Category: Thursday

  • Too much politics and little governance

    THIS season of elections has brought to my mind the issue of our preoccupation with politics and politicking while governance takes a second place in our priority in the affairs of our nation. The point I am raising is universal but the consequences may not be universal. It is assumed in some countries that the campaign for the next election begins the moment a new government is sworn in. In other words, campaign for elections is an unending occurrence and therefore there is no dichotomy between politics and governance.

    In the advanced western democracies, the bureaucracies or what is now negatively referred as the “deep state” are so well established as to put governance on auto-pilot. If there is no party, government the society will not collapse. In fact people would rather be saved from the politically corrosive and divisive nature of party government. When people call for political stability or continuity of policies, they are indirectly saying they do not want political disruption arising from party politics. In the remarkable and phenomenal economic development in China and Southeast Asia, one sees politics being kept in the rear while governance occasioning economic development gathers pace. Development in these countries can be divorced from politics. Singapore and Malaysia under Lee Kuan Yew, and Mahathir bin Muhammad respectively, present us example of continuous governance without the possibility of change of government following a regular election. The authoritarian governments in those countries present us a new paradigm of government different from the western democracies where party government change is constant and when it is not it is assumed that things are not right.

    In China the government has come out publicly to state that the current president of the country, Xi Jinping will remain in office indefinitely. Even in a country like Germany, the long stay in power of the Conservative coalition of the CDU/CSU since the time of Konrad Adenauer through Helmut Kohl and now Angela Merkel with occasional intervention of the SPD / FDP has provided political stability for Germany which has allowed it to face the task of governance that has made the post economic wonder (Wirtschaftswunder) in the country possible. In other words, governance and development can only be achieved in a stable polity and even in the case of Italy, governance based on strong and well established bureaucracy can go on irrespective of political instability. This would not have been possible without solid national institutions which continue to provide sinews to knit the state together even though imperceptibly. It is not every state that can be as lucky as some of the states in Europe.

    In developing countries where there is no deep state and well established state institutions and strong bureaucracy, political stability is necessary for economic development. Where too much time and resources are spent on politics, development is put in abeyance.

    In Nigeria the pre-independence governments at the regions and at the federal level in spite of the party politics of the time benefited from the stable colonial civil service in place then. But after independence when politics crept into the civil service, we began our slippery slope to instability. When the military took over particularly under President Ibrahim Babangida, the post of permanent secretaries was abolished and replaced with director generals who were political appointees and could come from either the civil service, the universities, business or the media. Thus began the road to permanent instability arising from the entanglement of governance and politics. Since 1999, there has been an attempt to go back to a regime where politics is separated from governance as much as possible.

    Lagos presents a unique laboratory for this study in politics and governance especially since 2007 when Bola Ahmed Tinubu ended his second term in office and was succeeded by Raji Fashola whom he chose to succeed him. During the eight years of Fashola, Tinubu provided political backing to the Fashola government while Fashola concentrated on governance for the good of the state. The exceptional performance of Fashola in Lagos has been ascribed to the fact that he did not have to worry about politics and politicking in the politically combustible environment of Lagos. The same scenario that existed in the case of Fashola apparently played itself out during the Akinwunmi Ambode’s gubernatorial tenure with Tinubu and the party leadership providing political backing for Ambode while he buried his head in the problem of governance.

    Whatever may have been achieved by separating running the government from day to day politicking, this separation of politics from governance has not been without its problems as has been found out after Fashola’s and Ambode’s first terms and the trouble the two of them have experienced in securing a second term in office. This probably means it is not a perfect system and that perhaps the man in the government house should be well grounded politically. It seems our people prefer that a politician should combine the attribute of a good governor with that of a good politician. In Kayode Fayemi’s first administration in Ekiti, everybody said he did very well and too well that he forgot about politics and politicking. Nobody could have said this about Awolowo who had tight control of both party and government. In Awolowo‘s time, politics was an elite preoccupation not like now when every Dick and Harry are in politics. We have to be careful in Nigeria that thugs and militants do not take over rulership of states as was the case in some parts of the Niger Delta during President Jonathan’s regime.

    I once asked a young cousin of mine in Ekiti what he was doing for a living and he did not think before he said “I am in politics”. I was shocked because I did not know politics has become a profession. When I got talking to this young man, he told me so many lies against the leader of the opposing party to his that I had to upbraid him that as an educated person, he should not be telling lies that don’t make sense. He retorted that lies naturally came to him and that the tactics was to lie against an opponent and then allow the opponent to struggle with explaining to the public and that the bigger the lie the more effective it is politically. This is what the politics of Nigeria has been reduced to. All that matters is being elected. There are no abiding party manifestos or ideology. There is no party discipline, loyalty or commitment. Politics is the politics of the belly or what Governor Fayose calls “stomach infrastructure” which apparently worked for him very well in the governance of Ekiti for eight years.

    Before our country can settle down, we will need to have strong institutions and not “big men” or robber barons manipulating the politics of the nation and the states. We must get to a point where the states can be on auto-pilot and politics will become routine and not a matter of life and death and not the easiest avenue to wealth and prosperity and that one can make contribution to national life and be recognized without being involved in politics.

     

  • The road to 2019

    WITH the cloudy days of nerve wracking anxiety over in Osun, it is just fine to return to the crowded presidential race. Not much attention has been paid to the men – I wonder why women are just spectators here – who want to displace President Muhammadu Buhari.

    Some of the candidates are  realists and pragmatists. Others are mere dreamers. There are also pranksters and tricksters -no gangsters, thankfully-who believe joining the race will shield them from some unpleasant experience.

    All Progressives Congress (APC) members are set to reaffirm their confidence in President Buhari, believing that he is their best material for the race. In the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), there is an army of challengers who have been mounting road shows to sell their candidature to party members.

    But the choice of venue for the party’s convention turned acrimonious when the Board of Trustees (BoT) advised that Port Harcourt should not have the honour of hosting the historic event. Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike was infuriated. He simply told the party to either come to Port Harcourt or risk being dealt with as an enemy of the Niger Delta.

    It was not immediately clear why the wise men advised the party not to go to the Rivers State capital. There were, however, some speculations. Some said members were afraid that there could be violence.

    Could that have been a genuine reason? I doubt it. Until a few days ago when some bombs and dynamites went off near an APC primary venue, only bullets were being fired by unknown hoodlums. Is that enough reason to disqualify Port Harcourt and risk the ire of the Niger Delta, as Wike rightly put it?

    Others said Wike was an interested party in the matter. They claimed, specifically, that he is close to one of the aspirants and that he, in fact, is bidding to be his running mate. Whatever evidence they have, the purveyors of this claim are yet to tender it. Besides, when has hustling to be a running mate become a criminal venture?

    Again, thankfully, reason prevailed; the party chose to go to the Oil City and Wike, the quintessential gentleman who ordinarily would not stoke a fight, stopped issuing threats.

