Category: Thursday

  • The joyless parable of Mr. Whiner

    The joyless parable of Mr. Whiner

    Mr Whiner is Nigeria’s worst nightmare. A kindred spirit with the dubious patriot; while the latter devastates the country with bad politics, Whiner fulfills the role of a mortician. He is the proverbial pallbearer who spirits out a coffin at the first scent of roses.

    In Whiner, we encounter a parable of the Nigerian soul. No thanks to him, we know that Nigeria may not die merely by bullets and bombs, but by the gall of cynics in loafers and saboteurs in agbada, soft-shoed mercenaries who smile and kill.

    Consider, if you will, the curious case of Mr. Whiner. A journalist whose existence is fashioned in contradiction. He abhors his benefactor, a news publisher, with an almost theological fervour; perhaps because he was groomed to loathe those of different creeds. Whiner’s bile is tribal, his hatred inherited. Yet, he practically lives inside the newsroom of the newspaper owned by this same publisher. He is not a staff member. No pay slips bear his name. Still, he comes and goes like a ghost whose presence nobody questions, his access granted through the charity of a former editor.

    Whiner has a wife and children. Yet he deserts them nightly, to sleep in an office corner, beside the wires and routers, because the electricity and internet access are free. He brings soup and makes eba with water boiled in a kettle owned by the newsroom of the publisher he loves to hate. He bathes in the bathroom meant for employees, washes and irons his clothes with the hum of electricity provided by the generator of the publisher he prays would drop dead. Every week, he publishes advertorials disguised as stories: free pages untouched by tax or truth. These are gifts, really, from the house he curses with his breath.

    It is not his religion or politics that indict him. The democratic soul must have the right to critique power. But it is the gleeful subversion of basic decency, the cannibalising of the very hand that feeds him, that reveals the rot in his soul. Whiner loathes his benefactor, the publisher, who currently occupies a public office, yet has been feeding off his kindness for over one decade. He dreads the establishment’s ownership while reaping its benefits. He mocks his source of livelihood, venting his ill will with the vigour of a sponsored agitator.

    Some would blame the organisation for being too accommodating. I would say that Whiner has simply perfected the subtle art of subterfuge. Something the Yoruba would describe thus: “Je ka pe were won loko iyawo, kin won je ki nri temi se.”

    Whenever he is corrected or nudged toward decency, he puffs up like a peacock in heat, hiding his shamelessness behind the veil of religious conviction. What kind of saint sucks milk from his mother’s breast while wishing her dead?

    This same soullessness feeds the failed presidential candidate who, in a frenzy of rejection, flew to Harvard to demarket Nigeria, baring its sores before an audience eager to sneer. Like Whiner, he thrives on destruction. He’s the sort who, denied the throne, would rather watch the palace burn than help build a new one. He would bury Nigeria because he lost an election.

    It is this same venom that drives his cult of devotees, who gleefully applauded as he painted a dismal portrait of the country before foreign eyes. If they cannot wear the crown, the entire kingdom must burn. Many Nigerians, especially those who imagine themselves too educated to be deceived, drink deeply from this poisonous cup. They defend him on social media, share his slander like scripture, and justify his perfidy with elegant grammar.  “If I can’t have the apple, I’ll burn down the orchard.” This is Whiner’s gospel. And tragically, it has become Nigeria’s creed.

    In Whiner’s spirit, we see the foul ghost of many Nigerians: the cynic who lights a match to the village because his neighbour’s barn is larger; the kidnapper in his lair, the assassin in his ambuscade and the corrupt policeman and public officer on his perch. This spirit belongs primarily to the predator while it hunts its prey. Like Whiner, too many Nigerians exploit the country without conscience. The corrupt civil servant who inflates contracts and diverts funds meant for roads, schools, hospitals; he is Whiner in a tie. The judge who sells verdicts and perverts justice is Whiner, robed in law. The dubious activist who incites the masses with half-truths, never seeking progress but only more fuel for the fire, is Whiner with a megaphone. The journalist who twists headlines to please tribal and Western imperial patrons trades truth for bias and integrity for wordplay; he, too, is Whiner with a pen.

    It is Whiner’s syndrome that animates the Igbo zealot who screams that Lagos is no man’s land, a playground won by intellect and labour, even as he shivers at the thought of relocating to Enugu to replicate such glory. He boasts that Lagos cannot do without him, forgetting that a tree does not mock its roots while basking in the sunlight.

    Whiner’s spirit afflicts the Yoruba prodigal, who sells ancestral lands to bigoted interlopers, spends the proceeds on owambe parties and then returns to cry foul: “They are taking over our lands in large numbers! They will soon take our throne!”

    Then there is the Fulani herder, manipulated by a soulless political class and mythologies of dominance, who lays waste to crops cultivated with sweat and hope by middle-belt and southern farmers. He believes the earth was made for him and his herd alone. He, too, is a Whiner in entitlement and destructive tendencies.

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    These are hardly scattered fragments but different masks worn by the same face. It is the face of the exploiter, who only gives where profit is guaranteed and stays only where he can plunder. This, sadly, is the popular Nigerian disposition. And it is terminal.

    No nation can flourish when most of its citizens are transactional patriots. Nigerians wake up daily scheming how to game the country. They share fake news with glee, amplify bad tidings with the fervour of funeral criers, and downplay progress unless it favours their tribe or political messiah. They do not serve the country, they leech it.

    And when the country begins to rot from the gangrene of a thousand unchecked sins, they cry: “Nigeria has failed us!” As though they, too, didn’t swing the axe. The Igbos say: “A man who brings home ant-infested firewood should not complain when lizards invade his house.”

    There are consequences. If we allow the Whiners of our time to multiply, unchallenged, we shall one day stir to find that we no longer have a country. The economy groans because everyone is gaming the system. Our public institutions are perverted by compromise. The media, like its global counterparts, shamelessly teem with partisans who swap objectivity for tribal vengeance. The youth, seduced by social media posturing, have turned activism into theatre. Even the clerics, once shepherds of moral wisdom, are now spiritual gunrunners, trading prophecy for campaign contracts.

    Whiner is not just a man in the newsroom or a lout on the street. He is an archetype. He is a Nigerian who believes in taking but never giving back. Until we stop treating our country like a commodity to be drained, we will keep birthing Whiners. And Whiners do not build nations. They bury them.

