Category: Thursday

  • Lagos is my success story and I am a journalist (2)

    It is not ‘just a billboard’ if it suggests subliminal bias to impressionable minors. It is not ‘a harmless campaign’ if it corrupts the thinking of the youth. Thus every element of the ‘Lagos is my success story’ media campaign manifests as a ritual of provocation; a rite of mediocrity, scorched by prejudice and shackled to ignorance.

    The grandeur of the campaign subsists in its classification of role models; Lagos names its finest and celebrates them. But role models, like mentors, should be exemplars of excellence, ethics and unimpeachable character.

    Thus of hip hop crooner, Olamide Adedeji a.k.a Baado and Sunday Punch Editor, Toyosi Ogunseye, who would Governor Ambode request to mentor his teenage child? Of Fuji maestro, Wasiu Alabi a.k.a Pasuma Wonder and Prof. Sophie Oluwole, the UNILAG academic working with various African countries to have indigenous African knowledge systems included in schools’ curriculum, who would Ambode suggest as mentor to his daughter?

    Of hip hop singer, Banky W and Ajanaku Babatunde, a staff of Ojota Senior Secondary School, who won the Best Teacher Award in the Lagos Secondary Schools Category recently, who would Ambode suggest as mentor to his son?

    As Lagos celebrates its 50th anniversary, it excludes teachers and journalists from its narrative out of spite – latent spite perhaps. The spiteful dialectic of the incumbent State government is sweepingly comprehensive and accurately projects the fallacies and notions of the ruling class about the worth and contributions of educators and journalists to the statehood.

    Beneath this curious malice, an uglier message resonates: “Journalists and teachers are worthless in Lagos.” Thus Governor Akinwumi Ambode and his team once again, amplify his predecessor’s barbed love and veiled loathing for teachers and journalists.

    True, Lagos announces the best teacher in the State and awards a prize to the recipient often in a drab ceremony. But the latter’s exploits are deliberately underplayed and hidden in plain sight.

    While Lagos celebrates marketers of filth, sex scandals, violence and corruption – alongside very few remarkable citizens – as the State’s pride, at its 50th anniversary, the State deliberately ignores the achievements of the moral, devoted, sterling men and women by whose exploits and contributions the likes of Governor Ambode and his team became the ‘titans’ they claim to be today.

    Teachers moulded Ambode and his team into the men and women they have become today. And I am sure the incumbent government remembers how it used journalists to achieve its dream of emerging as Lagos’ new ruling class – a sad reality this writer continually objects to.

    Yet Lagos violently silences the excellent achievements of exceptional teachers in the State, the same way it stifles the attainments and value of journalists to Lagos. This is the juncture at which the governor’s lackeys would scoff and exhume ‘revelations’ and ‘realities’ of the media’s dirty secrets. Thus it won’t be surprising to hear them prattle about the level of corruption and incompetence of journalists and the Nigerian media. It’s sadder to note that their argument could be true, in most part.

    This doesn’t mean that all journalists are corrupt. Not every journalist can be tarred with the brush of incompetence and corruption. Perhaps the Lagos government has suffered unsavourable experiences by journalists thus its undisguised disdain for them.

    But shall we as journalists cum citizenry of the State also condemn the Lagos government as a coven of brutes and looters of public fund simply because of tragic experiences with previous governments?

    Would it be appropriate to label Governor Ambode as irredeemably corrupt, incompetent and vicious, simply because most incumbent and past public officers have been established so? Would it be logical to infer that his ongoing development drive is a ruse, a coordinated scheme to con the electorate and earn their mandate for a second term simply because most governors are known to do that? Would it be alright to tar the ‘indefatigable governor’ with the brush of the pseudo progressive and performer simply because his predecessor and peers have established themselves so? If it would be wrong to imagine such of Governor Ambode, it is likewise unforgivable to consider all journalists corrupt and ‘lap dogs’ of the ruling class, simply because of a few or many ‘bad eggs.’