    With the Port Harcourt matter resolved, the aspirants have continued their drive for votes. Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal was in Port Harcourt the other day. He told Wike and others that he planned to restructure Nigeria – they all claim to be restructuring experts – and review the revenue allocation formula in favour of states and local governments.

    Those who do not see the sincerity in Tambuwal’s propositions are asking: “Why can’t he just define restructuring so that we know that he knows what he is talking about?” “Does he think the revenue allocation formula is a matter for an executive order?” “Why won’t he talk about his records in Sokoto, showing that such gains put him in a good position to run Nigeria?” To his credit, Tambuwal has not replied his critics. He will not be distracted.

    Senate President Bukola Saraki is also in the race. He has been telling his party members why they should hand him the ticket. He says he has the key to unlocking Nigeria’s potential as a great nation and urges his compatriots to join him in rebuilding Nigeria. His opponents rejoin: “Is it broken?” “Has it collapsed?” “Are you a builder?”

    Former Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido, in an interview with a national newspaper, said “2019 is not for chicken hearted politicians”. This has led many wondering what foreboding Lamido has seen. “Who are chicken hearted politicians; the come-and-chop crowd?” “Are they among the aspirants?” “Are we having an election or a war?”

    Do we need to reduce it all into a preview of a clash between two wrestlers? I don’t think so. One man one vote should be the target.

    Former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke has also joined the race. He says his ambition is to rescue Nigeria. Not many are impressed by that assertion. Some critics have been lashing him, asking: “Is Nigeria sinking?” “Why not rescue Tinapa and some of those elephant projects in your state?” The point, say the critics, is that those seeking office should not paint an apocalyptic picture of Nigeria and scare off everyone. They should just espouse their big ideas, they insist.

    Of all the aspirants, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar has been the most vociferous. He has travelled far, preaching the message of restructuring, job creation and more. He has been so hard on his former party, APC, after defecting to the PDP of which he was a key member before joining the APC.

    His Independence Day message was short on Nigeria’s gains and long on the deficits that have kept us crawling for long. He did not share in the blame, forgetting that he was one of the leading lights of the PDP when the party  threatened to rule Nigeria for 60 years. It actually did 16 unbroken years, broke many rules and carried on as if the people didn’t matter before nature supervened to stop the nonsense.

    Atiku tongue-lashed the APC as if it has no redeeming feature and he was never part of the party. Could he have said this if he never left APC and had a chance of grabbing its presidential ticket? He described the party’s “change” initiative as a “hollow and empty promise devoid of meaning”.

    The former Vice-President spoke also of “the conspiracy theory of the elite”  thwarting his presidential ambition. Who are those he won’t name? How have they been conspiring to kill his ambition? Will they let him have his way now? “They say I am independent, principled and so on,” he said.

    Is Atiku the only principled man among the lot? A colleague swore to me recently that among those Atiku was referring to is former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who is known to have said that God would not forgive him if he backed Atiku to rule Nigeria. Atiku, you may wish to recollect, told Obasanjo to go settle whatever rift he had with his God without dragging him into it.

    Told that Atiku was running in 2015, Obasanjo simply said: “I dey laugh o!” Is Obasanjo part of the “elite conspiracy” against Atiku? I really don’t know.

    Former Ondo State Governor Olusegun Mimiko has also thrown his hat in the ring. He announced his bid on the platform of the Labour Party (LP). Party leaders kicked, saying he was not part of them. He then pitched his tent with the Zenith Labour Party. Observers are asking: “Which one be dat?”

    Also in the race is Lagos preacher Kris Okotie of the Fresh Democratic Party. He has been the sole aspirant, candidate, leader, elder, trustee and financier of the party. Those who do not see the Reverend Gentleman as a serious candidate have been asking: “Must he keep running? Is he a preacher or a politician or a pulpit politician?”

    It is good that there is no dearth of aspirants, but we are yet to see new ideas; only sloganeering. In other words, where are our men of ideas?

     

    A thought for Leah Sharibu and others

    Christian leaders demand release of Leah Sharibu, Chibok girls
    Leah

    One of the best Independence Anniversary gifts Nigerians could have is the release of the teenager Leah Sharibu, who is being held by Boko Haram for not renouncing her Christian faith.

    Her parents are crying. Christians and all men of goodwill are demanding her release. The plea for freedom for the innocent girl has become louder following the terrorists’ threat to kill her this month, if the Federal Government refuses to pay for her freedom.

    It is thoughtful of President Muhammadu Buhari to have telephoned Leah’s distraught parents to reassure them that the government is doing something about her unenviable fate. The assurance must be seen to be more than a mere assurance as time seems to be running out for the poor girl ­—and many others being held by the fiendish group.

    Dealing with terrorists is no easy business. These are outlaws to whom human life counts for nothing, except it can be monetised like any commodity. They claim to be fighting the believer’s cause, but they have shown by their bloody ways and means that they are serving their own selfish and devilish purposes.

    The government should push harder and do whatever is humanly possible to get Leah out of captivity. Besides, the fight against the terrorists should be stepped up – more men, more tools and more help from our friends. And sincerity.

    The Boko Haram scourge has gone on for too long. It should end.

  • Where’s Gen. Alkali?

    JOS, the Plateau State capital, used to be the place many loved to be because of its serenity. People refer to its weather as cool and soothing. The kind the rich travelled abroad to enjoy. Jos used to be cosmopolitan in nature, with Nigerians from different parts of the country finding a home there. That was the Jos of the sixties, seventies and eighties.

    The Jos our fathers grew to know and the Tin City, which some members of my generation grew up in. The Jos where people were their brothers’ keepers. The Jos where the Yoruba, Igbo, Ijaw and Hausa cohabited without hard feelings. The Jos that tolerated everybody no matter their tribe and tongue. You went to sleep with your eyes closed, certain that your neighbour will come to your aid in case of trouble.

    Now, sadly, neighbours kill neighbours in Jos. That is putting it mildly. Brothers now kill brothers there. Jos has virtually become a killing field. Everyday is like war in this city that was renowned for its peaceful nature. Jos has become a no-go area because there is fire on the Plateau. Death and destruction have become the order of the day on the Plateau. This is sad and painful.

    When I hear the sweet old tales about Jos and the sad story of blood now coming out of the place, my heart bleeds. Why do we love to shed blood when there is no need for it? Since these killings started what have they added to our gross domestic product (GDP)? Jos, which was a metaphor for good neighbourliness, is today the city of everything bad under the sun. Those opportune to live there in those glorious days look back and shake their heads at what is happening in their once beloved city.

    Many have moved out of Jos for fear of their lives. Living in Jos is no longer a cherished idea. It has become a dangerous place to stay. What is more, it has even become a dangerous place to pass through. Is this the same old Jos of which people sang? What could have happened to the Tin City? Since September 3, a search has been on for Maj.-Gen Idris Alkali, former Chief of Administration at the Army Headquarters in Abuja, who was said to have gone missing while passing through Jos.

