Category: Olatunji Ololade

  • Your children will be slaves

    Nigeria is filled with beautiful boobs, human mass with luscious glands for politicians to suck.

    Ask the presidency, your state governor, legislator, the itinerant lobbyist and power broker, and they would oblige you the adventures of their souls atop thickset spoils.

    To this conniving band, the electorate is simply a mass of organs by which they nourish their lusts. Nigeria is their jungle, an eden of boobs and wildlife. In this degenerate nirvana they inhabit, they survive by preying on an electorate afflicted with mouths like the parrot’s and the will of a catfish.

    When brackish waters recede, the catfish burrows deep into mud earth but that hardly prevents the fisherman from yanking it out of its filthy haven. Picture the electorate as catfish and the fisherman as the country’s ruling class. Nigeria becomes brackish waters and she recedes.

    Nigerians love burrowing into proverbial mud earth to evade negativity. They scurry deep into unlikely havens – ethno-religious bigotry and other sentimental foolery – to evade the violence of governance, savagely doled out to them by the ruling class.

    In the crevices of mud earth, they immerse in filthy fluid. They soak in shameful rivulets like sanitary towel and hope to emerge sparkling clean.

    It’s a familiar scene, a Nigerian reality that often resounds like the fable of doomed Odysseus and the labouring ships.

    At the backdrop of this shameful proceedings, the argument persists in academia, social and political circuits, that the future is blurry and bleak because of the youth’s absence in politics. But I maintain that by Nigerian standards, ‘the youth’  are in politics.

    ‘Youthful men and women’ in their 60s, 70s and 80s control the country’s ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and major opposition platform, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

    To sustain their legacies, their clannish pride covet incestuous bond with self – nurturing, dark, chthonian parts of their innate nature. Hence Nigeria’s youthful-senior oligarchs impose their wards as successors and the country’s administrators even as they molest boondocks young in a never-ending cycle of sleaze and ethical pedophilia. But the latter are hardly the preys they are thought to be.

    They are willing participants in a dehumanising ritual of violence, biological and mental retardation. From the hopeless to the vain, the presumptuous and credulous, the country pulsates with nourishing boobs. Unlike the literal, fleshy sacs, often the delight of old and young, the Nigerian boob is neither pouch nor sac but human youth.

    It’s 2018, and the image persists of the nation’s youth as human assertions imagined in degenerate stillness, by specific and random politicians. Unlike the artist’s immobile masterpiece, sculpted in bronze and stone, the youth evolve like plasticine, easily malleable and amenable to devious politicians’ plots.

    As 2019 approaches, the country’s ruling class once again perfects its grand plots and counter-plots to exploit the youth, and preserve its ill-gotten wealth and tyranny. The youth predictably become willing pawns in the designs of the criminal ruling class.

    From the herdsmen murders in Benue, Boko Haram’s terrorism, Niger Delta militancy to random political killings and rumblings in Rivers, Taraba, the youth become the nub of discord and deathly rally ripping the country apart.

    Many have attributed the afflictions of the youth to the dominance of a predatory ruling class and tiring recalcitrance of the younger generation, to engage in communal and national politics progressively. Many more readily diagnose and attribute the youth’s afflictions to structural banes, and the perverse culture of citizenship by which they are weaned and ushered into adulthood.

    In the wake of plausible and often farfetched analyses, too many ‘patriots’ conveniently absolve themselves of blame. Some propound the tragic theory of Nigerians as being innately incapable of self-determination and self-governance. Many have recommended the American example, the British palliative, the Chinese abracadabra and Malaysian ingenuity to mention a few, as the ultimate measures to resolve the nation’s ills. How?

    These arguments have overtime, attained a language of their own and thus evolved as a dialect of dissent and exaggerated self-abnegation. The nation’s academic elite, political and economic ruling classes frequently marshal clashing precepts as solutions and justifiable putdown of the ruling class and the lower working class as their politics dictate.

    A more damning view identifies the electorate’s persistent ‘claims to victimhood and sense of entitlement’ as whiny and symptomatic of a dense and irresponsible citizenry. Between the conflict of hyperboles and sentimental vituperation, Nigeria suffers the affliction of intellectual miscreants and promising youth-turned-foetal-adults.

    The coordinated tragedies afflicting our consciousness daily, append the only real structure to our lives as impoverished Nigerians. From burdensome realities of fast slipping youth, recurrent rites of bigotry to the ethical quandary of coping with strict moral codes of adulthood and ideal society, our lives obscure in purpose and meaning.

    Thus the scorning of ethics by the youth for fast, illicit riches even as ripples of their actions keep hundreds of millions more in binds of despair.

    Consequently, the revolutionary dissent that sprouts from oppression is pitiless and unbending. It radically splits our world into ‘insensitive ruling class’ and ‘clueless lower class,’ ‘elite’ and ‘downtrodden,’ ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots.’ It fosters even more fragmented discord that continually pits Nigerian Christians against Muslims, Hausa against Igbo, Igbo against Yoruba, Yoruba against Ijaw.

    While this piece too may resound as hackneyed howl and lamentation, a regurgitation of towering monstrosities we have become, it need be said that our ultimate solution lies in our will to effect true change.

    None of the existing parties can foster a progressive nation. They are programmed to a recurring cycle of rebirth and self-destruct. In the vortex, they show occasional flashes of brilliance and daring against familiar odds. But it’s all smoke and mirrors.

    It’s about time the youth united to create and activate a party of true patriots, driven by men and women of unimpeachable character. The change Nigeria deserves is anathema to existent parties and ruling class. Real change requires neutering them in capacity and real time.

    To the youth, I say: “Failure to do this will sustain your status quo as slaves and your children as slaves to your oppressors’ children.”

     

  • Nigeria’s embarrassments

    In model earth, the incumbent government would be a scar on Nigeria, a degeneration to coarse civilisation. But there is hardly anything ideal about our world thus we are stuck with a Hobson’s choice. While it may be true that we dodged devastation by voting out Goodluck Jonathan and his People’s Democratic Party (PDP), it need be understood that President Muhammadu Buhari’s presumed moralist, disciplinarian stance and the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s romanticised ‘Change’ has become urban legend, a whimsical narrative peddled by incurable optimists dreaming of a better tomorrow.

    Buhari may not be corrupt but his government is septic with worms; and his APC, contrary to its earlier posturing, manifests as you read, like a clean breath of fresh stench. Contemporary facts affirm this ugly reality: from embattled former pensions boss, Rasheed Maina’s – reinstatement while under scrutiny for fraud – to shameful shenanigans of an APC-controlled House of Assembly, where the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, currently grapples with scandalous allegations of wrongdoing by the Nigeria Police Force (NPF).