    I do not care what manner of relationship the State nurtures and sustains with its ‘friendly journalists’ and ‘media managers’ in the State; I speak for the youth. I speak for the diligent men and women pulling all stops to foster development by engaging the citizenry and ruling class via progressive, honest, public service journalism.

    It is unclear what manner of due process birthed the ‘Lagos is my success story’ media contract/jamboree but the manner of execution of the campaign, from the trashy bill boards used to its horrid subliminal messages, establish the mediocrity, shallowness and prejudice of the team in charge.

    Lagos emphatically markets hip hop artistes to the youth as role models, irrespective of their true nature. Olamide for instance, is a very talented and brilliant artiste – no doubt – but he continually preens about people wanting to kill him in almost every music track. He celebrates promiscuity, consequence-free violence and sex in lewd lyrics and expressive beats. And you could really dance to it.

    Toyosi on the other hand, is an investigative journalist whose work has enriched the human condition in Lagos teaching hospitals, industrial complexes, socioeconomic and security sectors. It is only in Lagos government’s middling and misshapen universe that a character like Olamide would command greater recognition and respect than Sunday Punch Editor, Toyosi Ogunseye, and The Cable’s former Editor, Fisayo Soyombo, among others.

    Sunday Punch’s Toyosi has won the CNN/Multichoice African Journalist of the Year Award, back to back, among several local and international media excellence awards. Her stories, like celebrated investigative journalists, Emmanuel Maya’s and Fisayo Soyombo’s depict and shed light on the corruption of the human condition and likely solutions to societal maladies.

    These are men and women of uncommon valour and devotion to the pursuit of public good and they are celebrated world over for their exploits.  Lest we forget the very few but rare breed of honourable senior editors, journalists and multiple merit award-winners at Nigeria’s major newspapers.

    These journalists and their ilk expose the shamelessness, incompetence and greed of public officers and so-called ‘corporate titans.’ They are serial award winners for public service journalism that any nation would be proud of. But the Lagos government scorns their achievements.

    Perhaps if Toyosi, Soyombo and colleagues were children of a governor, corporate titan or friend of the incumbent government, they would be celebrated as great role models and ambassadors of Lagos.

    Welcome to Lagos, the State that gleefully hosted Kim Kardashian in celebration of perverse celebrity in curious circumstances. This is Lagos, where foreign footballers, artistes and politicians with expiry dates are canonised while the timeless contributions, citizenship and excellence of journalists and teachers are ignored, simply because they have got no ‘swagger.’

    Yeah, Lagos values ‘swagger’ over merit. It celebrates brilliance only when it is garnished with the base and corrupt, atrocious ego and strut.

    However, some of  the persons celebrated in  the ‘Lagos at 50’ media campaign are indeed deserving of recognition. They are men and women of merit and remarkable citizenship. You  could identify them as your politics and personal ethics dictate.

    Ambode’s ‘Lagos is my success story’ for all its glamour and ingenuity, symbolises the cultural shift of Lagos from disciplined enterprise, humaneness and morality to unbridled hedonism. It markets celebrity to the youth as the zenith of ambition and human endeavour. It is the stuff dreams are maimed by.

     

  • Past in the present and present in the future

    It is for convenience that we human beings discuss our affairs in water tight compartments as if we can really separate the present from the past and the future from the present. As a human being, I am part of the past because I am a product and elongation of my parents and I see my future in my grandchildren. Just like human beings, the life of a state is a continuum in the sense that the present builds on the past and the future begins in the present. This is one of the reasons why history is an important discipline in all civilizations. When a country suffers a disconnect with its past, there is disorientation, chaos, planning without data cultural void and, reinventing the wheel , lack of confidence and focus, all of which manifest in underdevelopment. Development is not just building roads and other physical infrastructure, development is about people too. Various governments at various levels believe that tearing down edifices and building new ones is development but sadly this far from it. Conservation and change should be the philosophical principle of development. It is the lack of this fundamental underpinning of development that leads to the decay of existing facilities while we quixotically embark on building new ones. Cynics have always said that our people prefer new contracts which corruptly lead to pecuniary rewards and for self-aggrandizement than maintaining existing infrastructure.