    The general was not going to the war front; he was just passing by on his way to his farm in Bauchi. As he drove, he was speaking with his wife, Salamatu, who was monitoring his movement to ensure he got to his destination safe and sound. Mrs Alkali, according to reports, did not want him to pass through Jos. She wanted him to go through the Kano route. You know how women are. They can smell danger a long way off and no matter what they do to caution us, we, the men, always tell them not to worry.

    We wave their fear aside not because we are careless. No, not at all, we do so because a man must not only be a man, he must be seen to be a man. Shortly after Gen Alkali passed through Jos, his wife lost contact with him. The woman has been agitated since then. She has called on the army to help her look for her husband because ‘’we are in distress, pain and agony”.

    The search for him has led the Joint Task Force (JTF) looking for him to Dura Du in Jos South Local Government Area of Plateau State. The search has been narrowed down to the mining pond there from where his car, a Toyota Corolla was fished out last Saturday. How did the general’s car get into the pond? The pond, the people of the community claim, is sacred to them. They say it is sacrilegious to drain the water in the pond as the army intends to do to see if the general is in there.

    It is only commonsensical to dig deeper into the pond after finding the general’s car there. If his car could be found there, what other evil do we know is still deep inside its womb? It is in the interest of justice and fair play to allow this search to go. If the pond could harbour the general’s car and other vehicles, there is more to the place than we are being told by its so-called custodians. This is a matter that should concern us all that a general, a whole general,  could just vanish like that without trace. If he had gone to war and had been captured, it would have been a different matter. The army would have known that he has become a Prisoner of War (POW).

    The Du community’s complaint against the draining of the pond has become meaningless with the recovery of two more vehicles there on Tuesday. One of the recovered vehicles, a white Toyota Hiace marked RYM 307 XA and its driver reportedly went missing about three months ago. What is really going on around this pond? What kind of mining is being done there? The JTF, which recovered the vehicles, said there were still three more vehicles in the pond. The question again is : How did they get there? Were they pushed in there and by who?

    No matter what it takes, everything should be done to get to the root of this case. Who knows the search party may yet find more revealing objects in that pond.

  • They will not tell you its a trap

    We grieve because our youths are unemployed, our mothers are impoverished and our daughters litter dimly lit brothels and recesses of the sidewalk within and outside the country. Our grief is of marginalisation, unemployment, religious and ethnic bigotry, corruption in high places and enfant terrible godfathers.

    Then, we talk of going to war and sing to ourselves, blood-spattered choruses of youthful rebellion. We love to sing such ballads to smother our guts and caress our eardrums; little wonder we court questionable leadership; it is that time of the year when they promise us stable electricity, gallantry in governance, dependable economy and security. It is that time of the year when they recite the same old platitudes to the same old electorate.

    They promise us honour, status elevation, glory, and a prosperous future as usual; and as usual, we fail to hold these promises up against their culture of leadership – that flagrant norm of theirs that blesses us with dead-end jobs of small-town life, religious and financial terrorism, bankruptcy, ethnic bigotry, substandard healthcare, inferior education and unemployment.

    But we believe them anyway. We who are conditioned by poverty and lust for unearned riches perpetually seek all manners of benefits and self-actualisation, like greater State autonomy, more States and secession. We, who have learnt to enjoy dwellings like hell, are promised nations like Eden, by men who couldn’t enrich their households had they all the riches in the world.

    The dream of secession is the call of the Sirens, the enticement that has for generations seduced old and young Nigerians struggling to keep inadequate jobs in fast food restaurants, construction sites and bus parks, and behind the counters at city malls.

    We desperately crave and embrace the secession alternative because every other cul-de-sac in our lives breaks our spirit and dignity. Pick up advocacy group manifestos or human rights reports of genocide and marginalisation. Listen to self-acclaimed youth leaders, weepy politicians and activists, the allure of greater autonomy, self-determination or whatever they choose to call it is touted as our next best alternative.

    They will not tell you it’s a trap, a ploy, an old, dirty game of deceit in which the powerful and informed who will not go to war, promises a mirage to youth who will. We have seen this in the tragedy of suicide bombers, political thugs and ethno-religious death squads holding the nation by the jugular.

    We have seen and felt this in our tragic obsequiousness to the ruling class on the political, economic and socio-cultural turfs that condition you and I to serve the predatory ruling class, even as we are perpetually consigned by them to the backwaters of the breadlines.

    Some of us, the somewhat privileged to be precise, get to travel between two universes: one where everybody gets a chance and a second chance to break out of our socio-political and economic jailhouse, where education, connections, money and influence almost guarantee that you would not fail if you strive. In the other universe, no one ever gets to enjoy a first or second chance. In this universe, when the poor fails and falls, no one picks them up even as the rich stumble and trip their way to the top.

    It is not my wish to attack or castigate the rich; they didn’t enslave us simply by ordering us to be poor, did they? You and I are willing participants in the impoverishment and eternal enslavement of the Nigerian citizenry.

    We are in such dire state because like ones habitually programmed to self-destruct, we love to identify and propound practical solutions to our tragedies but when push gets to shove, and we are faced with the chance to change our stars, we begin to speak in discordant voices.

    Thus this year as all others, we have begun to criticize and speak the thoughts of a growing number of natives seeking relief. What is so sad however is that despite our pretentious protestations and insight, we go about our daily lives perpetuating the same old oddities, self-interests and absurdities.

    Thus this hour as all others, our league of extraordinary looters have promised to improve our lot even as they get set to further pauperise us.

    And while we curse our luck and cry, many of us continue to foster the status quo by abhorrent citizenship and conduct. We who lament corruption in high places wholeheartedly nurture duplicity and corruption in low places.

    Bloody revolution is never the answer. Neither shall greater autonomy or secession improve our lot; if eventually, every agitating part of Nigeria gets to secede, every new nation we establish shall parade the same old brutes with the same old lusts and self-interests in high and low places.

    Any story of secession is a story of elites preying on the weak, the gullible, the marginal, and the poor. The pageantry ends the day we pronounce we secede, particularly for those of us that will occupy the low places. The pageantry will wear off and there will be fewer patriots, and fewer patriots, until there is not a single cheer but tireless shrieks in the street. Whatever contraption we manage to create shall evolve into the monstrosity we have made Nigeria to be.

    People who are singing the secession song are the real traitors – like the average Nigerian who scorned merit and conscience to elect corrupt characters. The latter would sell Nigeria out for an offshore account, picturesque mansion, soothing sentimentality and membership of high society.

    To achieve their plot, they would sentimentalise and hoodwink everyone else to buy into their fount of deceptive freedom. To escape such grotesqueness, we need to raise our voices in dissent, and rally in protest in our communities, on the streets and our square gardens. We need to produce the candidates that will fight our fight and take our risks. We need to unseat the men making our fatherland more toxic and hateful to the rest of the world.