  • Wolf cry over one-party state

    Wolf cry over one-party state

    For 16 years, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was on the saddle of leadership in the country. This was between 1999 and 2015. At the height of its power, it became full of itself and overconfident. It believed that there was nothing it could not do; that all it needed to do was to say it out and the deed was done. It was a big mistake. It boasted that it would rule for 60 years. I am not sure that the party still remembers that now because of where fate has thrust it in the power loop.

    It has painfully come to realise that power does not flow from the thoughts and machinations of man alone; that when your chi, apologies to the Igbo, cracks your palm kernel, you should eat it in silence, say a prayer or two and not taunt others. PDP woes began in 2008 long before its fall from power in 2015. Little did it know that it was setting the stage for its eclipse when its former chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor, boasted that it would rule Nigeria for 60 years.

    “PDP is a party for all and it is set to rule Nigeria for the next 60 years. I don’t care if Nigeria becomes a one-party state. We can do it and PDP can contain all”. As far back as 2008 when Nigeria’s democracy was just nine years, PDP was already thinking of making it a one-party state. Today, seeing its evil plan collapse before its eyes, it is accusing President Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) which wrested power from it in 2015 of having such plans.

    Just as politicians both elected and appointed dumped their parties for PDP in its days of glory, so are they leaving PDP in droves today for APC. It is in the nature of politicians to go foraging in places where their bread will be buttered. Politicians do not like to be in the losing party and PDP, for now is not a winning party. It is in a serious crisis which may affect its chances in the 2027 polls for which some of its leading lights chaperoned by its presidential candidate in 2023, Atiku Abubakar, have been trying to form a coalition.

    Their coalition is an extension of their fight with Tinubu and if APC suffers collateral damage in the process, all well and good. The coalition arrowheads, Atiku and Nasir El-Rufai, are not the best of friends but when it comes to Tinubu, they are ready to close ranks and do anything to get him out of office. In their haste to achieve their goal and apparently blinded by political animosity, they, particularly Atiku, left their flanks open.

    The cracks in Atiku’s PDP are widening by the day. He ran as the party’s presidential candidate with then Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa as his running mate. Two years down the line, both men have gone their separate ways. Okowa’s defection along with his successor, Sheriff Oborevwori, and the entire PDP structure in Delta hit Atiku like a bolt out of the blue. He never saw it coming and he has yet to recover from the political Tsunami which hit PDP in that state.

    It was one defection like no other. If a state would flip, it was not expected to be Delta, a state hitherto considered as the party’s exclusive preserve. Until the April 23 defection, PDP was Delta and Delta was PDP. No other party than PDP had ruled the state since 1999. ‘How did it happen right under our nose’? This is the question sources say they have been asking themselves in the last few days. But, they may not have seen nothing yet, according to these sources. Asked what they meant, they replied: “more defections are in the offing”.

    Read Also:Sylva saved Bayelsa from one-party state – Yakiah

    Many members are said to be unhappy and asking questions of Atiku whose running mate led others to APC eight days ago. They want the former vice president to explain how Okowa defected without his knowledge. As usual, rather than frontally address the internal crisis which caused the defection, Atiku and his ilk are blaming Tinubu for PDP’s misfortune. They claim that the defection is part of the President’s grand plan to turn Nigeria into a one-party state. Really?

    Can PDP of all parties accuse anyone of working towards a one-party state, the same arrangement that it planned to foist on the country when it boasted that it would rule for 60 years and nothing will happen if Nigeria became a one-party state under its watch? Check: “PDP is set to rule for 60 years. I don’t care if Nigeria becomes a one-party state”. What other proof of a proponent of a one-party state do you need more than that?

    Politics is all about interests and how such interests are protected. As Okowa said when he, Oborevwori and others were ushered into APC on Monday, it was in the defectors’ interests to move into the ruling party in order to ‘connect to Abuja’. Come to think of it, what is bad in it if Tinubu worked underground or through people to make this big catch for APC? When PDP was ‘capturing all the capturables’, as K.O Mbadiwe would say, in its days in power did it not see it all as fair and foul in war?

    Their claim that the nation is descending into a one-party state is what it is – crying wolf where there is none. With over 18 registered political parties in the country, only the serious and the best can attract quality members who will drive their dreams, aspirations and programmes for the people. It is obvious that APC is now the domineering party just as PDP was some years ago. That PDP has lost out in the power game does not make  Tinubu and APC, that are now in the driver’s seat, monsters and harbingers of a one-party state.

    Even with all the 28 out of the 36 governors in the country that PDP had in 2008, Nigeria did not become a one-party state. How then can APC with a lesser number of governors now, 22, be accused of plotting a one-party state? The Delta defections have done as much damage to Atiku’s coalition plans just as the party’s governors’ rejection of same. His talk of a one-party state does not hold water.

  • Nipco: Laying the facts bare

    Nipco: Laying the facts bare

    There is a certain Latin word which lawyers like to use when they have a good case. When the facts are not in doubt and the defendant has nothing to dispute the plaintiff’s case, the lawyer will boldly tell the court: “My Lord, res ipsa loquitur, that is the thing speaks for itself”. What the lawyer is saying in effect is that from the processes before the court, the facts of the case are clear and unambiguous and that there is no need for further arguments. I do not have much to say today on my case with Nipco filling station at Arepo, in Ogun State, over the ‘N20000 dispense error’ that I wrote about last week.

    I do not have anything against the outlet. All I want is for it to go through its books and sort out this matter. I cannot pay N40000 for N20000 worth of petrol and pretend, like the station, that everything is alright. Is my claim true or false? Here are some of my facts as obtained from my bank:

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    Dear Mr. Lawal,

    Thank you for contacting Guaranty Trust Bank. We apologize for the inconveniences caused. Please be informed that your dispense error claim of N20,000 on the 15/01/25 was declined by the acquiring bank. Please note, transaction declined means that the Merchant got value for that transaction, hence their bank declined or refused to reverse or refund us. Kindly contact merchant for refund if you did not get value for the transaction. Find attached the receipt of the transaction. Thank you for choosing Guaranty Trust Bank.