    I took some final year students of the College of Humanities of Redeemer’s University Ede to Ibadan on a lecture tour of historical landmarks in Ibadan recently and I am sorry to say that it was not a pleasant experience. Saint Anne’s School, the oldest girls’ school in Nigeria, more than a century old is just struggling. Thanks to the old students, the school maintains a facade of life but when you go in, one notices that God has departed from the house of Israel. The school that prides itself for producing first female vice chancellor, ministers including Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, innumerable professors and wives of past leaders including the wife of current Oyo governor can do with modernization of existing facilities and redevelopment of the boarding houses within a secure environment. It is boarding schools of the past that moulded the character of those great girls who went to the school. Can Oyo First Lady, being an old girl of Saint Anne’s adopt the redevelopment of this school as her pet project? The school no longer runs boarding houses because of insecurity. A country that cannot secure its female children in schools is not really a country but an agglomeration of villages and towns and a mere geographical expression lacking soul and purpose. Ibadan is not on the coast open to invasion by Egbesu boys humiliatingly terrorizing Lagos while government security forces are shamefully publishing a list of places to avoid as if government is merely in authority but not in power.  If I was disappointed with Saint Anne’s, I cried when I saw Ibadan Grammar School, a school which used to be the pride of Ibadan. The place looks deserted with boarding facilities abandoned and teaching facilities unavailable. This was a school where I spent two happy years in the boarding house during my higher school years. What can I show my grandchildren in this ramshackle school? From Ibadan Grammar School, my students and I went to Government College Ibadan (GCI). Come and see how the mighty school has fallen flat on its face. I did not attend the school but went to Christ School Ado-Ekiti for which I am very proud and grateful to God because the school made me as it made others. But anybody in my generation who claims he did not want to go to Government College is lying. The reason why most people wanted to go there was because most, if not all their teachers, were graduates and most of them were from the United Kingdom. The school ran on English public school principles with emphasis on sports, academics, tradition and nurturing. Edward Abiodun Osuntokun, one of my brothers went there and we all used to admire him especially his mastery of the games of soccer and cricket as well as his embrace of English culture generally. We later found out that some of the chief examiners at the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate Examinations which we all sat for all over Nigeria were teachers in this school thus giving their students inside tract in the race of public examinations. But on reaching Government College at Apata Ganga , the school which our own Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka celebrated in his book the PENKELEMES years, I was shocked about the total decay and despair facing us. The children were filthily attired and scruffy. One of my students described them as riffraff. When I told my students those who had attended the school in the past such as Wole Soyinka, Oba Akenzua and Oba Erediuwa of Benin among notable Nigerians such as Dr Omololu Olunloyo, Professor Ladipo Akinkugbe, late Professor Olumuyiwa Awe among many others, my students could not believe it.  Government College students on a Monday morning were roaming around scantily dressed with their dirty shirts hanging limp on their  dirty bodies and dusty feet that left one without doubt that the kids may not have had their baths for weeks. Obviously the school does not run boarding facilities any more for fear of the children being kidnapped. We were so disappointed that we did not wait to find out what was the reason for the total collapse of a once famous school. The collapse began with the Unity Party of Nigeria ‘s free education at all levels when all schools were suddenly turned into day school thus sacrificing quality in order to carry out party ideology. From that time onwards, private schools replaced and filled the demand for good schools by parents who can afford them while the good old schools were taken over by the poor and the governments abandoned them and left them to their own fate. Thus the educational history and tradition of years were lost.

    It was not only in Yorubaland that witnessed this decline and disconnect with the glorious years of secondary education. I shudder to see colleges like Barewa, Government College Ughelli and Government College, Umuaihia. I remember Professor Jibril Aminu, a visionary, if there was one, asking as federal minister of education to be allowed to redevelop these historic colleges and preserve them for the future but advocates of state rights stood against him and the result is what we have today. What makes English public schools such as Harrow, Eton, and Winchester famous is the age and tradition behind them. Oxford University is not known for its modern buildings but for its antique bungalow hostels and the scholarship behind them. This is the point we are missing in Nigeria by allowing our famous schools to wither away.