    If you don’t think that the policies and actions of the incumbent ruling class is costing us immeasurable damages, then do nothing. But if you can see through the smoke and mirrors, and you realise that you’ll be paying more state and local taxes, while your assets continue to depreciate and the cost of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) and staple food continues to soar out of reach, then you’ll understand the need to invest in producing and supporting the candidates who will successfully defeat and tame the army of predators and executioners occupying our seats of power.

    Be ready to contribute the most you’ve ever given for a political cause. Be ready to sacrifice.

  • Democracy and pro-poor development in Nigeria

    The idea of universal basic income has gathered traction in some circles particularly in Europe and Canada. The idea is that most countries in the world can afford to get their citizens paid living stipends rather than continuing with maintenance of the current gulf presently existing between the rich and the poor whose salaries are not living wages. This, it is argued, is not some kind of communism but that it will require redistribution and equity in the way national wealth is shared. It is also suggested that if everybody is paid basic income it will lead to more national wealth because it will increase the demand for goods and consequent increased production. Other spinoffs will be reduction in crime and consequent reduction in state apparatus for maintenance of peace, law and order and that the manpower tied up in internal maintenance of peace can be redeployed to more useful and positive enterprises such as farming and industrial production and other productive enterprises. I must say the idea of universal basic income still needs better articulation and rigorous examination. But whatever its shortcomings may be, the present payment of the dole and welfare Cheques in the western world has only succeeded in permanently banishing a large proportion of the people to living below the poverty line. The present system can only alleviate poverty and not eradicate it as basic income would do. Of course people in the poor countries of the world who are left to fend for themselves without state support will be too glad to receive welfare payment like people in the western world.  There is of course the need for an attainment of a certain level of mobilization and production before one can talk of basic income payment. But in places such as Nigeria where we are told 64% of our people are living in absolute and abject poverty we need to do something to tackle this problem no matter how unorthodox the means we adopt. First we need to be producing something and our people first have to be mobilized and be in the money economy before we can begin to talk about basic income. Basic income is not meant for the kind of huge unproductive bureaucracies that consume most of the wealth of developing countries. A universal basic income must be tied to gainful and productive employment.

    The problem of poverty must still be addressed not in the way we are currently trying to do it by giving paltry loans of N10 thousand to poor people directly by governments.  I personally do not believe we should be sharing recovered Abacha stolen funds among millions of poor people in small bits and pieces. What business can anyone do with N10,000 or N50,000 loans  than selling roasted peanuts and roasted plantains or such puny businesses ? I know many people will say such little monies can turn the lives of poor people around but I think we should be raising the bar.  The recovered loots should be used for concrete things like building roads  , schools, hospitals , housing and improving infrastructure and opening up the country for commercial enterprises. Signs should display boldly that such important infrastructure were done with recovered stolen money. I think what needs to be done  to deal with poverty is to direct the  commercial banks through the Central Bank to set aside substantial funds to give as loans to young people particularly graduates of polytechnics and universities and possibly high school graduates who cannot proceed further but who want  to go into small businesses with emphasis on agricultural production and particularly adding value  to for  farm produce for local consumption and export. The vast majority of our people are not graduates of any sort whether of high schools or tertiary institutions. There must be a separate  program for such people. Financial assistance and farm inputs such as free fertilizers would have to be provided as well as advice for preservation of produce that cannot be sold . We need to revive marketing boards for agricultural produce to maintain reasonable commodity prices from year to year so that farmers can be assured of stable prices for their produce. This was what the commodity boards did for our farmers during the pre-independence and immediate post-independence years before the soldiers came and did away with commodities boards to promote so called market forces. Since then, production has plummeted and farms have been abandoned to old people who are dying out.

    Bill Gates while addressing the federal executive in a rare privilege granted him by President Muhammadu Buhari had strongly suggested that Nigeria must do more for their farming communities who are in the majority. He had said controversially, in my view, that roads and railway construction though important must however be aligned with the people’s needs because development is about people.   For example he was not impressed in situations of ten lane high way running from Abuja Airport to the city  which he says does not make sense where roads leading to and from the ports are left dilapidated and unmaintained for years . The same can be said for roads joining the oil producing areas with the ports of oil exportation as well as links between the productive and economic Centres necessary for the growth of the economy being left dilapidated for years. Where will the money for this programme come from?

    It is generally known that the percentage of people paying taxes in Nigeria is too low . That is the truth . People everywhere always try to avoid payment of taxes.  This is more so in Nigeria where the masses tend to feel they would not benefit from government programs. I like what the government of Lagos does after every project is completed; they would put a sign board saying the project has been paid for by taxpayers’ money.  This should be copied by all states and the federal government.. The other way to get more funds into government coffers is to shift to consumer  and sale taxes and value added tax rather than poll or direct income tax . If we can minimize corruption and reduce the ballooning bureaucracies at federal state and  local government  levels of governance , monies will be released for the basic income and assistance to everybody in a win-win situation. The important thing to stress is that we in Nigeria have reached a turning point in which we must think outside the box to tackle the problem of poverty. This problem is daily manifested in the insecurity pervading the whole country. We see this in the farmer/ herder killings and cattle rustling in the pastoral zone in the north of our country. We see the same in armed robbery  and kidnapping and human trafficking and desperate movement by young people to cross the desert and the Mediterranean Sea to the shame of most of us who see our young people enslaved and perishing in the Sahara desert. Many of our elite can no longer go to our towns and villages in the country. We all seem to be marooned in the big cities and even in the cities we are barricaded behind tall walls and our houses are guarded by ferocious dogs. This is not living. The rich can no longer sleep because the poor are awake.

  • D-day in Osun

    THE prognosis was not that grim for the ruling party. All that the bookmakers said was that a tough fight lay ahead. None said categorically that it would go down to the wire in last Saturday’s Osun State governorship election.

    The permutation was that if Akin Ogunbiyi got the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) ticket, he would be difficult to defeat. Urbane and educated, the insurance magnate was loved by the elite. Ogunyemi lost the ticket in controversial circumstances to Nurudeen Jackson Ademola Adeleke, a senator, who is well known for his dancing skills.

    The battle was joined, with Gboyega Oyetola, also an insurance magnate and former Chief of Staff, flying the flag of the All Progressives Congress (APC). There was also Dr  Iyiola Omisore of the Social Democratic Party(SDP), a veteran  gubernatorial candidate and former deputy governor and senator. He agreed yesterday to back Oyetola to win today’s election. Moshood Adeoti, former chair of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and Secretary to the State Government (SSG) was the candidate of the African Democratic Party (ADP).  Fatai Akinmade, an engineer and former Commissioner for Works, was in the race for the African Democratic Congress  (ADC). These were the leading contenders in a field of some 48 candidates.

    That was at the beginning. Now seven polling units in three local governments with 3948 voters will determine the winner between Oyetola and Adeleke.