    • Chinwendu Etolihu
  • Nigerians expect final PDP rites of passage

    Nigerians expect final PDP rites of passage

    Last week, the entire political structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in what has been tagged political tsunami dissolved into the All Progressives Congress (APC) because, in the words of Sheriff Oborevwori, the Delta State governor, “the drinking pattern needed to change as a result of changes in the taste of the palm wine”.

    To observers of Nigerian politics that have watched the descent of ‘PDP family feud over the sharing of our resources” into war of attrition, the development sounded the death knell of the PDP.

    To PDP enablers and self-proclaiming crusaders of democracy however, the development constitutes a threat to survival of democracy which is believed to thrive better within multi-party system. But from their chat with Chief Bode George, anchored by Reuben Abati of Arise TV and his crew and with Dele Momodu by Channel TV’s Seun Okinbaloye however, death of PDP spells doom for our democracy and should that happen, the president and his APC should be held responsible.

    The truth is that PDP is not a political party in spite of its media enablers’ efforts to cloak it in borrowed robes of political party. John Campbell, a former American ambassador to Nigeria had during proceedings at a hearing on the topic: Nigeria In Turmoil on March 19, 2010 described PDP as “an elite cartel at the centre of power in Nigeria… a political party that came together with no ideological or programmatic basis, but simply as essentially a club of elites for sharing of oil rents and political spoils”.

    That thesis has been validated several times over.

    The first act of betrayal of Nigeria by PDP National Assembly members who publicly expressed the eagerness to recoup their election expenses having sold houses to prosecute the election was the passage of Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) Bill within three months. With that, the number of fuel importers went from four major oil companies to over a hundred. The new outfit which merely duplicated the functions Ministry of Petroleum Resources became an instrument by which PDP stalwarts and their children defrauded the nation to the tune of about NI.7 trillion “without importing a pint of fuel” according to Audu Ogbe, the then PDP chairman.

    Then President Obasanjo and his PDP in the name of privatization between 1999-2014 sold off most of Nigerian public enterprises estimated at over $100b for a paltry $1.5b to their members or their fronts. It was on account of this the 7th Senate report of November 30, 2011 directed the National Council on Privatization to:

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     “Rescind the sale of Abuja International Hotels Limited (Nicon Luxury Hotel) as well as Sheraton Hotel and Towers;  that the sales of assets of Daily Times Nigeria PLC  by Folio Communications Limited and its directors  be investigated by anti-graft agencies and the sold assets recovered; that the Share Purchase Agreement of Volkswagen Nigeria Limited now (VON)  be rescinded and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate the economic crimes being perpetrated against the nation at VON Automobile Nigeria Limited premises in Lagos by Barbedos Ventures Limited; that NICON Insurance PLC  should immediately refund with interest, the sum of N900 million to the Federal Government being money paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution for recapitalization with accrued interest; that Nigeria Re-insurance PLC  should immediately refund the sum of N1 billion paid by BPE in February 2007 as contribution of the Federal Government for recapitalization with accrued interest and that  the former Directors-General, Nasir el-Rufai,  Julius Bala and  Irene Nkechi Chigbue should be reprimanded by the National Council on Privatization”.

    The privatization of the power sector was not different. After an injection of between $8.2-$15b of taxpayers’ money by the federal government, 15 companies made up of 10 Distribution Companies (DISCOs) and five Generation Companies (GENCOs)  paid $2.238b to take over 60% of unbundled PHCN in August 2013. President Jonathan on the occasion assured Nigerians that his administration will ensure that “Nigerians enjoy a minimum of 18 hours of electricity supply a day”.

    Speaking on this betrayal of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu, during   the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium had said, “The PDP administration shared our generation, distribution and transmission to their friends and cronies without very deep and thoughtful research and evaluation. It has now become pork chops. He therefore  suggested  that “for a more constructive reform to improve generation, transmission and distribution, this privatization must be reviewed by putting experts together at all costs”, without prejudice to the legal implications.

    PDP members that always regard themselves as family members are tarred with the same brush. Obasanjo who chased Diepreye Alamieyeseigha from Germany to London from where he escaped to Nigeria, dressed as a woman for defrauding his Bayelsa State; Obasanjo who ensured 17 of PDP and ANPP 24 governors between 1999 and 2007 were dragged by EFCC to court for financial malfeasance; Obasanjo who described National Assembly members  as “pen robbers”  for budget padding, arm-twisted governors and government contractors to collect N7 billion to build a personal presidential library while the national library he initiated in 2006 is still under construction 20 years after.

    His godson, President Goodluck Jonathan, taking after his footsteps also secured N7 billion from serving governors and government contractors to build a church and recreation centre in his native Otueke village. Atiku Abubakar, Obasanjo’s vice president was indicted for his role in the privatization programme forcing Obasanjo to declare: “If I support Atiku for anything, God will not forgive me. If I do not know, yes. But once I know, Atiku can never enjoy my support.”

    Dimeji Bankole, a former speaker of the House of Representatives was accused of immorally purchasing his official house while David Mark, the former senate president in “2011 purchased the official residence of the senate president, built on 1.6 hectares of land, a national monument that was not meant to be acquired by an individual and was never reflected in the federal government’s gazette as required”.

    Bukola Saraki, another PDP leading light, was the whistle blower in the PDP N1.6trillion fuel subsidy scandal. In anger, he joined other disgruntled PDP members to pull down PDP for alleging the company in which he had interest was involved in the fuel subsidy scandal. In APC, Saraki confessed to literarily stealing the senate presidency by ceding the control of the senate with 60 APC majorities to PDP with 49 senators. He also traded off the deputy senate president’s position which by convention belongs to the ruling party with a majority, to Ekwerenmadu of PDP.

    Prof Itse Sagay, a renowned constitutional lawyer had back then described Saraki’s victory as “a victory for impunity, a victory for fraud and a victory for political desperation and indiscipline. Similarly his victory was dismissed by Anwalu Yadudu, former Dean Faculty of Law, Bayero University as ‘lies in the face of democratic ideals, having stemmed from ‘a flawed election by a fraction of yet to be constituted senate”.

    Nearly all the leading lights of PDP allegedly partook in the sharing of $2.4 billion loan for military wares and welfares. While Dazuki’s account’s officer reportedly claimed his boss asked him to get $11M from the CBN, Dasuki’ was widely quoted as saying the president asked to change N10b dollars to be shared to delegates.

