violence and destruction, for a fee, at election time.

    It also explains, perhaps, why otherwise promising youth would scorn morals and intellect, and submit as lab rats in the ongoing Big Brother Naija (BBN) experimental porn.

    There is no gainsaying youth participation in politics thrives on the pursuit of material gain and status by circumventing the cycle of honest endeavour. Most youths are wildly exploitative, they lack empathy, and possess unrealistic fantasies concerning political and socioeconomic success.

    A recent study carried out to examine personality traits and narcissism as predictors of pathological selfie among undergraduates of a federal university establishes narcissism as a major driver of neurotic lust for selfies among the university students.

    A similar lust sprouts by the notion that young presidential candidates at the 2019 elections were simply bidding for face-time. “They know they cannot win, they only wish to register their presence en route the 2023 elections,” argued their apologists.

    The argument also persists that many contested in order to land plum compensations or jobs in the cabinet of the eventual winner from the big parties.

    Several young candidates at the 2019 general elections, no doubt, emerged to take political selfies; and this portends the most dangerous case of self-love, given that thousands of voters hinged their destinies at the mercy of their aberrant lust.

    Another study reveals narcissistic facets in narratives of Nigeria’s advance fee fraud letters. The paper analyses a sample of 100 advanced fee fraud letters or Nigerian scams by fraudsters otherwise known as Yahoo Boys. Analysis of the scams highlight a Machiavellian/narcissistic approach of human behaviour and morality.

    It presents scams as narratives that give us various perceptions about the youth in the present era. It draws a set of moral principles and values that are explicitly declared by fraudsters similar to the young candidate’s platitudinous chant.

    A similar approach is adopted by many a Nigerian revolutionary and woke youth. To them, political participation and protest are simply facets and scenes in their performance theatre. Their strategy involves starting a ruckus until government drags them by force or persuasion to the negotiation board.

    As soon as favourable terms are reached, they withdraw to enjoy their loot and ‘elevated’ status in silence. When confronted on their sudden silence, they will brazenly say: “When you are eating, you don’t talk.” It’s called table manners.

    Activism, to them, is hardly about ideals. It’s an artificial construction, a performance to seduce karma’s fearsome power. To withstand providence’s scourge, they reinvent themselves as rights activists, advocacy-journalists, ‘social influencers, sociopreneurs, mediapreneurs’ – apology to such ‘practitioners’ plying honest endeavour.

    Eventually, the shady among them, would get storm-tossed and drown in nature’s barbarous deep.

    The duplicity within is what we should fear. It is the root of our predicament. And it thrives on narcissism.

    Vicelich writes, that, narcissists “behave like four-year-olds: it’s all about them.” They don’t recognise personal boundaries, they hog conversations, crave constant validation and take criticism extremely badly.

    “They want your attention, they need things right now – it’s all about instant gratification – and they really have an undeveloped sense of self,” she says, thus diagnosing the tantrums of many 2019 Nigerian aspirants.

    They can be charming, flirtatious company too, notes Hinsliff, but they see others largely as extensions of themselves and can be controlling, cruel or critical of anyone they feel reflects badly on them.

    Honest criticism wounds their fragile egos and they may become violent, broken or commit to drugs. Some simply commit suicide. This is, however, not an attempt to make light of the disconcerting suicide culture or its triggers and dangerous manifestations.

    Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter supply them with oodles of their ‘fix’ as measurable likes and shares.

    In his Metamorphosis, Ovid narrates the story of Narcissus making it clear that he will live a long life “if he does not discover himself.”

    Narcissus, it’s worth remembering, eventually died of loneliness and sorrow sprung from his distorted perception of self. He got destroyed by extreme self-love and maladjusted behaviour.

    It’s about time millions of Nigerian Narcissi understood that the most underrated act of patriotism, even if built on self-love, is the ability, just occasionally, to get over yourself.

  • Teach them, El Rufai

    GOVERNOR Nasir El Rufai of Kaduna State, on Monday, enrolled his six-year-old son, Abubakar, into Primary One at the Capital School Malali, Kaduna, a public school, in fulfillment of a promise he made in 2017.