    Nobody saw this coming.

    With a doubtful and contentious educational background that became the subject of a massive criminal investigation, Adeleke, neither deep nor reflective and easily given to excitement, ran no serious campaign. No issues. No manifesto. No agenda. No promises. Not for him the solemnity of debating halls; he prefers the din of the market place. To his opponents, he was a pushover.

    Little consideration was given to the electrifying effect of populism of which he seems to be a master. He talked about “hitting the people with gbemu (big cash)” from his millionaire friends. He danced and danced like a hysterical pop star and pressed into service his music star cousin Davido’s popularity.

    On the eve of the election, supporters of the candidates deployed cash. Ballots became a cash-and-carry affair. Nobody was sure of who would carry the day. Alas, an election that APC and its supporters thought was sure turned chameleonic – unclear, unsure and certainly uncertain. Adeleke had dusted Omisore, Adeoti and the others. He was set to hit the finishing line ahead of the APC.

    Then the stalemate. His 353-vote lead was far smaller than the over 3000 votes that were voided. INEC declared the election inconclusive and ordered supplementary elections today in areas where votes were cancelled.

    Enter emergency lawyers and subversive experts whose legal skills have been blunted by their deep interest in partisan politics. They would turn the law upside down to defend their obviously defective views. Some said INEC had no power to cancel elections and order a supplementary exercise. They glossed over the Electoral Act and claimed that the Constitution gave the fellow with the highest number of votes the prize.

    They chose to forget that the Supreme Court had stated expressly and unambiguously the position of the law on such matters. In Faleke v INEC and  Others, it reinforced the INEC manual and said: “Where the margin of win between the two leading candidates is not in excess of the total number of registered voters of the polling unit(s) where elections were cancelled or not held, INEC will decline to make a return until another  poll has taken place in the affected polling unit(s) and the results incorporated into a new form EC8D and subsequently recorded into a new form EC8E for declaration and return.”

    Simple. It is not over until nobody is seen to have been disenfranchised.

    The PDP insists that its candidate should be handed the trophy. It is going to court to demand this and more – the resignation of the INEC chief, Prof  Mahmood Yakubu. Good. That is the civilised way. Not abuse and lies to whip up sentiments and set the people against themselves. When it is all over today, an Osun indigene will have the prize, not somebody from another state.

    It is not yet time for a full post-mortem of this contest. By the time it is all over this afternoon, an analyst has said, Adeleke would have proven to us all that all those long, tedious and studious nights carry no greater political weight than a few hours in a night club.

    A few issues, however, need to be examined. How did a brave and proud people who resisted the PDP predators – fake soldiers, thugs and all – in 2014 lose their pride and sold their heart?

    Irresistible offers? Poverty? Hunger? Loss of our dearest values? Rebellion? Leadership issues?

    Suddenly, the old song: “Oju t’owo, oju ti’resi; oju t’owo” (Shame to money; shame to rice) became irrelevant. A new song romanticising fraudsters hit the airwaves. “O je dollar, o je pound, o je Euro; O tun wale wa je naira ni’le, eni ba ri ko beri” (He won dollars, he won pounds, he made Euro; he is back home to hit it big with the naira. Doff your hat for him).

    Those who say hunger has driven our people to embrace profanities and debase our values have been supporting their view with many examples, some of them downright risible. For instance, they claim that when some civil servants were not being paid their full salaries – they have received full pay now – “okada” riders were easily snatching their wives. This infuriated and alienated them.

    Others spoke of how people were made to swear and cross over local hunters’ guns after collecting money to vote a candidate.

    To those fans of Adeleke who rejoiced too early, I send my sympathy. The process will not be abridged. Many were already building a mental picture of how Adeleke will dance all the way from his home in Ede to the Government House in Osogbo on Inauguration Day. They were already suggesting the manner of dance – shaku shaku, skelewu, legbe legbe, azonto, pakurumo, akwaba and gwara gwara (from South Africa).

    Some were mooting the idea of the would-be governor competing in the World Dancing Competition to put the lucky state on the global dancing map and send a clear message to those who deride him as a local champion.

    Members of the Association of Deejays and Dancers, I gather, were planning a massive carnival to celebrate one of their own.  Others were raising funds for congratulatory adverts in newspapers. A resolution that Adeleke be declared a Life Patron of the Association and conferred with its Life Achievement Award  was adopted unanimously, I am told.

    As I was saying, I sympathise with Adeleke’s fans and the PDP that has been crying like a kid whose lollipop was snatched by an inconsiderate old man.

    I wrote last week that my money was on Oyetola. I reaffirm my stand.  Cool, calm and sedate, he possesses the intellectual capacity and the temperament that these tough times call for.

    The electorate should vote him in. It is time we stopped the joke.

     

    Another recession? Not again

    Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele has warned that Nigeria may soon be fighting to free itself from another recession should the current trend continue. The economy’s growth slowed to 1.9 per cent and 150 per cent within the first two quarters of this year.

    Suddenly, memories of the 2016- 2017 recession when everything went out of control welled up. Foreign investors would not come. Manufacturers were crying and the common man resigned himself to fate. Jobs were lost. The grim potential of another recession is scary.

    It was not all gloom, however. Emefiele, after the Monetary Policy Committee meeting on Tuesday, reported that at its July meeting, it was noted that “modest stability was achieved in key indicators, including inflation, exchange rate and reserves”. With a “robust level of external reserves”, the foreign exchange market was stable and inflation went down for the 18th consecutive time, he said.

    All that is being threatened now – no thanks to “rising inflation and pressure on the external reserves created by the capital flow reversal as the current challenges grow”.

    What is to be done? We should build buffers, Emefiele said, as oil price continues its upward swing. The government will spend heavily on the coming elections. Besides, there is the danger of politicians flooding the whole place with cash as 2019 approaches. We have seen this in Osun and Ekiti. Elections are becoming  bazaars – no thanks to the hunger and poverty that have turned many into beggars.

    Now, another recession is knocking at the door. Will our politicians wake up?

     

  • Osun’s Super Thursday

    TODAY, willy-nilly, a winner must emerge in the Osun State governorship election. The winner will be determined by just 3,498 votes.  That is a lot of votes in an election, where at times a difference of only one vote is required to win.

    Today’s rerun election is holding in seven polling units in four local government areas of the state. They are two units in Orolu with 947 votes, where election was disrupted; Ife South, two units with 1,314 votes, where the electronic card reader malfunctioned, Ife North, one unit with 353 votes, where there was over-voting and Osogbo, one unit with 884 votes, where election did not hold. To win the election, the two leading candidates – Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), with 254,698 votes and Gboyega Oyetola of the All Progressives Congress (APC), 254,345 votes – must score the highest number of votes cast, according to Section 179 (2) (a) of the Constitution.