    Other PDP partakers according to EFCC include Iyorchia Ayu, Bode George, Attahiru Bafarawa, Raymond Dokpesi, Peter Odili, Jim Nwobodo and N950m shared in Shekarau’s house. Aziboala, GEJ’s cousin allegedly received N6 billion, Nenadi Usman N3.5 billion; Ayodele Fayose N3 billion and Musiliu Obanikoro, N4 billion. Tony Anenih – N400 million; Olisa Metuh took N400 million, Jolly Nyame- N2.4 billion and Joshua Dariye -N700 million etc.

    Prof Chukwuma Soludo told Nigerians that “Over N30 trillion is mismanaged, unaccounted for or missing under Jonathan” while Obi Ekwesili, Obasanjo’s education minister lamented that “Our reserve is depleted and our savings are squandered. Our nation is in trouble.”

    The greatest tragedy that can befall a nation, according to Wole Soyinka, the conscience of the nation, “is for her citizens to suffer collective amnesia”.  PDP and its media enablers believe Nigerians have short memories,

    They also think we are incapable of drawing a parallel between massive defrauding of the nation in the years of the locust and the ‘japa’ syndrome which has taken thousands of our jobless youths into second slavery in Europe and America.

    I am not sure Nigerians, earnestly awaiting PDP rites of passage will shed tears for PDP who, while in power, fought over sharing of our resources and properties kept in their care for our children and out of power, are today engaged in war of attrition over who, out of established fraudsters, should lead the next assault on Nigeria.

  • Starving in the presence of wide agricultural land

    Starving in the presence of wide agricultural land

    I have been listening to the broadcast of Dr Tunde Bakare, the nationally renowned and relevant man of God who like prophets of old spoke words to power pointing out to government what can be done to bring our country back to prosperity not just waiting to collect commissions on oil but to build an agriculturally sufficient country, adding value to what it produces on a vast industrial complex. His program can be described as the application of Biblical Joseph’s economic plan to the development of ancient Egypt to our situation in Nigeria. Good old agriculture is the way to economic development of Nigeria. Agriculture does not mean food production alone but the growing of tree crops.

    When I was very young during the colonial days, we did not import food before we ate. As far as I can remember, agriculture and agricultural development belonged in the realm of local government particularly the towns and villages. The same thing was true of education and other things which have now been appropriated by either the state or federal (central) government.  In the early 1950s when I was in primary school, every school had what we called “school farms”. I don’t know what people in Lagos had but I have a feeling they must have had school gardens because of the scarcity of arable land in the Lagos colony. But in my place in Ilawe Ekiti where I was born, we all had school farms. It did not matter how young or old one was, there was always a time devoted for farming. When it was time for harvest, it was a big celebration marked by drumming, dancing and eating. In my place, we only planted yams, corn, groundnuts, vegetables, peppers, onions, tomatoes and other edible vegetables. At harvest, there was public sale of our products and whatever was left was shared among teachers, students and the clergy since most of our schools were sectarian schools established by the various churches that were around in those days. When I entered Christ School, Ado Ekiti in 1956, we continued with the same tradition and added more things that we produced. Agriculture was then properly provided for in the school curriculum. Wednesday morning in alternate week was devoted to agriculture. Piggery and poultry were then introduced in addition to growing of root crops and vegetables. Most of the operations were done by students who belonged to agriculture society by choice. The whole thing was supervised by an “Agriculture Master” who had very light academic teaching.

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    At harvest time, the entire school feasted on the produce from the school farm during the day of harvest celebration and the agriculture society became popular because of the free pork shared with other students. The intention in students’ participation was to generate interest leading to many of them going to agricultural schools set up by all the regional governments of the country to train extension workers in agriculture to show our peasants the way forward in agricultural development in the country. Later, the Awolowo government of the 1950s established farm settlements to engage the overflow from free primary schools who could not find places in the very few secondary schools and “Modern” schools specifically established to absorb them. The Awolowo schools were copied by Michael Okpara and Ahmadu Bello, respectively premiers of Eastern and Northern Nigeria. The upshot of this was that agriculture, both peasant and modern, were made available in Nigeria. Unfortunately, we did not progress towards industrial agriculture of large commercial agriculture involving the use of modern tools on large estates.

    Throughout the years of Nigeria’s development, our largely peasant agriculture has never failed us. Perhaps that is where we went wrong. We should have developed vast agricultural estates either as state venture or private enterprises to produce food for home consumption and export particularly in the years of huge oil earnings in the 1970s. Now the urban population is swarming with young people who have refused to go to the farms but have been attracted by the bright lights of the cities and are only interested in white collar jobs or at worst in riding motorcycles to ferry people around in unproductive and unprofitable ventures sometimes extending to criminal tendencies. To augment their incomes, the urban proletariat and poor peasantry have taken to crimes of kidnapping and countrywide brigandage to fend for themselves and to satisfy their tastes and unrealistic desires based on their exposures to global television and cheap films. All this has led to shortages all round and we must do something about it.

    The greatest tragedy that a country can face is starvation. It is natural for people and even animals to do everything to feed themselves. Self-survival is the first law of nature. No matter how many soldiers or police we may have, man must first answer the law of nature. We have a reached the critical point where we have to find food for everyone. We once had “Operation Feed the Nation” during General Olusegun Obasanjo’s military administration and program of “Green Revolution” during the presidency of Shehu Shagari. We had great intentions then but they did not translate to reality. I remember everyone was called upon to grow something behind or in front of their homes to reduce the cost of food imports.

    The program of the “Green Revolution” put enormous resources and emphasis on large dams and large estates of rice, corn, and wheat. We have to revamp the programs and go back to them and this time, make them work. The growing population of Nigeria which we have refused to curb will not permit failure this time. We must do something about our galloping population and our open borders which allow people from Niger, Chad, Benin, Togo and other West Africans to flood our borders. If we don’t tackle our population problem, we will not solve our food problems.

    The solution to our population problem is both internal and external. We must all ask ourselves what we as individuals have contributed towards them. Ask how many children and grandchildren you as individuals have contributed to the rising population creating a future population bomb.  Gone are those days when having many children are signs of affluence and power. Today they are signs of poverty and problems.