    Nonetheless, Buhari’s touted renouncement of corruption may not be childish or duplicitous after all; 2019 is a few months away and so much could happen before the next general elections. Will Buhari do better or will he do enough to get re-elected?

    His recent declaration of June 12 as Democracy Day and investiture of slain winner of June 12, 1993 presidential elections, Late Moshood Kashimawo Abiola (MKO), with Nigeria’s highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), smacks of desperation but the posthumous award is welcome all the same. Ask kinsmen of the deceased.

    Buhari, who said he reached the decisions after due consultations also intends to honour late MKO’s running mate, Babagana Kingibe, and late human rights activist, Gani Fawehinmi, with the second highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Niger (GCON).

    These among other measures in the offing, are expected to assuage presumably disgruntled segments of the southwest electorate en route 2019.

    Buhari’s fate and the APC’s chances should however, be the least of Nigeria’s worries, youthful Nigeria to be precise. What is the future of the youth in the coming dispensation? Will the youth continue to serve as thugs and errand boys for the incumbent ruling class? Will we bend and break to the lure of filthy lucre?

    This minute, an inordinate lust drives the Nigerian youth to self-destruct; having perverted the natural order that places man above money, the animate cowers to the inanimate. Nigeria submits to mammon, and science, technology, power, property and other bastions of materialism own and control us. The consequences are rampant and discernible for all to see.

    The lust for money has put paid to our staunch adherence to a cultural value system; that incontestable code of personal and societal ethics that supposedly humanises the average citizen and moulds him into a fuller, better breed.

    The current generation, the youth especially thus manifests a dissonance with future bliss and progressive leadership anticipated of it. I will not bother over the shortcomings and atrocities we inherited from preceding generations lest I tow the oft beaten path and glamourise our claims to victimhood and base sentimentality.

    If the Nigeria we inherited is truly shorn of values and promises of a brighter tomorrow, must we aggravate the circumstances that foist upon us such hopelessness?

    One of the most curious kinks of this generation is its sustenance and worship of the incumbent ruling class. Consider the former administration of President Jonathan for instance; men and women that erstwhile professed to champion the people’s rights united to defend Jonathan’s ‘honour’ and justify the unceasing ineptitude and mindlessness of his administration.

    They conveniently forgot that the administration’s insensitivity, clumsiness and gluttony cost Nigeria thousands of lives and public fund till date. Evidences of the government’s incompetence and tactlessness manifested in its appointment of men and women unfit to run a roast corn kiosk as managers of the nation’s finance, aviation, health, defense, foreign affairs, education, works and housing ministries to mention a few.

    The citizenry’s election of shady men and woman into the nation’s legislative chambers and their defiant justification of the emergence of such individuals in the country’s hallowed chambers was equally instructive in the nation’s descent the steep slope of institutional corruption and decadent culture.

    This anomaly incites harsh criticisms and disillusionment among the citizenry. However, as had always being the case, the leading critics take no part in the pursuit and actualisation of majority will beyond lip service. Ultimately, they proceed to court power and project it, irrespective of the nature of men and women that wield it.

    It is incontestable that many of such men, including the former president’s media aides attract to themselves, too much of every ill that lies on the threshold of psychosis and common crime. They cackle like a coven of crooked enthusiasts that see every shortcoming of the incumbent administration as cause for political theatrics and hysterical spinning.

    Such men are very useful to the ruling class; wobbly in intellect and infinitely handicapped by greed, they repeatedly parade themselves as pirates amenable to crimes and accessible to venal enterprise. They eventually shed their pretensions to heroism and honour to unite with the ruling class in its savage war against the citizenry.

    We have fought many wars in Nigeria. Wars for Biafra and the soul of the Niger Delta. The ongoing war for and against the soul of the northeast currently asphyxiating in the grip of terrorist sect, Boko Haram. And the never-ending war against thieving governors, legislators, and a corrupt judiciary.

    These wars are ultimately triggered by our failures with money and its innumerable material vestiges. But the wars of the underdog, Nigeria’s impoverished lot, has a greater significance than all of the others.

    This daily battle for the soul and survival of the struggling working class and barely existent middle class is merely an episode of the universal war that constitutes the true nature of humanity and history of the world—the war of good against evil, ruling class against working class, the haves against the have-nots.

    These wars however, are lost on all fronts even before the masses march on to the battle field every day. This is a consequence of the knavery of men, mostly in their youth, entrusted to serve as our moral sentinels, custodians of culture, value and hope for a brighter tomorrow.

    These men, contrary to their touted crusades in the interest of the citizenry, unconscionably mutate into more savage destroyers of hope and forms of life than the ruling class they were known to despise.

    But rather than call them out as the savages and murderers of hope that they have become, the Nigerian masses continually rationalise their betrayal arguing that they were only being smart. Perfidy and greed thus become noble enterprise in the Nigeria of our dreams.

     

  • What Buhari could learn from José Mujica

    If Muhammadu Buhari were truly a humane ascetic, he would seek greater ennoblement of his role as President, in conduct, speech, according to benign tenets . He would shun the sycophancy of his media advisers and re-election campaigners, and seek direction via personal relationship with the people, on the streets.

    Let him be guided by rare wisdom and example set by true leaders of men, like former Uruguayan President, José Mujica. Now 83, Mujica served as leader of Uruguay between 2010 and 2015, in his 70s. As President, he scorned the grand presidential lifestyle and donated 90 percent of his salary to the impoverished and small scale entrepreneurs.

    He shunned the vulgar opulence characteristic of contemporary presidencies like Nigeria’s, to live in a farmhouse, off a dirt road in Montevideo. There, he and his wife worked the land cultivating chrysanthemums for sale, having declined to live in the lavish State House or use its staff and official motorcade.

    Mujica earned $12,500 a month, but reportedly kept only $1,250 for himself. “I do fine with that amount; I have to do fine because there are many Uruguayans who live with much less,” he argued in a newspaper interview.

    He lamented that: “As soon as politicians start climbing up the ladder, they suddenly become kings. I don’t know how it works, but what I do know is that republics came to the world to make sure that no one is more than anyone else. You need a palace, red carpet, a lot of people behind you saying ‘Yes, sir.’ I think all of that is awful.”