    Instead of Oyo State building another so-called technical university, why can’t it simply take over Ladoke Akintola University and fund it properly while Osun State devotes its attention to its own underfunded university. Money will thus be freed to redevelop and rehabilitate the run down public schools for the sake of continuity and change. If Oyo state needs a paradigm in secondary educational facility as far as physical buildings are concerned, the governor should visit Osun State and behold the legacy schools Aregbesola is leaving for posterity .

    What is happening in Oyo is definitely happening at the centre where federal properties like the colonial secretariat and the abandoned federal secretariat at Ikoyi are rotting away and being turned into homes of vagrants and criminals. These properties could easily have been handed over to the University of Lagos and or Yaba Polytechnic to be used as either hostels or business school campus or given outright to Lagos State to use for whatever purpose it deems fit. Or the federal government properties in Lagos including the abandoned and rotten National Stadium standing as a symbol of waste and lack of planning and petty jealousy by those who feel Lagos does not need to benefit if other states cannot benefit? Has it occurred to such people that Lagos is critical to Nigeria’s overall economy and development? What really concerns me is that in the race of develop there should be no place in discarding the past while concentrating on the present which future governments may abandon unless we collectively begin to plan  on the principle on letting the past inform the present while the present points to the direction we need to take to the future. What better way to do this than by embracing the principle of continuity and change by not demolishing physical symbols of the past but maintaining them and changing them only where necessary.

  • GEJ’s chronicle of untruths

    An attempt to twist facts and colour reality by ex-President Jonathan in Segun Adeniyi’s book –  “Against the Run of Play’ has attracted a lot of fury from aggrieved Nigerians who grief over his attempt to hide under our military-incubated ‘new breed’s political culture –‘big men are above the law’, to assault the sensibilities of victims of his five years of corruption-ridden administration. Some have dismissed Jonathan’s chronicle of untruths as ‘an attempt at writing a revisionist history’ while The Punch has in an editorial dismissed it as “a potpourri of falsehoods, hypocrisy, and, lame excuses”

    The consolation however is that most Nigerians know who Jonathan Goodluck is and what he represents. The exceptions perhaps will be the likes of Chief Obasanjo who, with his control of awesome state apparatus of power was better placed to know the limitations of his godson but chose to impose him on Nigeria just as he did unprepared Shehu Shagari and ailing Umaru Yar’Adua probably out of deceit or mischief only to lament about a President Jonathan “overwhelmed by the weight of his office”. Jonathan, once described by the London Economist as the ‘most corrupt, most clueless government in Nigeria’s history” is a man who would stand by while others fight his battle, takes responsibility for nothing including his own follies  and always ready to play the victim. Thus it took his defeat by Buhari for him to realize he was caged all through his presidency by PDP, or that his defeat was engineered by Mu’azu, his party chairman, the Inspector General of Police (IG), Professor Attahiru Jega – the INEC chairman, who he claimed got additional help from western leaders such as David Cameron, former British Prime Minster, Francois Hollande of France and the former US President Barack Obama.

    Jonathan knew he lost the election before the first ballot was cast. The truth of the matter was that in the absence of those who had helped him fight his past battles, Jonathan, for once in his life, was forced to fight for himself. He started by first undermining the constitution of his party on zoning of which he had been a major beneficiary. He then shortly after publicly humiliating Obasanjo, his godfather, traded him for Chief Edwin Clark, his fellow Ijaw. He next deployed the leadership of the Ijaw militant groups he had empowered through award of multi-billion dollar contracts to unleash ‘verbal terrorism’ on the leadership of the Hausa Fulani as if the strategy was to win the presidency with only South-south and South- east votes. The Yoruba nation, he had marginalized for close to five years, waiting until the eve of the election to start moving from one Oba’s palace to the other with tons of dollars while ignoring the advice of Awujale of Ijebu Ode that Obas in Yoruba land cannot go against the wishes of their subjects. In Lagos, he introduced ethnicity, appealing to non-Yoruba resident in the state to vote for him and his party.