    Now that we are beginning to seriously look at the structural configuration of the country, we should begin to realise that structures go beyond politics and the economy, pivotal as they appear. Structure should include production particularly who and where things are produced. We should look back to the future, so to say, in the ways we run our country. The closer we are to the grassroots in agriculture, the better and more profitable and productive we are likely to be. The same thought should inform security and policing. The more secure we are at the village level, the more we are likely to be at the national level. The more secure we are, the more food secure we would be as a nation. It is also generally hazarded that the more food secure a country is, the more politically stable and economically viable a country would be. If a country is stable and secure at home, the more it would be able to wield influence and power abroad. To be where we want to be internationally, we must first be able to feed and secure ourselves. A hungry man is an angry man and an angry man cannot think rationally. A mad man is entertaining but no one wants to be a parent to a mad child. This is the situation facing us where the subject of our conversation these days is the cost of tomatoes, peppers, onions, bread and rice. A serious country’s concern should go beyond food which has in most countries been assumed to be normally available whether locally produced or imported. Nigerians must not be allowed to starve.

    Corrigendum:

    My last article on Nigeria as a “A Republic of a thousand kingdoms “ omitted the  fact of the significance of the Ooni of Ife as the fountain of both the Oba of Benin and the Alaafin of Oyo before the two kingdoms developed into empires .I have written in the past about the interconnectedness of Ife , Benin and Oyo. I am gratified that my article in The Nation is read globally .The omission is regretted.

  • Adieu, Pope of Peace

    Adieu, Pope of Peace

    In A world ravaged by wars and agitations, Catholic Pontiff, Pope Francis who died on Easter Monday did his best to defuse tensions. He was a man of peace who sought peace in every part of the world. He did not only speak for peace, he worked and walked for it, as much as his frail health could carry him.

    When he celebrated Mass with the faithful worldwide on Easter Sunday, his only message, as usual, was peace in the world. Peace in our hearts and peace in our homes for the world to be livable for all. The Pope would have wanted to do more, but he went as far as his health would allow him. As he sat on his wheelchair by a window at his Vatican residence from where he greeted the world at Easter, it was plain that the Pope was in pain.

    But he put up a brave face to address global ills and what should be done to make the world a better place for all. Unknown to those gathered on the grounds of the Vatican and the millions watching on television and following him online worldwide, he was making his final farewells. It was to be the Pope’s last Easter celebrations as the Bishop of Rome and the foremost Catholic in the world.

    A Russian leader, Joseph Stalin at the height of the power and glory of the now crumbled USSR, was so carried away that he rhetorically wondered: “how many divisions does the Pope have?” The Pope’s power does not lie in military might, it is in his moral force, which is more powerful than the strength of all the combined armed forces of the world. Whenever the Pope speaks, whether in times of peace or conflict, the world listens.

    The Pope does not need an army to do that because the God that he works for does not fight with troops. Presidents, prime ministers and kings hold him in awe. The Pope might not wield the political and monarchical powers of temporal leaders, but his spiritual power places him on a higher pedestal than them. He commands much respect because of his moral and spiritual force.

    Thus, Pope Francis’ spiritual and moral authority gave him the voice to speak the way he did. The Pope was sought after, and not the other way round. No leader refuses to see the Vatican Head of State; never. Such is the the respect, honour and integrity that the Pope commands. Yes, Pope’s are humans, but they are of a different species of homo sapiens. They give their lives to serve the Lord and humanity, living in a cloistered home where they are constant in season and out of season, while their concerns remain what is going on around the world.

    Read Also: Wike hails Okowa, Delta Governor over defection to APC

    Pope Francis brought a common touch to his Papacy. He was at home with the poor, the lost, the forgotten and the migrant. He lived for the wretched of the earth and fought their cause with all he had. He knew he held a powerful office with a strong voice. Even though his weak health strained his own voice, the voice of his office rang out loud and clear wherever he went to. He walked among kings, but he never trampled upon serfs.

    He was the leader of Catholics worldwide which number is said to be 1.4 billion, but Christendom and the global community are the Pope’s constituency. The Pope never speaks for Catholics or even Christians alone, he speaks for the world. He was concerned with happenings in Israel, Lebanon, Poland, Azerbaijan as he was with developments in Iraq, Iran, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. In short, the Pope was everywhere because humanity is universal.

    Francis was an uncommon Pope who took office after his predecessor, Pope Benedict XVI resigned on health grounds. He chose the name Francis after the order of Francis of Assisi, the Catholic friar, who became a beggar and itinerant preacher in pursuit of his vow of poverty, chastity and obedience. Pope Francis lived such a life too. Though surrounded by opulence at the Vatican, he never shut his eyes to the suffering of the poor, the lost and the hungry around him and across the world.

    Indeed and in truth, the Pope fought a good fight; he finished his course; he kept the faith. He has gone to the House of his Father in heaven for the crown that awaits all those who finish well. Rest well, Pope, you made the world a better place with your messages of peace. It will not be out of place if you are considered posthumously for the Nobel Prize for Peace. After all, you referred to destitute as the “noble beings of the earth”. It will be noble for you to win the Nobel.

  • Haba Nipco, 40k for 20k petrol! (1)

    Haba Nipco, 40k for 20k petrol! (1)

    It has been over three months since the transaction. It was on January 15 that I went to Nipco filling station at Arepo, off the Lagos-Ibadan Express road to buy petrol. I paid with my ATM card, but the transaction was declined. Nevertheless, I was debited for the failed transaction. On the second attempt, the transaction went through. It was not the first time I was experiencing such at a filling station. I was sure I would get my money back once I went to complain formally at my bank since such disputes are usually resolved inter-bank.

    I took my case to my bank and GTB did all it could to help. It sent my complaint to UBA, Nipco’s bank. UBA said its customer got value for the transaction, meaning that Nipco was credited with my first N20000 for which I, the retail outlet’s customer, never got value for. I was debited for the transaction yet Nipco declined to serve me petrol until I paid another N20000.

    Read Also: Tinubu issues fresh security directives, says ‘enough is enough’ – Ribadu

    So, I paid N40000 for a N20000 transaction. Despite all efforts to get my money back, Nipco and its bank keep proving difficult. I have tried all peaceful means to resolve this matter to no avail. I have tendered everything I got from GTB to support my complaint but Nipco and UBA seem not interested in all the documents. What Nipco is particular about is the POS printout of the failed transaction which I have since misplaced. It is not interested in other supporting documents to my claim provided by GTB.