    Some of the contestants in the first ballot, who are no longer eligible to run in the rerun,  are a major deciding factor. They will have a say in who becomes governor between Adeleke and Oyetola,

    Already, the PDP and APC are wooing the likes of Senator Iyiola Omisore, who contested on the Social Democratic Party (SDP) platform, Fatai Akinbade of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and Moshood Adeoti of the Action Democratic Party (ADP). These three men and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Yussuff Lasun, it is believed, have what it takes to help either party win. Both parties want to win.  These days, popularity and performance are no longer the yardstick for winning elections. Analysts believe that other variables, such as money, security and the media, matter in any election. When they talk about money, they are referring to empowerment of the electorate, which in local parlance is known as stomach infrastructure.

    But in a rerun of this nature where the voters are not up to 5,000 will these variables still come to play? The most important factor in this rerun is the human variable. Though money will still exchange hands, we cannot wish away the human touch, the ‘my people feeling’ which is hard to do away with in some situations. Every community wants the good things of life and these things can only come if it is well connected in the corridors of power.

    The Omisores and the Lasuns of SDP and APC are being wooed today because the contestants know that these men are crucial to their winning the election. To win in Ife South, the contestants need Omisore whose father is the baale (community head) of Olode which is in that area. Olode has over 800 votes. To win in Orolu where Lasun hails from, they need the lawmaker whose constituency voted en masse for PDP last Saturday. Over 900 votes are up for grabs there.

    Lasun voted APC, but his constituents feel that he is not being treated well by his party which suspects that he may defect to PDP. He has repeatedly stated his loyalty to the party. This rerun provides opportunity for these men to strike deals that will benefit them and their communities. Lasun’s loyalty will be put to test in this rerun. He has been stating his loyalty to his party. There is no better time than now for him to match his words with action. His people are on his side; so he should be able to sway them to the side of APC today.

    But in politics 1 + 1 is not always two. The Bukola Saraki factor is there. The Senate president may want to use the National Assembly connection to get Lasun to back the PDP candidate. We have already seen how he tried to use that connection to win over Omisore, who was a senator between 2003 and 2007, for the party. Only these men know how their minds are working at present. Will Omisore go with the PDP from which he defected to contest the election last Saturday on SDP’s crest? Or will he back the APC, a party of some of his former associates in the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) on which platform he served as deputy governor of the state between 1999 and 2003? In politics, we all know, there are no permanent friends, but permanent interests.

    Omisore and Lasun will be looking out for their interests in deciding who to back in today’s rerun. All eyes will be more on Lasun than Omisore because the former’s party to which he has consistently pledged loyalty is on the ballot. Will he go with APC publicly or will he be unconcerned about the party’s fate in today’s election? The parties will accede to their demands in order to get them to their side. But these men’s fear will be can the parties be trusted to keep their promises. Well, that is a gamble they must take. May the rerun go without hitch.

     

    Nigeria at 58

    IT IS time to celebrate our Independence anniversary again. On Monday, Nigeria will be 58. The celebration is coming in the midst of preparations for the 2019 general elections. Since Independence in 1960, our country has been tottering. We started with a lot of promise, especially in the first republic when we ran a regional system of administration. The regions did quite well. Those defunct regions laid the foundation for the present day Nigeria. Unfortunately, rather than build on that foundation, successive administrations have killed the dreams of our founding fathers.

    The nationalists will turn in their graves with what is happening in the country today. We are lagging behind virtually in all areas of human development. We keep on churning out graduates from our universities without making jobs available for them. We say they should create jobs. Just like that? If it was that easy, why didn’t many of us create our own jobs after leaving school. I am not saying this is not a good policy. The question is what has the government put in place to make it easy for these graduates to be job creators? We can go on and on lamenting. But this is not a time to lament; it isa time to put our hands to the plough to make our country work. I dread the forecast that by 2050, we will be one of the two poorest countries in the world. We can shame the forecasters by rising now to do things to make this country great. Happy birthday, Nigeria.

  • Challenge of crusading youths

    Youth symbolises heroism and sacrifice. Through valour and overbearing assertiveness, theirs, is the earth. Major transformations of society through the ages bear the imprint of youth. American President Kennedy once admonished the youth of America not to ask for what their country can do for them but what they could do for their country. Jesus Christ, the greatest teacher and social crusader from Nazareth at a youthful age of 29, embarked on social transformation of his society. His sacrifice was for more than half of the world population who for the promise of salvation have embraced His vision of a good society. Crusading youths seek honour and glory, not for themselves but for society.

    Here at home, Nigerian youths, as nationalists, journalists, trade unionists and even soldiers have been in the forefront of nation-building since the pre-independence years. It was Nigerian youths studying abroad that first suggested that Nigeria be fashioned as a federal state modelled after Swiss constitution. They formed the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) in 1933. The new inheritors of power in the 50s who set in motion the process of creating a more egalitarian society were youths in their 20s and 30s.

    With this history of heroic exploits of Nigerian youths, it is not a surprise our crusading youths are currently at war with those they claim mortgaged their present through uninspiring leadership. And because their cause is just, many have identified with their crusade. There is Senator Dino Melaye who has said he ‘is in politics to ensure the youths of Nigeria get their own share of our national resources’. There is Bukola Saraki, the senate president who having dismissed Buhari as too old and feeble to lead, is positioning himself as saviour of Nigerian youths. There are also Kanu Agabi (SAN), who has urged Nigerian youths not to allow artificial boundaries to split them, but work more on things that would unite them as a people; Governor Tambuwal who insisted that “we cannot keep calling youth the leaders of tomorrow without ensuring that we put in place deliberate measures that will aid their quest for public service.  “ We now even have a NotTooYoungTo Run Act, which reduces the age qualification for political office seekers.

    Of course the biggest masquerade behind Nigerian youth’s current struggle for power is Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.   “Don’t be afraid or be discouraged, they will try to intimidate you individually or collectively, but I will stand by you”, he recently reassured them. He was also the arrow-head of the formation of Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM), and its integration to African Democratic Congress (ADC). Speaking on a theme: “Preparing Successor Generation for Effective Participation in Governance”, during a recent event in his presidential library, Obasanjo made it clear that “there can be no transformation without youths.”   But while challenging them to tackle the old generation politicians and wrest leadership from them, he reminded the youths that “Leadership is never given on a platter of gold, (they) have to work for it.” But how equipped are our crusading youths who have so far anchored their quest for leadership on a sense of entitlement for the task Obasanjo set before them?