    Then Jonathan, who can at best be described as a campaign manager’s nightmare, went on to appoint those who had just secured bail from detention following a House probe that indicted them for defrauding the country to the tune of about N1.6trillion through the fuel subsidy scam.

    Of course Nigerians also understand why Jonathan cannot see any redeeming grace in Buhari’s current commitment to fighting corruption. Not too long ago, he had told Nigerians that ‘stealing government money is not corruption’. And with the help of ‘ogbologbo’ lawyer’ (apology to Obasanjo), he unconstitutionally and effortlessly removed Lamido Sanusi, the then CBN governor for alerting Nigerians of missing $20b from NNPC account.  Jonathan is also on record as having shielded ministers of aviation and petroleum, indicted at different times by House probe for financial malfeasance. Jonathan did not see anything wrong in authorizing import duty waivers that resulted in the loss of about N630b in government revenues to a few party faithful.

    Ex-President Jonathan and his family are not insulated. There was the report of an international judicial probe that claimed Nigerian government was defrauded to the tune of $1.1bn through the Malabu oil field scam. Jonathan was personally fingered by the report along with Adoke, his former Attorney General, Dan Etete, a former Minister of Petroleum, Shell, Agip, and others.  In recent time, four companies were convicted for laundering Patience Jonathan’s $15.5m. The Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders’(CACOL) is also demanding that  Patience Jonathan, a civil servant  must disclose the source of  the N10b she expended on her hotel- Aridolf Resort Wellness and Spa, Yenagoa, inaugurated in April 2015.  Rather than address any of the above issues, Jonathan has chosen to accuse Buhari’s government of harassment of his family members.

    And finally, our hypocritical leaders who are now shedding crocodile tears, as well as many of our compatriots who often behave as if they are suffering from collective amnesia knew back in 2011, that PDP was a tragedy. The party had nothing to show for its 10 years of pillaging the country’s resources. It was on record that about 17 of the close to two dozen governors elected on the platform of PDP were in various courts defending their integrity.  Some serving PDP governors had been impeached for tampering with the finances of their states. And in case we have all forgotten, Nuhu Ribadu, the then EFCC chair, only recently during a reception organized to mark Obasanjo’s 80th birthday confirmed that 99% of those arrested for corruption between 20003 and 2007 were PDP members.

    PDP in 2011 therefore had nothing to sell to Nigerians. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, the shoeless PDP candidate the party presented was carrying his own baggage. The same Segun Adeniyi’s book has called our attention to a report by the US Ambassador in Nigeria that questioned Jonathan’s competence, made reference to his alleged sponsorship of militant groups as governor of Bayelsa and touched on the alleged seizure of huge sums of money in dollars from his wife by EFCC at the airport.

    Then our inimitable Sonala Olumhense in his syndicated article in many Nigerian newspapers warned that if we voted Jonathan, he would sell what is left of Nigeria to PDP. And that was exactly what Jonathan did. The only thing Olumhense did not envisage was the involvement of Jonathan’s wife and some of his family members in the buying up of what were left of our country.

    But one thing going for Jonathan is that he is a true son of his adopted fathers, Babangida and Obasanjo both of whom he regarded as role models. The two fathers and Jonathan, their only son share some parallels. The fathers took our country through a privatization programme that ended with the sharing of our national assets among some privileged elite. Jonathan, their beloved son also mismanaged the power sector.

  • Moment of truth

    On his return from London on March 10, about 54 days after he went there on vacation, President Muhammadu Buhari spoke extensively on his health, which many of his aides had shied away from. The president left home on January 19 for a 10-day vacation. As days turned to weeks, Nigerians started asking questions on why their president had not returned as scheduled.

    When some people began to suggest that he was critically ill, the Presidency responded that it was not so. All, it said, was well with the president, ‘’who is just resting based on his doctor’s advice’’. The issue of the health of the president of any country should not be something to hide from his compatriots. The president as Nobel laureate Prof Wole Soyinka said last weekend is public property.