    As President, Mujica rode a 1987 Volkswagen Beetle car. In 2010, the value of the car was $1,800 and represented the entirety of the mandatory annual personal wealth declaration he filed for that year.

    Of course, he wasn’t perfect, but he improved quality of life for the citizenry via populist economic policies. Uruguay thus enjoyed an impressive GDP considering its position as the second-smallest nation in South America.

    He was also known for speaking his mind, defending basic human values and attacking the darkness of modern life. He did so in a remarkable speech at the sustainability summit in Rio de Janeiro. In September 2013, he reiterated his philosophy of leadership and humanity to the United Nations General Assembly.

    As a Colombian newspaper said, it was “the speech world leaders did not want to hear.” The speech has been called poetic, prophetic, romantic, lyrical and flat-out weird. It’s not exactly your 16-minute TEDtalk, but it definitely projected ideas worth reliving.  

    Excerpts of the speech:

    “We have been talking about sustainable development, about rescuing the masses from the claws of poverty…I ask this question: what would happen to this planet if the people of India had the same number of cars per family as the Germans? How much oxygen would be left for us to breathe?

    “More clearly: Does the world today have the material elements to enable seven or eight billion people to enjoy the same level of consumption and squandering as the most affluent Western societies?

    Are we ruling over globalization or is globalization ruling over us? We come into this planet to be happy. Because life is short and it slips away from us. And no material belonging is worth as much as life, and this is fundamental.

    “If consumption is paralysed, the economy stops, and if you stop economy, the ghost of stagnation appears for each one of us, but it is this hyper-consumption that is harming the planet. And this hyper-consumption needs to be generated, making things that have a short useful life, in order to sell a lot. Thus, a light bulb cannot last longer than 1,000 hours. But there are light bulbs that last 100,000 hours!

    “But these cannot be manufactured, because we have to work and we have to sustain a civilization of ‘use and discard’ and so, we are trapped in a vicious cycle. These are problems of a political nature, which are showing us that it’s time to start fighting for a different culture.

    “I belong to a small country well endowed with natural resources for life. In my country, there are a bit more than three million people. But there are about 13 million cows, some of the best in the world. And about 8 or 10 million excellent sheep. My country is an exporter of food, dairy, meat. It is a low-relief plain and almost 90% of the land is fertile.

    “My fellow workers, fought hard for the 8 hour workday. And now they are making that 6 hours. But the person who works 6 hours, gets two jobs, therefore, he works longer than before. But why? Because he needs to make monthly payments for the motorcycle, the car, more and more payments, and when he’s done with that, he realizes he is a rheumatic old man, like me, and his life is already over.

    “And one asks this question: is this the fate of human life? These things I say are very basic: development cannot go against happiness. It has to work in favor of human happiness, of love on earth, human relationships, caring for children, having friends, having our basic needs covered. Precisely because this is the most precious treasure we have; happiness. When we fight for the environment, we must remember that the essential element of the environment is called human happiness.”

    Mujica is a farmer. Buhari is a farmer. The difference between both men’s touted simplicity is that, while Mujica governed humanely and practiced what he preached by scorning the trappings of presidential office, Buhari seems unable to do so.

    Nonetheless, he seems Nigeria’s best hope at the moment, amid the pack of hounds masquerading as ‘Change Agents.’

    As he seeks re-election, Buhari should avoid treating the electorate with contempt. He should scorn god-complex and embrace the finer aspects of tact, humility and sacrifice in the interest of the people.

  • Ambode’s blooming

    Governor Akinwumi Ambode looms admirably as the All Progressives Congress (APC)’s only effectual governor perhaps. He isn’t a complete administrator. Not yet. But he is on the path to becoming a leader Nigeria could be proud of.

    This is the point at which pro-APC cyber rats and pulp-maggots chew on cud, to summon angst they do not feel, in defense of the governor. It is what ‘mad money’ and ‘unearned largesse’ does to you. But that is a discussion for another day.

    Today, I simply wish to commend Ambode for his rare display of vision and spunk, at Lagos State University (LASU)’s 22nd convocation.

    Ambode’s adoption of Fuad Adetoro Ogunsanya resonates as an inspiring physical and mental caress; it induces hope.

    There is a sense of dignity and humaneness in the governor’s action. For the first time ever, since he assumed the mantle of leadership in Lagos, I see in Ambode the making of a matured, charismatic leader. Ambode apparently understands the value of scholarship and youth empowerment, to Nigeria’s progressive enterprise.

    Unlike his peer in the southeast, who cavorts and splurges state treasury on perverts created by DSTV/Multichoice’s Big Brother Naija (BBN), Ambode would not squander Lagos’ coffers on the likes of BBN’s Anto, who impersonally ‘f…ks a lot of niggas’ for sport, or Teddy A, whose moral compass led him to ‘appreciate’ Bambam, a pastor’s daughter, by having sex with her in a public toilet, soon after fellow inmates’ Miracle and Nina’s depraved sex,

    The likes of Fuad, not the BBN rat pack, should be celebrated. Had Ambode not taken the initiative to honour him by adopting him and giving him a scholarship, the brilliant dude would simply fade unnoticed, in a society maddened by filth and institutionalised mediocrity.

    Fuad graduated as LASU’s overall best student with a Cumulative Grade Point Average (CGPA) of 4.78 in Business Administration. In appreciation, Ambode gave him N5 million, and pledged to sponsor his postgraduate studies in any school across the world.

    ”The Lagos State government does not generally give scholarship anymore, but your story is too compelling and is a reflection of my own story. I will adopt and sponsor you anywhere you want to go for your Masters. I will personally be responsible for it.

    “In addition, for emerging the overall best student, I will give you N5 million. An occasion as this deserves serious attention as the education of our youths is paramount to us,” said Ambode.

    Such doggedness and genius should not go to waste thus Ambode rewarded Fuad for his tenacity, despite the health challenges that delayed his education.

    In his valedictory speech, Fuad narrated how an affliction of cataract in both eyes, affected his performance in the Senior School Certificate Examination (SSCE).

    The 24-year-old, who lost his father in 2015, said he had to do a second surgery to remove the defect when the first failed before he was able to make his ‘O’ Level papers.

    He “wanted to study Accounting,” LASU but at the period, “the course was not accredited and Business Administration was available.

    “Today, see where that impromptu decision has brought me,” he said. It has earned him the ‘fatherhood’ and goodwill of a Lagos governor.