    By enrolling his son in the public school, El Rufai seeks to reinvent his cantankerous repute on charitable footing. To succeed, he needs empathy and media mention; these he is getting in dubious overload.

    For instance, the social media debates the imperative of his widely publicised visit to his son’s school and the suspicious photo ops; so doing, El Rufai scuds to acclaim on a slippery scallop shell, the heraldic shield of the random politician’s crafty origins.

    In 2017, the Kaduna governor reportedly vowed in a state broadcast, to enroll his child in a public school when he clocks six.

    He said: “As we make progress, we will require our senior officials to enroll their children in public schools. And I will by personal example ensure that my son that will be six years of age in 2019 will be enrolled in a public school in Kaduna State, by God’s grace.”

    Shortly after he enrolled his child, El Rufai explained to newsmen: “I made that commitment because I believe that it is only when all political leaders have their children in public schools that we will pay due attention to quality of public education.”

    Mother of the child, Ummi, described her husband’s action as “a strong message to our leaders and the elites, that we need to start making things work from within our homes.

    “By the time we start attending public hospitals and send our children to public schools, the system will get better,” she said.

    On his part, little Abubakar said: “I am sad that I will miss my old school, my friends and my teachers. But I have to help my father keep his promise.”

    Vintage El Rufai. His statement resonates harmoniously with his wife and son’s thus fulfilling the purpose of his craftily scripted political high drama. Some of the circulated pictures of his latest manoeuvre show him in various poses with his son. There is one in which he spots a dreamy mien staring at six-year-old Abubakar, while the latter stares beyond the governor, pulling at his bag strap.

    That shot, among others, was carefully chosen to portray the governor as a bleeding Goliath, eager to immerse in his people’s plight.

    Whatever his critics’ argument against him, El Rufai has stolen some thunder. His action depicts classic artifice. But praiseworthy artifice, given the ignorance of his audience in the theatre of the blind.

    El Rufai’s action no doubt intones the flurry of a jazzy altarpiece. In the garish epiphany, the governor invades our picture plane, seeking to dominate the public eye and mind. Does he?

    Having attracted condemnation via his recent rants up north and in Lagos, El Rufai drifts like flotsam against the elements of Nigeria’s political deep; eventually, he hopes to bathe in propitious sunlight.

    The Kaduna governor understands that the most essential skill in political theatre is artifice. Political leaders, who deploy artifice to create a sense of faux intimacy with citizens, hardly need to be sincere or competent. All they need is an inspiring personal narrative.

    Honesty becomes tangential in their quest for empathy and appeal. The emotive quality of the narrative is, however, paramount.

    Those incapable of artifice are deemed unworthy of the people’s votes. They are considered ‘unreal.’ Their unreality, however, is never solely a function of their inability to deploy artifice to political and personal advantage but a consequence of their self-deceit.

    While El Rufai betrays studious mathematical calculation in quest of higher political office in 2023, the members of the idle Presidential Aspirants Coming Together (PACT), for instance, careen in self-deception or what some public commentator rightly identified as ‘elite naivete.’

    The supposedly intelligent, vibrant youths, who vowed to make PACT a platform on which the best and most acceptable aspirants, are backed by all to fly the youth’s presidential flag in 2019 against the might of Nigeria’s behemoth parties, are disconcertingly quiet few months after they got outclassed and out-played in Nigeria’s general elections.

    For all their presumed depth, the PACT collective crumbled as the ‘young’ aspirants bickered and whined like clueless youngsters over a kite. Selfishness, greed and immaturity hampered their bid to gift Nigeria with what could have been an inspiring team of bright, spirited candidates or a semblance of it.

    Forget PACT, where are the likes of Kingsley Moghalu? Of course, their apologists would claim that they are quietly impacting lives, raising protégés. But of what use is their influence and mentorship, where their impact resonates like the tired drizzle atop an ocean of filth?

    Moghalu and PACT may learn a manoeuvre or two from the likes of El Rufai. Agreed, artifice is hardly the way to go, but they need to get off their high horse and engage with people at the grassroots, purposefully.

    The ones whose votes would determine their fates as aspirants and self-proclaimed Messiahs are never present at TEDtalk events. They are never part of the ‘elite’ and ‘sophisticated’ audience of ‘26, 000’ that crowd the seats at The Platform, their elite talk-shop.