    It sounds illogical that a ‘dispense error dispute’, as they call it cannot be resolved just because of a missing printout of the failed transaction, despite all the available backups provided by GTB.

  • Genocide, not wordplay

    Genocide, not wordplay

    In Hitch 22: A Memoir, Christopher Hitchens recalls his conversation with a genocide survivor in Rwanda. She lamented to him that there was now nobody left on the face of the earth, either friend or relative, who knew who she was. No one who remembered her girlhood, early mischief and family lore; no sibling or companion who could tease her about that first romance; no lover or pal with whom to reminisce. All her birthdays, friendships, kinships, gone. She went on living, but with a tabula rasa as her diary and calendar.

    I remember this every time I read or hear of the sobbing earth in Benue and Plateau States; how entire communities are being erased in blood and memory; every time I hear how lives are being razed and buried under dust stirred by stampeding feet of fleeing mothers clutching their babies under a pitiless hail of bullets.

    In recent weeks alone, about 150 lives have been claimed in Plateau and Benue States in a series of coordinated massacres. The attacks bear the bloody signature of a familiar horror: armed bandits, herders, and foreign mercenaries.

    Amnesty says that between December 2023 and February 2024, 1,336 people were killed in Plateau State, and Benue continues to bleed as villages in Ukum, Logo, and Katsina-Ala mourn their dead, amid smouldering ashes of their homesteads.

    Yet, some dare to call this “conflict.” No. This is not a conflict. This is a genocide. And no veil of ambiguity can soften its cruelty. The Plateau and Benue massacres are well-orchestrated campaigns of human erasure, driven by greed, emboldened by impunity, and justified by a macabre theology of land, ethnicity, and dominion.

    Read Also: Tinubu issues fresh security directives, says ‘enough is enough’ – Ribadu

    There is no justification for taking human lives under any pretext. No faith, farm, or grievance warrants the annihilation of children in their sleep, or the decapitation of fathers shielding their families with their chests.

    Even more horrifying is the revelation that some of these atrocities are perpetrated by Nigerians acting in concert with foreign mercenaries. Intelligence reports and eyewitness testimonies reveal that captured terrorists often confess to collaborations that span borders and ideologies. But let us not allow the temptation of foreign scapegoating blind us to the truth: Nigerians are killing Nigerians.

    To ascribe these killings solely to foreign influence is to miss the deeper malaise at the root of the crisis. What drives this beastly bloodlust is a feral hunger for land, resources, and power. The fields of Benue and the hills of Plateau are not just beautiful, they are bountiful. Beneath their topsoil lie fertile treasures: water bodies, arable land, and minerals. Thus, the vultures who mastermind carnage in the states do so to conquer and dispossess.

    And here, we must tread carefully. It is dangerously reductionist to script this as a Fulani versus Christian battle. Such a narrative, while seductive to the angry and grieving, is fatally flawed. When Boko Haram terrorists massacred Zabarmari’s Muslim farmers in Borno, the same influencers chanting “religious genocide” in Plateau were mute. When bandits razed entire Muslim communities in Sokoto and Zamfara, there was no outrage or candlelight vigil, there were no threads linking it to an agenda to Islamize the north.

    What is unfolding in Benue and Plateau is not a religious war but a siege of interest, waged by profiteers who see land as conquest and human lives as collateral. Yes, viral posts abound with conspiracy theories and recycled fear. They say the Fulanis plan to march over the south and “dip the Quran in the Lagos Lagoon.” They warn of stealthy invasions and grand replacement agendas. And it hits differently, doesn’t it? When the genocide we rationalised abroad seethes at our doorstep?

    A childhood friend, a Christian and proud son of Bokkos, once defended Israel’s siege on Gaza. “It’s security,” he said, “self-defence.” Until his village was set ablaze and his cousin’s children were murdered and burned to ashes. “This is too much. Will no one arrest the culprits? There is no justice,” he cried. And I had no heart to say what I thought; that “Nobody savours the taste of the bitter herbs we season for others.”

    To applaud genocide anywhere is to plant its seed at home. This is not to draw false equivalence. It is to appeal to our common humanity. Whether the victim be Jew or Muslim, Tiv or Hausa, Igbo or Kanuri, blood is blood, and the earth does not discriminate. Genocide is not just about mass killing; it is mass forgetting, mass silence, mass complicity. It is the deliberate wiping of memory, the snuffing out of lineage, the razing of every song and story that binds a people to the world.

    Today, Benue and Plateau are bleeding into dust. In the same way, Borno, Adamawa, Yobe, Sokoto, Kaduna and Gaza bled and still bleed.

    The onslaught has decimated once-thriving agroeconomies, turning farming communities into famine zones and IDP camps. Granaries lie empty, irrigation channels clogged with ash and bones. Markets are ghost towns. The youth flee to cities, and the old pray to die easily. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must approach this as a national emergency. As he grapples with inflation and economic dislocation, he must crush this hydra of terrorism and banditry. The institution of a nationwide ranching policy must move from paper to pasture. The Land Use Act must be refined to protect communal lands from predatory acquisition masked as modernisation.

    The National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, must root out terror, whether it comes masked as herdsmen, insurgents, or communal warlords. Nigeria needs intelligence fusion centres, community policing frameworks, and rapid deployment squads trained in both combat and cultural nuance. And above all, we need justice: swift, spirited and blind.

    Yes, this administration made commendable moves, deploying special forces, reviving the Civilian Joint Task Force, and improving aerial surveillance in flashpoint areas. And for a time, there was hope. Attacks waned. Farmers returned to the fields. Children to schools. But that dawn has dimmed to a blood-soaked tide of terror.

    The federal, state, and local governments must stop operating as silos, and approach security as a choir, not a dissonance. Intelligence should be shared, responses must be swift. Issues of poverty, land disputes, and marginalisation must be addressed with greater sincerity and less artifice.

    And let us, the people, look inwards. We must resist the siren call of profiling. To label all Fulani as murderers is as absurd as calling all Tiv men violent. No ethnic group owns virtue or vice. There are killers and victims in every tongue. We must quit homogenising guilt and start amplifying the voices that root for peace.