    Yes, Ambode deserves applause for spending out of his purse in honour of LASU’s finest but Lagos deserves more progressive forms of humaneness and visionary policies from the incumbent governor. His developmental initiatives at LASU are commendable likewise his commitment to revolutionise the coastal city’s infrastructure.

    Some of his efforts are however, hindered by poor management and supervision, probably his underlings. None of the street lights along old Lagos-Abeokuta expressway is functioning at the moment. From defunct Mobil filling station/Mr. Biggs, Abule Egba to AMJE/Ajegunle, Lagos is cast in perpetual darkness. Some of the bypasses and link roads are also in need of Ambode’s intervention.

    The Adetola bypass that connects Ijaiye/Jankara road to Olaniyi street is a pedestrian/motorist’s nightmare; the heavily cratered road has destroyed several vehicle wheels and shock absorbers.

    Even as nearby streets and roads are rehabilitated, Adetola, Jankara, Agbado-Crossing roads remain severely potholed and abandoned. These become serious blemishes on Ambode’s infrastructure regeneration drive.

    Notwithstanding, Ambode’s fervour to improve Lagos’ infrastructure is praiseworthy. He should also pay good mind to facility issues in Lagos schools and hospitals. The services are dire, in bad taste.

    Ambode’s Lagos State Employment Trustfund (LSETF) initiative is impressive but he should monitor the process to prevent underlings from sullying it with favouritism, poor supervision and other negative externalities, like the desertion of recipients/participants to Microfinance loan sharks.

    It is not the intent of this writer to demean the value of Ambode’s administration, I simply wish that he understands that some parts of Lagos stew in government neglect despite his appreciable strides.

    His work will resonate at higher decibels if he could focus on the areas currently neglected by his administration. I could publish a list of such areas in a sequel to this write-up, if he wants.

    This is not a veiled plea for patronage; I do not seek an audience with Ambode. I simply need him to rise to the task of fostering a Lagos, where facilities match those that he enjoys on his several trips abroad. Only then can he truly become a governor worth celebrating and a leader to treasure.

    Comparing him to his colleagues in APC and PDP is akin to smearing him with cow dung. I would rather compare him to ace administrators at home and abroad, when the progressive in him fully matures.

    As Ambode evolves, Lagos hopes to progressively unfurl – across all sectors – to his nurturant touch.

    Someday, post-2019 perhaps, Ogun State too, among others, would enjoy the rare boon of a visionary, brilliant governor – until then, the townships and human elements will die a slow, unnatural death, in the hands of mediocre, underperforming governors.

     

     

  • Nigeria’s special fools

    Cowards with columns pass as men of valour. I am a columnist and perhaps a coward. But you would never know. You could never tell if I am true to the calling or just another character pushing pen and idle rant to make ends meet.

    It is never my intent to arrogate to myself some blundering heroism or self-abnegating priesthood, there is too many of my ilk doing that. I write to vex your ego and caress it, as your prejudices dictate. I write to contend and affirm those defining moments in which you have discovered me to be a coward or villain, time and over again.

    Nigeria has taught me that heroism is overrated, villainy could be relative and cowardliness is a virtue, where perverted will consorts with ill.

    You are entitled to whatever you think of me. And I am entitled to what random thought I deem worthy of your readership – knowing the tenor of my rant inadvertently guides you to define me. So, if I am your hero, I believe you think too much of me. If I am your villain or contemptible coward, I guess it pleases you.

    But if you consider me to be an idiot, I hope you finally get to understand that no one can be a Nigerian without being in the strictest sense, an idiot. The average Nigerian is a special fool. The higher his status, the more adroit he is in perpetuating his folly. But this is hardly flak for the Nigerian fool in high places. It has always been his luck to find some greater fool to admire him. This is about the greater fool.

    This is about men and women whose nerves are disoriented and moral fiber, handicapped. This is about men and women presumably of higher learning and good breeding. Those extraordinary Nigerians by whose talent and individuality, Nigeria customarily channels pride and banalities of a better tomorrow.

    This is about the Nigerian columnist, the one whose dazzling intellectualism Moliere’s riposte of the knowledgeable fool fittingly substantiates.

    Today, the Nigerian columnist grovels at the feet of the ruling class, like mongrels. Today, we recognize the stench of the looter with the fattest envelope and our trained eyeballs hardly misses the deep pocket with the promising smile.

    In our calling, there are still no-go areas. We can never question religion save the instances we get to castigate one faith to elevate another, in the heat of poverty-induced pogroms we have learnt to call ‘religious crises and ‘politics.’

    Need I say people are simply hungry? They are jobless too. That is why they become willing muscles to criminal masterminds. The labourer still goes home with heavy steps, and the heart of the casual worker resuming night shift shrivels desolately, like fresh mutton sautéed with local gin. Even the newborn arrives sorrow-clad; he wishes that he had waited till never.

    Within this cheerlessness, the masses stare resignedly at our cover pages with knowing glares. They know they would never hear the infinitesimal clangour of chilled truth neither shall they enjoy the comfort of temperate hope because we have become the aberration of their desperate circumstances.

    Yet we pride ourselves as national heroes. Noble intellectuals and men and women of letters. Such is the wonder of a newspaper column; it goads too many of us columnists to think too highly of ourselves.

    Add to the mix, a mass of fawning, frosty readership and you have a perfect cocktail that makes a narcissist and lapdog of even the most modest journalist.

    How far we evolve depends on the quality of citizenship exhibited by the most patronizing and hostile audience. Yet it would never do to lay the blame for what we have become on society. That would be tantamount to perpetuating the “Nigerian factor” – that ageless pretext we have learnt to incite every time we fall short of measure.

    Are we truly great and heroic? Are we uncommon, high-cultivated men and women of letters; stout seekers of truth and shiners of hope?

    We claim: ‘If we are no heroic shiners of light, it’s because our readers aren’t heroic seekers of it.” True, most columnists live to fight monstrosities visited on us by the ruling class because they covet the beauty of ‘stomach infrastructure’ as their teeming readership.

    Columnists live to echo the cynicism and intolerable disloyalty of all manners of readership. And many a reader lives to applaud such treachery because it is politically correct to do so. The result is the gang of conscienceless and duplicitous citizenry that we have. Thus Nigeria embellishes truths into absurdities and bad lies.

    Every day, we fail our people with shame we do not feel. We have become the stamen that lets down the azalea, the comforter that brings grief, the emissaries of needless hate. We have become slaves to the tyrants we ought to remove. Did we fight the military to a standstill so that we may become their instruments when they turned democratic tyrants?