    There is no gainsaying that fora like The Platform are pivotal, partially, to the spread of progressive waves of consciousness and political awareness among the youth and supposedly literate voter divide, but at the end, the super-charged debates and inspiring deliberations peter out beyond the walls of their talk-shop, like the drone of dung beetles outside the latrine.

    It’s 2019 and El Rufai presents with ‘lessons’ on political savvy. Let the “youthful disrupters” understand that their usual practice of dismissing the north and the incumbent ruling class as a coven of political illiterates depicts greater naivete and illiteracy on their part.

    It’s about time they got involved with the people. Terrorism, flooding, internal displacement, grinding poverty, among others, present wonderful opportunities for them to sow seeds of hope and acclaim among Nigeria’s vulnerable, voter divide.

    What if Moghalu and the PACT collective summon their savvy and socio-economic capital to renovate and equip Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs), schools and roads across Nigeria’s neglected regions? Imagine the political currency that could afford them en route the 2023 elections?

    Imagine Fela Durotoye on a one month sojourn, in the northeast, bolstering relief efforts with gifts of a honest smile, provisions and scholarships, far from the arena of artifice and applause.

    Imagine Sowore exuding a different kind of spunk and spittle; one that sees him commencing his #RevolutionNow crusade down south by seeking justice and compensation for victims of Chevron Nigeria Ltd (CNL)’s 74-day fire disaster in the Ilaje Local Government area of Ondo State.

    But these would require them to actually engage with disadvantaged folk and communities at the grassroots. It would require that they actually feel. They would rather wait to mount The Platform to speak easy or roll their sleeves on a task with the random labourer and market woman of the sidewalk, for the camera, at election time.

    Yet theirs is a curious form of artifice. But it pales, distressingly, to El Rufai’s enrollment of his ward in a public school. That’s a tactical manoeuvre.

  • Power, bait and the critic

    THE best way to destroy predatory leadership is to debauch its currency: fear. Fear is what we should conquer; the fear of poverty, of speaking out, and being excluded from the coach of government’s popular gravy-train.

    Fear breeds insecurity, entitlement, bigotries, lawlessness and a wild lust for inordinate acquisitions.

    When fear as currency becomes worthless, so would the ruling class. Its traditional standards of behaviour and precepts of transaction must be shattered for Nigeria to progress. But for this to happen, Nigerians must evolve.

    True, we live in a crazy world, where morality manifests as a Utopian ideal. The honest and industrious are bankrupted while looters, thieves, gangsters, terrorists, looters, kidnappers and lobbyists laugh all the way to the bank.

    In the wake of this dystopia, the free market and precepts of equality touted as routes to nationwide prosperity have been exposed as a pathetic con game.

    Many are aware of the con but their awareness doesn’t translate to concerted efforts to evade its lure.

    The critic thus becomes society’s courier of rage and revolt against the ruling class’ arrogant hierarchs.

    To the citizenry, the critic is a modern day hero. To the government, however, he is a scourge; a noxious virus or gadfly. The citizenry depend on the critic to have a voice, the government depends on him to smother the citizenry’s voice.

    To achieve its strategy, the government lures him through the state’s revolving doors on to the corridors of power. The unrepentant critic, in identification with his repute as society’s conscience and political gadfly, rebuffs such overture.

    He understands that his acceptance of such offer would bankrupt the emotional and ethical bank account he has so far, built with the citizenry.

    Seun Onigbinde, co-founder of BudgIT, for all his spunk and promise fell for the Nigerian government’s toxic charms. He accepted to serve, against better judgement, as the Technical Adviser to the Minister of State for Budget and National Planning, Clem Agba.

    Onigbinde’s appointment sparked off wild reactions from Nigerians on social media. A known critic of President Muhammadu Buhari, the tech expert was flayed for accepting to serve in an administration he once described as a failure.

    Among Onigbinde’s fiercest critics was the Buhari Media Organisation (BMO); a presidential apologist, the group issued a statement, condemning the appointment of Onigbinde whom they said lacks honour and integrity for accepting to serve in a government he criticised.

    Few days, after he accepted the offer, Onigbinde rescinded his decision, announcing his resignation from the office.