    Religious groups must preach restraint. And the Nigerian press must quit magnifying hate. Let us tell the whole story, not just the parts that flatter our biases and wordplay. A genocide is not an abstraction. It is not history. It is not just Rwanda, Bosnia, or Gaza. It is here in Logo, Ukum, Bokkos, Katsina Ala. And if we do not rise to stop it, it will consume us all, first in flames, then in forgetting.

    Benue and Plateau are reminders that the arc of the moral universe does not, on its own, bend, but by the trembling hands of those who choose courage over comfort, truth over tribalism, and life over land tracts.

  • Rivers as ATM without password

    Rivers as ATM without password

    Spending unappropriated revenue is a serious offence in a democracy. But that may not be applicable to us here where equality before the law is not only a myth but where our governors who are above the law can feely fritter away N300m. As if that is not bad enough, there are just too many ignoble fortune-seekers within the noble profession of law who will rather trade in chaos than in stability.

    If you are in doubt, just take one look at the two-year old war against Fubara’s government. What you see are reckless elders fuelling the crisis by talking from both sides of the mouth; hungry and angry youths who expect crumbs following and hailing Fubara after every act of sabotage against his own government, television platforms that lionize clueless Fubara every morning while they smile to the banks in the afternoon with millions they haul in through news commercialization.

    We cannot easily forget, Ugochinyere, an interloper from Imo State who became Fubara interpreter of court judgments. 

    And of course we now know those ignoble men in the judiciary who after collecting Fubara’s N300m gift, failed the people of the Rivers by not availing their governor of the proper interpretation of court judgments or bold enough to remind him the buck stops at his table. However, to make up for their betrayal, they are today blindly fighting the perceived enemies of Fubara – the executive, legislature and even the Supreme Court, moving from one television house to the other.

    But it must be said that we have always had ignoble fortune-seekers in our judiciary.  The first republic threw up Ben Nwabueze, the author of Unitary Decree 34 of 1966 which led to a civil war and whose effect continues to haunt the country. He also featured in the aborted third republic with his interim government decree that effectively aborted the third republic, paving the way for Sani Abacha, an evil dictator to wage a five-year war against Nigeria.

    In the second republic, we had Chief Kehinde Sofola, an attorney general and one-time chairman of Body of Benchers who sadly admitted that “the primary duty of the judiciary is to protect the judiciary”.  In the fourth republic, we have had an Abubakar Malami, attorney general who sabotaged Buhari’s anti-corruption war by attempting to smuggle and indicted fellow into the civil service, chased out of office the chair of the EFCC he had falsely accused of fraud, and misled President Buhari on the war against Nigeria by immigrant herdsmen whose illegal infiltration of reserved forest in the southwest he encouraged.

    Read Also: FCT police deny report of officer smuggling AK-47, ammunition to Nasarawa

    Now let us examine how the NBA chairman is prosecuting his defence of Fubara’s N300m gift.

    Governor Fubara, unable to manage his own government, committed an error of judgment by opting to deal with Victor Oko-Jumbo-led three-man House of Assembly, despite Court of Appeal affirmation of a Federal High Court order that it was constitutionally wrong of him to deal with only three of the 32-man assembly. Fubara had insisted that 27 members of his House of Assembly do not exist.  In February, the Supreme Court put an end to such conceit by declaring that:  “What is clear is that the 27 lawmakers are still valid members of the Rivers State House of Assembly and cannot be prevented from participating in the proceedings of the House by the governor in cahoots with the four other members” and made it clear that “Sections 102 and 109 cannot be invoked in aid of this unconstitutional enterprise”.

    The Supreme Court was to add that “As it is, there is no government in Rivers State… political disagreements cannot justify these attacks and contempt for the rule of law by the governor of a state or any person. What he has done is to destroy the government for the fear of being impeached”.

    Afam Osigwe who slept all through two years of what the Supreme Court described as ‘Fubara’s despotic rule’ did not wake up from his slumber long after the fallout of the supreme court judgment with the aggrieved 27 House of Assembly members whose salaries had been seized for two years, demanding their pound of flesh by slamming the governor with impeachment notice.

    Exploiting the ethnic divide as the first Ijaw man to be elected governor of Rivers State, Fubara was ready for a showdown. He publicly told jobless and marginalised Rivers youths who follow him around streets of Port Harcourt to wait for instructions. Less than 24 hours later, oil pipeline whether by fifth columnists as argued by his supporters, or his supporters, started exploding.

    The president chaired a security meeting of his security chiefs. He promptly shared the intelligence at his disposal with the National Assembly and what followed was declaration of six months of state emergency and suspension of the warring governor and his state House of Assembly members jointly responsible for absence of government in the past two years in Rivers.

    Since Rivers State allocation was ordered to be withheld by the Supreme Court following Fubara’s breach of one of the most serious impeachable offences in a democracy- spending taxpayers money without appropriation, a sole administrator needed to be appointed to ensure payment of salaries to essential workers such as teachers, medical workers and civil servants.

    It was not until this time Osigwe woke up from his deep slumber. But that did not stop him from concluding that the situation in Rivers did not call for declaration of a state of emergency. Osigwe, who is not privy to the information at the disposal of the president and the National Assembly that have upheld the decision of the president insisted the president’s action was illegal. He also declared the president’s suspension of the governor and other elected members of the state assembly unconstitutional ignoring the fact that the constitution gives the president discretionary power to do whatever he deems fit to avert anarchy.

    As an officer in the temple of justice, he did not wait to allow the courts that can make a distinction between the letter of the law and the spirit of the law to decide if the president’s discretionary powers cover suspension of the main obstacle to peace and the democratic process, i.e, the fumbling Governor Fubara and his vengeance-seeking lawmakers.

    Afam decided to usurp the role of opposition leaders like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi who are at liberty to exploit every action of the president for political gain like opposition politicians; Afam started moving from one television station to the other selling what can at best be described as warped logic.

    But we now know, courtesy of the Rivers’ sole administrator, that Afam’s blind fury is all about Fubara’s N300m gift to NBA which the sole administrator insists must be returned. He anchored his argument on the fact that since the money does not belong to Fubara but to Rivers State programed to benefit from hosting the NBA’s conference, which Afam had unilaterally moved to Enugu as if Rivers has ceased to exist because of Fubara’s temporary absence, there was no basis to refund the money.