    We offer no direction save our shenanigans in the interest of the ruling class. Today every columnist seeks friends in high places but then, we are only being Nigerian. It’s time we inspired by the wisdom of sages from whose ashes we struggle to rise.

    Let us put heart to what our pens intone. Let us become the conscience of the ruling class and the pulse of the breadlines lest we become dead to future generations; lest they never get to read of our selfless beginnings and know of the noon that confused us and the sunset of our debauchery.

    If we fail to change, our twilight will malign us. And in death, we shall lay rapt in lowly graves, our ears keen for the least abrasive diatribe we may get to treasure as the eulogies we never had.

    Let us brighten our world with truth. Let us imbue it with wisdom and deep delight.

  • Year of the funeral pyre

    February 2017. A pretty, young girl blew up in Muna Dalti. She was a casualty of fear, the terror that makes us bestial. There were corn rows on the head of the girl bomber. There was a colourful bead on her wrist too. She probably loved to play dress-up and look good. Everybody forgets these bits of her.

    Folk remember her as the ‘vixen’ who flicked a switch and blew up, into a puddle of flesh and bone fragments. No one cares if she was ever innocent or raised in virtue. The village is thankful that she took no innocent life, save her teenage accomplice’s. Their carcass lay strewn about the rustic community in Maiduguri, Borno State. Their innards and blood spatter sully the village even as you read.

    Viewing her in the dust few metres from her shredded mate, the girl with the cornrows evoked the dread that wild weeds induce at the base of shoots. Two hours after her ‘sister’ and agent of a terrorist group, Boko Haram, detonated an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) at the Muna vehicle park, injuring eight people and burning 13 freight trucks, the girl with the cornrows sauntered into Muna Dalti with another ‘sister’ to explode among soft targets.

    Till date, nobody knows the names of the  girls that blew up in Muna Dalti but several folk would remember Maryam Alhaji-Wakil in whom the girl died on a sunlit afternoon in Bama. That fateful day in 2014, Boko Haram insurgents invaded her town and burnt her home. They killed her relatives and decapitated her neighbours. Then they abducted her. She was nine years old.

    Maryam’s abductors whisked her to Sambisa Forest, their terror enclave. There, she was forcibly married to Modu, a ‘violent’ member of the sect. In two days, little Maryam was violently thrust into womanhood. Modu, 35, forced his way into her unripe orifice, robbing her of innocence and the mystic pleasure of first adult sexual experience. Modu was hasty and rough thus making her ‘first time’ bestial and replete with pain. She screamed in agony but Modu didn’t care. “The louder I screamed, the more violently he shoved into me until I passed out,” she told me in an exclusive interview.

    When she came to, the nine-year-old from Bama had transformed into a broken woman in the corpse of a child.

    Cut to a fresh hodgepodge of bloodshed and mayhem perpetrated in Benue, from dusk through dawn and you have a perfect picture of terror afflicting the Nigerian State.

    Contrary to widespread belief, the terror we face are hardly the podgy, covetous creatures we ennoble with public office and the Nigerian till; true terror lives in the Nigerian youth. The contemporary youth is both a victim and perpetrator of terror.

    January 2018 till date; season of the funeral pyre. Hundreds are hacked to death weekly, on the pretext of herdsmen vs. host communities’ crisis. In the wake of the genocide, public officers and politicians of the ruling party trade blame with opposition. They play to the gallery.

    At the backdrop of their shenanigans, poor, helpless kids like Maryam and the butchered residents of Benue lose their lives.

    Irrational brick bats, unbelievable platitudes and senseless bloodshed have shaped our politics for too long. Many Nigerians, youth in particular, are probably living through the worst decade of their lives. They read of bloody genocides at dawn, poverty and strife in the next city – many more live through such. And as usual, an economy patched with foreign loans and dubious tales of growth. If Nigeria is prospering, it hasn’t manifested in the lives of the citizenry.

    It took a perfect gathering of bad leadership to get to this moment. It would take electing an imperfect cannonball of a man or woman to brave through it and survive it. It’s about time Nigeria’s youth elected men of uncommon grit and fibre into public offices.

    Come 2019, what we should be interested in are candidates, president-elect in particular, capable of fostering policies that would generate employment, a functional health sector and an educational system capable of providing the skilled manpower that Nigeria needs to power her industry.

    If the youth are gainfully employed, they won’t become vulnerable to criminal masterminds using them to foment mayhem. Today is spitting out monsters and tomorrow portends the emergence of a thousand more ogres.

    What Nigeria needs at the moment are youth driven by moral courage to change the status quo; by influencing change beneficial to all. Moral courage encompasses the nerve to do the right thing and speak the truth always. It involves defying the mob as a solitary individual; to spurn the invigorating embrace of comradeship; to be disobedient to authority, even at the risk of your life, for a higher principle.

    And with moral courage comes persecution and any other form of repercussion that exposes the individual as a defenseless mark to be preyed upon. Gani Fawehinmi had moral courage, so did Malcolm X. Predictably, advocates of such morality are either maligned by fate or ascribed rogue status by the state. Routinely they are accused and charged for treason.

    But in their touted notoriety subsists the irony of an incontrovertible metaphor; they usually represent the best of mankind and civilization in their time.

    Come 2019, the youth should root for a candidate identifiable as the window into the Nigerian psyche. The one who internalises the grief he has learnt from the streets. I speak of the candidate that manifests as the blank screen on which people of vastly different political stripes can rally to project their dreams and needs; the passive yet active instrument by which Nigeria may prosper and we could achieve our dreams.

    To find such a candidate, the search begins now. None of the current contenders is worthy of the Nigerian vote. If Nigeria recycles them in power, the world that awaits us would be more painful and difficult.

  • Our pitiful class narrative

    Money changes everything. It ravages the soul of the youth, in particular. The need of it makes all human; loving it could be practical but an obsession with it drives us to the brink. It flips the afflicted upside-down and inside-out, revealing their hide as men of vulpine souls and intellect, built to despise honour for the love of mammon and associated luxury.

    Several youths argue that they can never sell out by playing muscle to the ruling class. “We are only enjoying our share of our collective wealth that they steal from us,” they claim.

    Whatever justification we give to it, a bribe is a bribe. And it changes relations. Once accepted, it vitiates a large chunk of the essence of the recipient, making him inferior, like a man who receives money to lie with a skunk, the same way the impotent pays to be sodomized by a horse, thinking it would cure him of his impotence and aid him to sire by a woman, a blessed child.