    The truth is that our founding fathers studied hard to understand the world and the place of their society in the world.  Obafemi Awolowo,  a self-made man, in 1947 wrote his master-piece, the ‘Path to Nigeria Freedom’  where he had argued “Nigeria is not a nation, it is a mere geographical expression; There are no “Nigerians” in the same sense as there are “English” or “Welsh” or “French” as a student. Enahoro had been an editor of a national newspaper, Nnamdi Azikiwe’s newspaper, the Southern Nigerian Defender, Ibadan, in 1944 at the age of at 21. Bode Thomas who died at 33 as deputy chairman of Action Group party was a successful and brilliant lawyer sought after all over the country and was the author of regionalism that we eventually embraced as the basis of our federal arrangement. Remi Fani-Kayode, ‘born in London, groomed in Lagos’ was the leader of the AG youth wing who set up his ‘mosquito squad’ believed to be a militant group. Akintola, an outstanding journalist and a successful lawyer was a wordsmith who Awo claimed could debate two opposing views and win both. Sadly, very few Nigerian youths in their 20s today know anything about our nation let alone the world.

    Not even our colonial masters underestimated the crisis of nation-building in a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural nation like ours. Reflecting on this in 1948, Arthur Richards, Governor General of Nigeria had said: “It is only the accident of British suzerainty which had made Nigeria one country. It is still far from being one country or one nation socially or even economically… socially and politically there are deep differences between the major tribal groups. They do not speak the same language and they have highly divergent customs and ways of life and they represent different stages of culture”. Unfortunately, the Nigerian military and their collaborators benefitting from our tragedy have spent the last 50 years playing the ostrich.

    Most of our crusading youths below 50 years of age know only the military narrative. They similarly cannot appreciate that government policies in the First Republic succeeded only to the extent they were anchored on the value and culture of the people. The free education policy succeeded in the west because it was anchored on the ‘aaro’ a type of self-help system where age groups come together to contribute materially and physically towards successful implementation of members’ projects such as building houses, marrying a new wife or burying their old departed parents. On the other hand, the policy was violently resisted in the east because it was not part of their culture. By building on their cultural values, the old Western Region is widely today believed to be the most educated part of Africa.

    Unfortunately, most of our crusading youths, routinely cite Emmanuel Macron of France to justify their sense of entitlement.  It is as if his magic can be replicated in neighbouring Britain or Germany with different cultural values let alone Nigeria with over 450 distinct language groups. They also often cite American democracy which produces only a choice, imposed on society by two rival elite groups, no matter how idiotic.

    There are other intriguing questions before our crusading youths. Are they by any chance, thinking of alternative to the current expensive presidential system or even democracy, the reigning king which even with its celebrated major attribute – check and balance – is by far inferior to the old Oyo traditional administrative system? Are they going to continue the military hypocrisy of trying to dictate unity amidst clashing of cultures where for instance one group say “when calamity befalls the owners of the land, …they run back to our villages to allow the owners of the land who know how to appease their own gods confront their own demons” and the other culture that insists you must be prepared to swim or sink with your benefactor?

    The demand on youth is enormous. It is a call for service which requires adequate preparation.  Youth because of heroic exploits may own the earth. But it is at the behest of society. Because of youth’s brevity of life,

    “The garlands wither in your brow.

    Then boast no more your mighty deeds.

    Upon death’s purple altar.

    See where the victor-victim bleeds” James Shirley (1596-1666)

  • Your Excellency, death may find you in your spittle

    Someday, you may choke on your spittle. You could die if you do. Death could come in your saliva. When it does, your face will bulge with varicose veins straining to go ‘splat!’ in your head. In that moment, neither medicine nor the finest surgeon will be available to help you. Your money will be useless. Your power, ‘street credibility,’ thugs, charisma, will disappear in plain sight. Your concubines, trophy wives, spoilt kids and sycophants will be unable to charm death. Many of them would  be glad that you are dead.

    Whatever your degree of affluence, you will discover that you are worthless, like brittle toothpick in the paws of a mongrel. In split seconds, death will maul you the way boondocks crowd chew tinko (horse meat of the impoverished) they purchase with your hand-outs.

    You will remember the smile on your face and the sneer in your heart as you lured starving citizenry to sell their votes to you for a N500 hand-out, a quarter of rice and stale bread.

    Death will find you in common hours. And when it does, it wouldn’t recognize you as the powerful governor, senator, council chairman, vice president, president.

    Your title will be worthless; at death’s door, nothing else matters. Your life would probably flash before you and you would relive for an instant, the most crucial aspects of your finished life.

    You will remember the monies you stole from public coffers. You will remember your guilty and diabolic pleasures: the aides and concubines whose anuses you plowed for bewitched wealth; the newborn and seven-day-old infants whose heads and intestines you pounded in a mortar to make black soap and anti-death talisman. You will remember the sons and daughters you sacrificed or ‘used’ if you like, to ascend the ladder of man-made gods.

    You will remember the poor primary school kids you left at the mercy of nature’s wild elements – harsh sunlight, torrential rains and windstorms – because you had better things to do with State money, like the acquisition of mansions abroad, the seduction of a trophy bride or purchase of sinful pleasures.

    When death comes, you will remember the infant children, parents and youth whose lives never mattered to you even as they died in ghastly auto accidents on the cratered roads you refused to repair.

    Death will find you while you read commentary on your latest social and political theatric. The grim reaper will claim you while you exult in the praise of your fools and court sycophants; in that moment, you will find that you are the greatest of fools.

    Your Excellency, your paranoia is so great that you steal billions from public coffers only to bury them in sewages, water tanks and crop farms.

    At death’s door, you won’t have your great war chest and grand armies of thugs and corrupt law enforcers to command. At death’s stare, you will go blind in the face and your mind’s eye.

    You will understand why it was so easy for you to subdue political enemies and not the enemy within you. You will understand why you could look on earthly tempests and not flinch. But you will never understand why death will take neither gold nor silver to spare your life.

    Mr./Mrs. Excellency, you have grown from the desperate politician with tall dreams and modest wealth to become filthy-rich, power-drunk and self-possessed. You have become the titan who is successful at ‘cancelling out’ and overpowering lesser titans.

    Your virtues have turned to failings and you soar in a fetish cloud of lust and arrogance. As you exult with lust that will kill you, remember greater men and women who expired in the throes of fetishes like the ones that afflict you.

    Remember Benito Mussolini, the Italian dictator who collapsed, coughing up blood in 1925. The X-rays showed he had severe gastro-duodenal ulcer. Thereafter, ulcer pain was ever present. Then he suffered increasing insecurity, paranoia and finally became detached from reality.

    By late 1942, his mental health had caught up with him. All the bombast and pomp had gone. He had no reserve of courage or wile and he yielded to ulcer, deep-seated depression among others.

    The Greek war became his unmitigated disaster, the shame from which Italy had to be rescued by the Germans. Power intrigues with Germany quickened his latter descent.

    In July 1943, he was in effect, imprisoned by fellow Italians on the island of Ponza, then moved to a naval base in Sardinia and later to a ski resort. After Italy surrendered in September, Mussolini was rescued by a German SS glider team and flown to Munich. The Germans then returned him to Italy and installed him as the puppet dictator of the remnant Italian Social Republic.