    As if taking  N300m that would have been enough to build an hospital or a cottage industry that could absorb some Rivers street boys was not enough assault on sensibility of Nigerians, the claim  by the chairman of the NBA 2025 Conference Planning Committee, Emeka Obegolu’s (SAN), that the money was “an unconditional gift to support the event” was insensitive.

    It is also not of any relief that while successive governors of Rivers including Fubara, Nyesom Wike, Rotimi Amaechi often try to outdo each other by bringing notable Nigerians to commission projects, the readily available jobs to the teeming youths of Rivers remain blowing up of oil pipelines when the elite want to blackmail the federal government or torching of government buildings, and visiting violence on each other when involved in intra-party feuds that have come to define every election in Rivers.

    It is reassuring that credible voices in NBA including that of Andrew Emwanta, president of the African Public Interest Lawyers Union are already warning Osigwe who after sleeping all through two years of Fubara’s ‘despotic rule’. He accused him of starting a condemnation of the emergency move “barely two hours after the broadcast”. For him, “The proper thing to do, “to save the image of our profession, is for that money to be refunded. It’s Rivers taxpayers’ money. If you are not doing business with them, return their money.”

     It is sad that NBA’s Afam Osigwe and some of his fellow travellers are not ashamed of joining PDP parasites whose elections Wike claimed he partly funded and their media enablers who regard Rivers as ATM without password.

  • A republic of a thousand kingdoms

    A republic of a thousand kingdoms

    The recent coronation of Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade as the Alaafin of Oyo in a tumultuous celebration attended by thousands of his subjects brought to mind the tremendous support for traditional institutions by our people and raised the interesting issue of the superficiality of the republic imposed on our traditional institutions by purveyors of modernity. The abolition of the powers of the maharajahs in the republican constitution of India while leaving them their stupendous wealth paved the way and trajectory other countries in the Commonwealth have followed. Example of Malaysia is interesting as the diversity of combining traditional institutions with the modern system of democratic governance. In Malaysia the various sultans of constituent states rotate the presidency of the country amongst themselves while of course the headship of the government remains in the hands of the elected government. In Nigeria, each state is allowed to harmonise the various ways in which traditional institutions are harmonised with the power of elected governments. Nigeria is a republic which recognises the usefulness of traditional governmental institutions.

    A republic is by definition a country of democratic governance that is, where the people vote periodically to elect their governments and where the governments are subject to the will of the people. The constitution of Nigeria enshrines this principle in its basic law. But at the same time allows the constituent states to have local governments allowing the existence of kings and kinglets chosen by the local people as allowed by their traditions which predated the existence of Nigeria to function the way the ordinary people want subject to rules set out in the local government laws of the state under the local executive. In other words, there exists a symbiotic relationship at the local level of democracy and autocracy limited by the constitution. An outsider looking in may not understand this apparent confusion but it works in Nigeria. The system, where it exists, works for the state government to maintain peace and to communicate with the local people at their own level.

    The problem however is that not all states have these kings and kinglets like we have in northern part of the country where the monarchs have sufficient power to impose themselves on the environment either on their own or as agents of the state  government. The emirs in the north have political and spiritual authority as local Amir al muminin (leader of the faithful) but not all the people living in the north particularly in the Middle Belt and several communities in the far north are Muslims to whom the rule of the emirs are foreign and so foreign that they were ready to resist them and are still ready to resist the imposition of the emirs and chiefs representing them. Governments have found it necessary to accommodate their requests either by separating them as much as possible from under the rulership of the emirs and giving them their own institutions of local chiefs or allowing the rule of elected local government authorities to supervene.

    Read Also: Rivers: Only police, EFCC, ICPC can probe Fubara, says Ahamba

    In the southern part of the country in Yorubaland and Edoland or places influenced by Edo culture, we have centralised local authority institutions as represented in the various Oba, Obi and people bearing derivatives of these titles. The most powerful of the kings in these areas are the Alaafin of Oyo, the Oba of Benin, the Awujale of Ijebu land and the Owa of Ijesha land and the various other Obas in Ekiti and Osun, Owo and Egba land. Here power is diffused and several Obas wield considerable authority over their people as allowed by the local government laws.

    The recent coronation of the Alaafin Akeem Owoade Abimbola of Oyo in which millions of people participated is a mark of the significance and importance of the title of the Alaafin in Yoruba land. Before the British came and as far back as the 16th century, the Alaafin and the Oba of Benin ruled over vast territories and in the case of the Alaafin, his empire stretched over territories covering the southwest of Nigeria, Benin Republic and Togo Republic with influence in the southern part of Ghana while the Oba of Benin’s political influence covered the north-eastern and south-eastern part of Yoruba land stretching to Lagos and the western extremity of Igbo speaking people. In these areas, it was possible to anchor local government institutions on the traditional institutions. But in the southeast in Igbo speaking areas generally, the absence of traditional chiefly institutional foundations made it tricky for local governments to prevail thus allowing direct local governments to be the option. Where there were no local chiefs, government created them and gave them warrants to rule over their own people resulting in many cases to abuse of power and consequent revolts during the colonial regime and  which lead to their abolition.

    The interesting thing nowadays is the growth of instant chiefs with big money trading in the day time but parading themselves as chiefs in the evening but lacking traditional structures and resorting to force. In the riverine areas of the Southeast and the Niger Delta, we have city statelets and traditional chiefs who ridiculously parade themselves as “kings”. They enjoy very little local government usage except to parade themselves in Shakespearean attires at state functions!

    Where traditional institutions exist such as in the North and southwestern part of Nigeria, they play significant roles and they are adequately remunerated by force of the Nigerian constitution and where they do not exist, local government functioning is more done directly by elected or appointed functionaries of state governments.

    Finally I write as the Baapitan of Oyo to prevail on the government of Oyo State to build a befitting palace for the Alaafin either on the existing grounds or somewhere else in Oyo because the existing old palace doesn’t reflect the status of the political primacy of the Alaafin. Towards this project, a funds mobilisation can be launched, into which individuals and governments, particularly the federal government can be called upon to donate as previous federal governments have done in the case of northern emirs.  Even though there are still court cases against the process leading to the choice of the incumbent Alaafin and whatever the case may be, the post of the Alaafin institution remains sacrosanct.