    The folly of our ways has dawned on us. The meek and humble leadership we thought we had installed in our legislative and executive chambers constitute yet another dangerous tyranny Nigeria should be done with. The culprits surround themselves with aides likable to a murder of crows – whose shrill cackles deafen them to the citizenry’s cries.

    A brilliant tyrant could be trusted to a certain degree of depth and capacity to lead but a manipulable tyrant is infinitely more dangerous, as he cannot be trusted beyond his blandness, intellectual handicaps and devious plots of his crows – cronies, advisers and kitchen cabinet.

    Sadly, in the corrupted currents of the world that they have foisted upon us, we can only devise more alluring ways to play dumb and project our generation as easy marks for the ruling class to exploit. The current liaisons between the ruling class and the so-called representatives of the Nigerian youth portend an ominous development.

    It presages the continued enslavement of the youth and our incapacitation by obscene inducements and gifts of grandeur; the perpetuation of a system in which the youth are psychologically confined and broken by financial inducements, dubious segregation and manipulative politics.

    A situation in which the sentimental fops among us are programmed by rumors, innuendo and outright falsehood to shun the path to progress and tow the fast lane to destruction.

    Many argue that the major problem afflicting Nigeria is the dearth of inspired leadership drawn from the nation’s youth. A converse view advances the presence of eminently capable persons out there, many of whom have failed to altruistically and responsibly apply themselves because like every other Nigerian, they are too busy looking out for themselves.

    Potential heroes we could rely still embrace the wisdom of keeping silent. They scoff at our romanticized wish to abolish the status quo, knowing that, as usual, we would settle for an opportunistic contract between our exploiters (the government) and a part of the exploited (labour and youth leadership), at the expense of the rest of the exploited (you, me and everyone) – something Noel Ignatin aptly identifies as “the original sweetheart agreement.”

    I recommend as usual, peaceful revolt guided by probity and a conscious quest to achieve the collective good within the ambit of fairness, equity and unflinching morality. Without such humane attributes, every measure we adopt will fail. Policies and practicable solutions are mere words on paper; they can only be activated by our conscious efforts to actualise them.

    Mr. President, the National Assembly, the judiciary, our 36 State governors and political parties are indisputably worthless and impotent without the support of the Nigerian youth. These societal creatures depend on our goodwill to survive. It’s about time we stopped playing disposable muscles and junkyard dogs to them.

    Money and other inducements they dangle before us shall be exhausted sooner than we can ever imagine. If we are indeed serious about installing visionary leadership capable of steering us from the threshold of ruin to the portal of hope and social renaissance, we have to start now.

    The Nigerian youth needs a platform.

    We need a more concrete forum than Facebook and Twitter. We need to create a rallying point by which we could sit to determine a bloodless path to a promising future. Yes, the current leadership won’t relinquish power easily hence our need to act. Let us identify and vote into power that particular breed whose idealism and pragmatism capably understands our painful silences and heartfelt dreams in order to speak and actualize them.

    Let us begin to ignore those who would desert us no sooner than they regain their hold on power. I speak of men and women that would recoil into their exclusive homes in Banana Island, Lagos, their palatial estates in Abuja, and fashionable neighbourhoods in Europe at the barest sign of chaos. There, they isolate themselves from the tragedies that mar our world by indulging in unrestrained hedonism and extravagant consumption of their ill-acquired wealth. We, the suffering masses are however, repressed with greater ferocity every time we protest.

    Our resources are being depleted; soon they will be exhausted. And then our hollowed-out edifice will collapse. Impoverished and severely robbed of optimism, we, the hopeless masses will rise against the ruling class in a premeditated and very savage strike – of which we shall suffer the worst consequence.

    Like in all such uprisings, Nigeria will plunge into a canyon of blood and maniacal murders, in the name of the “revolution.”  The Roman and Sumerian empires fell this way. The Mayan elite became, at the end, as the anthropologist Ronald Wright notes in A Short History of Progress, “…extremists, or ultraconservatives, squeezing the last drops of profit from nature and humanity.” This is how all civilizations ossify and collapse.

    Today, we tow a similar path.

     

     

  • Our pitiful class narrative

    The democracy we declared has recoiled into a spent shadow. Eighteen years on in the grip of blood-drenched mascots, it steals from our sweetest fantasies, like the proverbial slut making a surreptitious exit with her drunken lover’s wallet.

    Consequently, we suffer poverty of character and this manifests as mean-spiritedness. It’s akin to that patience of the wild that holds motionless for endless hours, the motorist at the police checkpoint, the kidnapper in his lair, the assassin in his ambuscade and the public officer on his perch – this patience belongs primarily to the predator while it hunts its prey.

    Oftentimes, it manifests in uncontrollable spasms that have seen us bury our best and elevate our worst in abject negation of the cycle of the universe and morality. But who needs morals in a nation where fair is foul and foul remains fair?

    As you read, many a Nigerian of commonplace roots live through each day without ever contemplating or criticizing their living conditions. They find themselves born into dehumanising squalor or somewhat indecent circumstances and they accept such sordidness as their fate thus exhibiting no conscious effort to better their lot beyond what their immediate circumstances dictate.

    Almost as impulsively as the beasts of the wild, they seek the satisfaction of the needs of the moment, without much forethought and consideration that by sufficient endeavor, they just might improve their living conditions.

    However, a certain percentage – comprising men and women of privilege – guided by personal ambition, consciously strive in thought and will to attain higher status but very few among these are concerned enough to secure for all, the advantages which they seek for themselves. This explains the number of self-centred, treacherous human rights activists, women’s rights activists, journalists and columnists parading our streets.

    Very few men are indeed capable of the humaneness that drives martyrs to persistently rebel against glaring social evils, in the interest of less fortunate members of the society. But there exists a few however, that are truly bothered.

    These few, driven by compassion tirelessly seek, first in thought and then in action, for some way of escape; some new system of society by which life may become richer, more joyful and devoid of avertable evils that mars the present. But surprisingly, such men oftentimes, fail to curry the support of the very victims of the injustices they wish to remedy.

    This is because more unfortunate sections of the Nigerian populace are hopelessly ignorant, apathetic from excess of toil and disillusionment, apprehensive through the imminent danger of instantaneous chastisement by the holders of power, and morally defective, owing to the loss of self-respect resulting from their degradation.

    To excite among such classes any conscious, deliberate effort in pursuit of general improvement of the status quo, proves basically a hopeless task, as antecedents of such efforts have proven.