    In a statement on his Medium page on Monday, Onigbinde announced: “It is clear that recent media reports about my appointment have created a complex narrative, which I believe would engender an atmosphere of mistrust, as I planned to proceed.

    “I also want to wish the Nigerian Government, led by President Muhammadu Buhari, well. I will always be of help to the federal government in my capacity as the Director of BudgIT, a critical fiscal transparency group, as I have been to several agencies. I would also work to ensure that BudgIT continues to build civic awareness on the right of every Nigerian to know how public resources are managed,” he said.

    In the above statement, Onigbinde captures the essence of his role as a policy analyst, government critic and BudgIT’s co-founder.

    Nigeria needs Onigbinde, among others, to continually unmask the pious frauds of leadership by the current administration and subsequent ones.

    We are at a critical point in Nigeria’s democratic experiment; the business of governance is being bungled by a fumbling ruling class.

    While Buhari’s leadership appropriates the demeanour of Nigeria’s saving grace, like his predecessors, he betrays shortcoming in critical areas of governance.

    Education and health funding, for instance, reveals the lack of vision, acuity and compassion of his administration.

    Although he assured the education sector of remarkable improvement in funding in 2019, he budgeted a paltry 7.05 per cent – or thereabouts – of his proposed N8.83 trillion budget to the sector in flagrant disregard of the minimum funding of 15 to 20 per cent recommended for developing countries by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNICEF).

    He has also failed to make history by facilitating a permanent surgical trimming, of recurrent expenditure. At the backdrop of these failings, his administration has announced an increment of Value Added Tax (VAT) in the country.

    This has generated widespread dissent among the citizenry as critics dismiss the idea as yet another gaffe capable of making the government look bad and insensitive to the people’s plight.

    But as the ugliness persists, government apologists cite lifeboat initiatives like the TraderMoni scheme as wonderful, life-changing projects of the Buhari administration.

    How does the scheme translate to a better life for recipients and perpetual segments of the country’s breadlines?

    A laudable model would see Buhari increase education funding, for instance, and power TraderMoni, among others in such a way that recipients’ fortunes would truly improve, sustainably.

    The ultimate aim should be to lift folk out of poverty and not cushion their stay or relapse into it. Nigeria deserves more than a welfare gravy-train from Buhari.

    The impoverished and disadvantaged outside the corridors of power deserve more than a lifeboat solution. And we need critics like Onigbinde to persistently monitor governance, analyse policy and trigger reaction.

    It is understandable that given the harsh economy and the challenges of earning a livelihood in Nigeria, many a government critic and policy analyst may get charmed and eventually, silenced, by the incumbent administration’s crafty deployment of “appointments” and associated perks.

    Onigbinde’s swift recant restores hope among his keen followers and audience of his governance and policy analysis.

    Despite his duplicity and ethical weakness, it’s a great boon that he didn’t bite dust or lose sight in the glimmer of the incumbent administration’s catacombs.

    In The Emperor’s Tomb, Joseph Roth chronicles the decay of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He wrote that at the very end of the empire, even the street-lights longed for morning so that they could be extinguished.

    Nigeria’s undercurrent, as Hedges would say, depicts the bleakness highlighted by Roth.

    This minute, Nigerians are reduced to tools and disposable integers by a corrupt political elite. Our nation, like Roth’s empire, aspire to the ruins of defunct, powerful civilisations: Rome, Egypt, Persia and the Mayan empires.

    Insecurity, bigotry, nepotism, substandard health and education, dying industries, among others, trigger a similar yearning “for annihilation and escape into hedonism and giddy, communal madness” that signalled the end of the Roman empire.

    We have been taken hostage by a corrupt political elite. “This elite, squandering resources and pillaging the state, is no longer able to muster internal allegiance and cohesiveness” to salvage our country.

    The best they could offer are knee-jerk reactions to devastation inflicted on their watch and by generations of bad leadership.

    As Nigeria careens from maladministration, we need the Onigbindes, among others, to answer as men and fierce critics of the corrupt elite, where many pretenders to ethics have bitten dust.

    Beyond theatrics and lip-service, however, Onigbinde and co, must evolve a more selfless and unflinching resolve to serve the interest of the collective.