    He was eventually captured and shot by Italian partisans near Como; his body was flung in the back of a truck and driven to Milan where, on April 29, 1945, it was strung upside down alongside that of his mistress in Piazzale Loreto, where 15 Italian partisans had been shot in August 1944.

    Like Mussolini, the time for humouring yourself will soon be over. Your end will come varied, like the whimpers and howls of  poor, helpless Nigerians, whose miseries never matter to you.

    The indices of your brutal end emerge but you are too blinded by power and ego to see them; by your machinations, there is widespread poverty and unemployment in the land; Boko Haram afflicts the northeast, herdsmen invade southwest and Biafra’s dead bones jut from the grave across the southeast.

    Death travels with the restive wind but you dream of escaping its scourge by simply hopping on the next plane to join your families abroad. You forget that death could find you in your spittle aboard your private jet.

     

     

     

  • EIU/ HSBC’s tendentious reports

    The latent war against Buhari by western promoters of market-driven economy which started back in 1984 came up anew shortly after he was sworn in as president some three years back. It was rekindled by the London-based Economist, in  an article titled “Crude Tactics”, where ex-President Jonathan was first described as “an ineffectual buffoon” who allowed “politicians and their cronies fill their pockets with impunity” without acknowledging that Britain served as safe-haven for such looted funds, before moving on to criticize Buhari for “refusing to devalue the naira in order to battle the fall in global oil prices”. Two years down the line, it is difficult to know who between the state as net importer of labour of other societies, the privileged elite who had millions of stolen state funds in foreign currencies stashed in their rooms and in their domiciliary accounts who became multi-billionaire many times over overnight and the vulnerable poor who look up to government for protection but left to face the attendant inflation.

    The renewed war however assumed a new dimension last week with a new provocative report by the news magazine’s Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and HSBC, a scandal-prone multi-national banking and financial institution whose activities are mired in controversies in many parts of the world. The conclusions of the reports by these two institutions widely regarded as foot-soldiers of western imperialists was not only at variance with facts they presented but touted at a regime change in line with policy thrust about those who constitute a threat to the interest of their principals.

    And if anyone fills that bill, it is President Buhari. As pro-state and anti-free market economy messianic leader who questions the continued exploitation of our resources by foreign powers, Buhari has always been legitimate target of western imperialist powers’ strong arm tactics. His removal from office was engineered in 1985 after rejecting the IMF loan and refusing to honour terms of repayment of loans looted and domiciled in British banks by some second republic politicians. Babangida, working with foreign powers, exploited the sentiments of Nigerians Buhari  insisted had an option to starve if they could not produce their own foods, to play the Brutus in the night of many knives inside an army barracks in Victoria Island Lagos. Babangida’s acceptance of  IMF loan and its ‘conditionalities’, is responsible for the  turning of our country into a dumping ground for manufactured goods and today’s mass unemployment of our youths. For his pains, IBB got a state visit to Britain and was allowed to embark on a fraudulent ‘transition without end’ for eight years.

    But to understand the nature of the ongoing war against ‘Buharinomics’, we must first understand why Britain and other old European powers have no apologies for protecting their disproportionate share of world resources. First driven to Africa in search of food, goods, gold and glory by a hostile environment, they did not see anything immoral in first introducing Africa into the globalized economy through slave trade. From slave trade to colonialism, neo-colonialism and globalization, there is only one aim – profit or living on the sweat and blood of the less the privileged. The only difference between slave trade and globalization where pastoralists in the west receive $2-$7 for every head of their cow, while 70% of Nigerians live below $2 a day is only in nomenclature.

    Now let us critically examine this latest assault by these two western imperialists’ acclaimed foot-soldiers- the Economist and HSBC. First, the simmering two years war between Buhari’s government and South Africa multi-national telecommunication giant, MTN, it had ordered to repatriate back to the country the $8.1b it improperly transferred abroad was recently brought to the public attention.  Then last Sunday, Garba Shehu, the president’s media assistant, while challenging the HSCB report revealed an ongoing government investigation of  HSBC  which it accused of laundering more than USD 100,000,000 for the late General Sani Abacha in Jersey, Paris, London and Geneva. He went on to identify the following accounts as the channels through which the monies were laundered as: AC: S-104460 HSBC Fund Admin Ltd. Jersey ($12,000,000); AC 37060762 HSBC Life (Europe), U.K ($20,000,000) and AC: 38175076 HSBC Bank Plc. U.K ($1,600,000). He also claimed the bank is also suspected in the laundering of proceeds of corruption involving more than 50 other Nigerians, including a serving senator.

    All the above came to light because government handlers want to prove that any report by David Faukners who works for the Economist and HSBC (South Africa), cannot be anything but malicious. For instance he first admitted Higher oil prices have brightened Nigeria’s macro outlook, boosting export earnings and the supply of foreign exchange, improving the external position and supporting NGN stability; conceded the trade account has registered a surplus equal to 6.2% of GDP in Q1 2018, while the capital inflows have recovered following last year’s FX reforms with a FX reserves almost doubled over the past 18 months”.  But this however did not stop him from predicting that “A second term for Mr. Buhari however raises the risk of limited economic progress and further fiscal deterioration, prolonging the stagnation of his first term, particularly if there is no move towards completing reform of the exchange rate system or fiscal adjustments that diversify government revenues away from oil”. It is also no less curious that after admitting that the PDP is not only fragmented without a known presidential candidate  but also with little known about its policy platform”, he went on to predict  the 2019 election  ‘favours a return to power for the opposition PDP’.

    It is difficult to disagree with government that now says it is corruption and its sponsors fighting back because ‘the medium is the message’. As proof of its culpability as an accessory to corrupt elements, Garba Shehu pointed out that not too long ago, HSBC was forced by the US federal authorities ‘to pay $1.92 billion to settle charges of money laundering; fined $1.2 billion in Hong Kong for “systemic deficiencies” in bond sales and was made to pay $100 million in currency rigging settlement’, as reported by The Telegraph of January 18.

    To further prove their report was malicious, the federal government has been flaunting a more balanced ADB report that states ‘Faithful implementation of the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (2017–20) which focuses on six priority sectors: agriculture; manufacturing; solid minerals, including iron, gold, and coal; services, including information and communication technology, financial services, tourism, and creative industries; construction and real estate; and oil and gas, holds the promise of weaning the country off its dependence on oil’. And if further proof of mischief is needed, the government has called attention to HSCB’s report which incorrectly claim that “several local manufacturers have suspended operations”, and accused the president of being responsible for the death  of “much of Nigeria’s nascent industry”, at a period  the Nigerian Manufacturers Association has come out to commend President Buhari for ‘his anti-import policies as provided for in the budget’.

    With the above facts, it is difficult to disagree with those who claim the controversial HSBC’s verdict of “second term for Mr. Buhari raises the risk of limited economic progress and further fiscal deterioration”, was borne out of mischief by those who have more to lose from current ‘Buharinomics’ and his anti-corruption crusade.