    Thus despite our claims to modernity, higher education, sophistication and relative rise in the standard of comfort among wage-earners in the country, the Nigerian society have failed woefully, to achieve better living conditions and a better society.

    It is no surprise therefore, that the Nigerian working class has persistently proved a dismal failure. And the reasons are hardly far-fetched: Nigerians have a problem with differentiating between appropriate and inappropriate political behavior.

    That is why the nation’s democratic experiment like any other system of governance practicable by us was doomed from the start.  What exactly has democracy offered? A 4-1-9 progressive plan that booms circumspectly like it had been doctored as part of a cold-war era propagandist scheme?

    But despite our self-righteousness and persistent cynicism with the current order, we really cannot explore a more worthy alternative than what we have now. The average Nigerian can’t bear to be led by a truly honest, visionary and accountable leadership.

    The average Nigerian is no more electable than the leadership he endure, yet he loves to speak truth to power even as he functions simultaneously to smother his own voice, by extolling his tormentors and keeping them in office.

    No matter who gets elected, the demographic and economic realities of Nigeria will persist, and there is a very limited range of politically-viable solutions for dealing with them.

    Thus the need to evolve in thought and will, in pursuit of a more balanced social order; such conscious evolution can only be achieved by a re-orientation in scholarship and purification of thought and action.

    The foundations of scholarship and knowledge must be reconstructed to guarantee more progressive responses to internal problems of social advance — problems of work and wages, of families and homes, of morals and the true value of life.

    These and other inevitable problems of the Nigerian civilization must be resolvable largely by the electorate by reason of education, exposure and devotion to the constitution.

    The answer to Nigeria’s widening income and social gap – which has so far manifested in preventable crises and persistent state of insecurity – is to found an educational process geared to steer successfully, the commonplace trains of thought away from the dilettante and the fool stereotype.

    It’s about time poor, struggling members of the nation’s working class learned to scorn the maxim that holds that if their stomachs be full, it matters little about their brains. The paths to stable peace and security winds between honest toil and dignified manhood.

    The better society that we seek, calls for the guidance of skilled thinkers, the loving, reverent comradeship between the low income earners and ambitious middle class emancipated by training and culture.

    Such human elements would no doubt be conscious of the fact that not even the sustenance of oil subsidy, higher wages and a fairer economic system could protect its members from the usual handicaps and monstrosity constituted by the predatory ruling class.

    They would understand that the much clamoured social enterprise and gesture towards change, must be mooted and achieved by the working class electorate via peaceful polls, and the electoral revolt of humane civilization.

    To achieve progress, Nigeria needs to vote underachievers out of public office.

  • Men, like blood clots

    Simple lusts become the Nigerian woe. Yet nobody speaks our gestured woes. Those congealed like blood clots; those heightened in transit, as we wander the corridors of our rusted ghetto-shacks. Apology to Brutus. But there is wildness yet undisclosed by his “unarticulated simple lust.”

    Were he Nigerian, he would know better. He would know for instance, why our lives eclipse like tadpoles buried in a mud pile by the uncompassionate ghetto child. He would understand why through hunger pangs, our glands water for carcasses we make to rot in our slug-fields.

    It is few months from 2019; and as the election year draws nearer, our hope burns like the proverbial wicker shorn of oil and the thread that lights.

    Of the prospective candidates, whose ventricles echo our heartbeats? Whose antecedents incites the passing tribute of a sigh?

    To what do they owe our reverence of them? By their citizenship, do they furnish pathways to empower disillusioned, jobless youths of Umukegwu, Akokwa, Urualla, Borno, Apongbon, Idumota, Agege, Agbor, Sango Ota, Sankwala, to mention a few?

    Do they teach the youth particularly, to evolve beyond the greed, selfishness and idiosyncrasies of their generation?

    Do they teach us to change realities we cannot accept, like our penchant to turn foster predatory politics?

    Do they teach us that at the end, we get to choose what to make of our lives and our world?

    The answer resonates in their utterances and deeds.

    Transcendent moments and heroism are deeds of an exalted intelligence. Do these candidates possess such lofty acumen?

    Despite our protests and dissatisfaction with the status quo, do the Nigerian citizenry project strength of character and intelligence – prime requirements in the constitution of a progressive race?

    Predictably, digital and traditional media are agog with bitter scuffles among supporters of the presidential candidates. The blind jostles with the blind to be led by the one-eyed. Quite sad.

    Our lives as electorate illustrates a fable. Our lust to be misled and dominated is not of latent strength but disintegration. It reveals the weakness and shallowness of the Nigerian electorate’s awfully preadolescent mind. Such mind is inherently incapable of identifying leaders worthy of being called gods of unconditional love and compassion. All we are capable of are gods of impoverishment and gods of war.

    Of the candidates, I see men enslaved to power and god complex. I see voyagers hampered by baggage from a present and past that would forever haunt them. Even the ‘new kid on the block’ comes forged in the shape of a minnow by sentimental ogres. How would he prove he’s a titan?

    While his handlers paint a ravishing portrait of him, critics dismiss him as yet another genome of leadership, dastardly and base like the Casanova lost in the folds of the bearded meat.

    At the moment, none of the candidates excite passion and hope, save dangerous fits characteristic of their pawns and puppets on the social media. At the moment, no candidate is worthy of our votes; will we eventually settle for a Hobson’s choice? As usual.

    It’s about time we identified the contender jostling to handle our heartfelt yearnings like a tuberous burden. The one who would cradle our dreams like eggs hatched by a tired fowl in the throes of twilight.

    The candidates say too little about the issues that embitter you and I. They are yet to tackle convincingly, fundamental issues they would eventually grapple as President.

    Irrational brick bats, unbelievable platitudes and senseless bloodshed have shaped our politics for too long. Many Nigerians are probably living through one of the worst decade of their lives. They read of bloody genocides at dawn, poverty and strife in the next city – many more live through such. And as usual, an economy patched with foreign loans, exaggerated growth and duplicity.

    It took a perfect gathering of bad leadership to get to this moment. It would take an imperfect cannonball of a man to brave through it and survive it. Sadly, none of the candidates are wrought of such fibre. None.

    What we should be interested in is a president-elect capable of fostering education that would provide the skilled force Nigeria needs to power her industry. We have no need of a big and egocentric President in hard times; what we need is a humble man of great depths.

    A President capable of knowing that he would forever be indebted to Nigeria, for the opportunity to serve Nigeria. We need one now that today is spitting out monsters and tomorrow portends the birth of a thousand trolls.

    We had believed too much in past Presidents of touted ‘meekness and honour,’ ‘Spartan discipline and incorruptibility’ but they mutated, like their predecessors, into egomaniacs enslaved to incoherent sinful lusts. Nepotism, incompetency, hubris and god complex has been the bane of our leadership for too long.

    We are done believing in the dignified duplicity of treacherous men. We need a President that would man up. One who wouldn’t keep blaming predecessors for his incompetence. We need a President who acknowledges that today, everything is broken – and that the very system that produced him needs to be fixed in a way that wouldn’t make deity of him and sacrificial lambs of the Nigerian people.

    We need a President capable of speaking gently and intelligently too. A President who listens. Nigeria deserves a man who internalises the grief of our people in order to end them.

    We may identify such a leader by his antecedents and present conduct. We could organise debates where no candidate has dibs on location, panel of moderators, questions and issue selection. We could blacklist the candidate who backs out.

    Let us seek the candidate who would become the blank screen, on which Nigerians of vastly different stripes may rally and project their idiosyncrasies and wants. And he wouldn’t lose his head. We have no need of disdainful, tactless men.

  • In heaven saints don’t become ‘God’ and an angel is nobody in particular

    A notable politician dismisses fear of backlash, over his persistent rape and impregnation of minors. He brags to a friend in Diaspora, that, “The news is dead on delivery,” because he has journalism’s shining lights on a leash of cash.

    As the mongrel dares extremities for a gift of bone, so do his ‘boys’ in the media, he claimed.

    Predictably, the most senior media aide in the culprit’s pack of hounds spread the cash and killed news of his sex crimes.

    It is only fair that the aide watches helplessly as randy, power-drunk politicians rape his daughters and infect them with gonorrhea, like his principal’s underage victims. By Edumare’s retributive grace. That he might understand agonies of his principal’s victims and their families.

    The media aide is neither conflicted nor appalled. A passion for truth and ethics could never spur him to imperil his job – which he considers his ‘out’ from bleak, thankless Journalism.

    The life of a journalist-turned-media-aide is a parody in which honour plays no part. Unlike other members of his principal’s court, he enjoys no prideful place. He sits on his haunch, like a dog on its paws outside its master’s court.

    Like the hound, he is forever waiting to lunge, with a kill-cry and bare fangs, at perceived ‘detractors’ of his principal, the dog owner.

    ‘Ki lo ma nse awon boys yii naa?’ (What’s wrong with these boys?), he drones irritably, whenever his former colleagues in the media, subject his principal to harsh scrutiny and objective criticism. He assures his principal – who could be the president, senate president, a state governor, legislative speaker or local government chairman – that the press can be bought over.

    Media aides wrongly assume every journalist to be manipulable by cash, a foreign trip, a gallon of vegetable oil, Christmas/Ileya ram or a bag of rice. Thus he gets a generous budget to silence the ‘boys’ and inspire them to ignore the ineptitude and corruption of his principal.

    Of the bribe allotment, he siphons 70 per cent to his personal account, and splits the remainder among the ‘boys.’ It never gets old to see so-called ‘press boys’ scurry for residue of the bribe with dark delight.

    Rebels against the rot are daubed unfairly aggressive, biased, sanctimonious or driven by questionable animosity because they have been ‘left out.’

    There is a difference between ‘press boys’ and ‘Gentlemen of the Press.’ The press boy forever prowls, lobbying along the corridors of power in frantic quest to become media aide. A ‘Gentleman of the Press’ however, is a true ethical native. And he exists.

    He understands that the work of a media aide connotes the soul’s struggle against the body. Thus he rejects the role, knowing that as media aide, he would suffer the affliction of languid ethics, insatiable lusts and poisonous glamour; like a courtesan haunted in post-orgasmic flush by relentless spasms of lust for riches and unearned pleasure. Like fabled Tantalus, his thirst is never quenched.

    Media aides get confused too. Mcenteer calls this condition occupational hazard for those who move from journalism into government, or vice versa. They experience confusion of professionalism and their evolving identities.

    Several media aides of note, venerated critics celebrated at home and abroad suffer irredeemable descent as justifiers of ineptitude and political trifles as Special Adviser to governors and the Nigerian President. Their apologists, however, justify their indiscretions claiming, “What are they supposed to do? Would you quit if it were you?”

    Nobody is asking them to quit. Yet it is instructive that men of immense wisdom and worth, are reduced to political ‘bingos’ on a leash of cash.

    Their difficulties vary in character and severity but are classifiable as problems of ethics, irony, conflict, confusion and blur. What if they had vied for their principals’ offices? This couldn’t be preposterous given their once luscious reputation as a thought moulders, managers of men and resources.

    Sadly, they mutate from glowing works of self-sculpture, into political statuettes and every gadfly’s unfinished model.

    Similar ethical dilemma afflict journalists across the seas. Charles Royer suffered unpleasant, public, irony at his election to Seattle City Hall. Before he became American Mayor, Royer attained fame for his nightly 60 to 90-second political commentaries on KING-TV.

    In 1976, his half-hour documentary, “The Bucks Stop Here,” exposed improper use of special-interest money in the state legislature.

    The programme earned him two national journalism awards. When he became Mayor in 1977, Royer decided to share valuable information with his former press colleagues in off-the-record sessions. But TV crews wanted to bring their cameras into the meetings, against his wishes. Royer eventually showed up on TV and newspaper front pages, shoving TV cameras out. He will forever remember the headline with the photo: “TV Commentator turned Mayor shuts out TV.”

    Another poignant example is Edward R. Murrow, respected radio and TV journalist’s alleged bid to prevent the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)  from airing “Harvest of Shame” soon after he became the head of United States Information Agency. It was one of Murrow’s final documentaries for the CBS network and it revealed the terrible living and working conditions of migrant farm laborers in Florida.

    His attempt however, failed, but leaked to the press thus embarrassing the novice bureaucrat. “Murrow, the government propaganda chief, had tried to censor Murrow, the muckraking journalist,” notes Mcenteer.

    Despite their shortcomings Royer and Murrow served in ennobling circumstances. Not as glorified errand boys or attack hounds. It’s about time Nigerian journalists turned media aide played heaven’s advocate to their principals innate demons.

    They should pitilessly offer harsh but constructive criticisms from patriotic and envisaged media perspective, of their principals’ intended policies or actions before they are made public.

    If it is their principals’ wish to transform Nigeria, media aides should help them understand that in heaven, saints don’t become ‘God’ and an angel is nobody in particular.