    It was a bewildered nation that heard the president speak the way he did on March 10 because many did not know he was that seriously ill. Frank, candid and forthright as ever, the president told some governors and ministers, at a reception held for him at the Villa : ‘’I could not recall being this sick since I was a young man, including the military, with its ups and downs. I have received I think the best of treatment I could receive. Blood transfusion, going to the laboratories, and so on and so forth. But, I am very pleased that we, when I say we, I mean the government and the people all over…I could not recall when last I had transfusion; I could not recall,  honestly I can say in my 70 years’’.

    He thanked Nigerians for their prayers, adding that he is billed to return “within some weeks” for further follow up. Some 48 hours after his return, he went back to work, but things have not been the same since then. We hardly see our president in public these days except on Fridays. But, last Friday, we did not see him at his usual haunt, the mosque at the Villa, where he joins the faithful to observe Jumat. The reason for this is obvious. Before last Friday, his major critics, particularly Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose, had taken swipes at him for not coming to the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meetings, but always going for Jumat service.

    There is nothing bad in a public officer, especially the president going for prayers, but it sends a wrong signal if it does not complement his job. The question the public is asking is should the president be absent at FEC meetings and be present at Jumat services? Nobody is saying that the president should not go and pray, but can we reconcile that with his absence at the meetings of the nation’s highest ruling organ? The president is the state; so whatever happens to him or whatever he does reflects on the state. There is no way the FEC would have done any meaningful thing during the period it met without its presiding officer. Though the All Progressives Congress (APC) governors now want us to believe that it is not compulsory for him to chair FEC meetings.

    Will the governors, in all honesty,  concede the chairmanship of their state executive councils’ meetings to their deputies when they are around, but recuperating? We should stop playing politics with this issue because of its grave implications for us as a nation. This is why I find former interim National Chairman of APC Chief Bisi Akande’s intervention as a good development. In a statement issued on Monday, he discussed the president’s health vis-a-vis developments in the polity. ‘’There are two challenges facing the country today. The first is the health of the president, which unfortunately, is a development beyond his control and for which we did not prepare. The second is the disorder and lack of cohesion between the National Assembly and the Presidency. These are two great red flag dangers that have the potential of plunging the country into unprecedented chaos and of destabilising the gains of democracy since 1999.

    “The greatest danger, however, is for political interests at the corridor of power attempting to feast on the health of Mr President in a dangerous manner that may aggravate the problems between the executive and the National Assembly without realising it. In the end, it could drag the country into avoidable doom. As delicately fragile as the union of nations making up Nigeria, so delicately fragile is the democracy and the rule of law governing the polity of the union called Nigerian federation…To avoid the ugly consequences of letting President Buhari’s ailment throw Nigeria into confusion, I am urging all Nigerians to begin to pray for his divine healing and perfect recovery.”

    Indeed, can we say there is improvement in the president’s health since his return from London 54 days ago? This may be why he has not been attending FEC meetings. The job of a president is quite demanding; it is full of rigour and it is not an office to be held by the feeble in health. The president must be sound in mind and body. If he is not, according to the 1999 Constitution, he is expected to yield place to the vice president and go take care of himself  after writing the National Assembly. From what we have seen so far, is the president still fit to hold office? Only the president and his doctors can tell. But for now, it will be better for him to return to London to keep his appointment with his doctors. He told us that he was expected back ‘’within some weeks’’. It is close to eight weeks now since his return home. How much longer does he have to wait before going to keep the appointment?

    It is high time he kept that appointment for the sake of himself, his family and the country, which he loves with his whole being. We pray that what we experienced not too long ago will not repeat itself so soon.

  • Lagos is my success story and I am a journalist (1)

    Lagos despises journalists and teachers, it would seem. The Lagos government has no regard for the educator and pressman. In the estimation of the incumbent government for instance, journalists and teachers belong to the invisible divide, the negligible integers loitering at the foot of the totem pole, in the State’s warped categorisation of ‘eminent’ citizenry.

    This among other reasons, explains the incumbent government’s brazen disregard for teachers and journalists, in its showy ‘Lagos is my success story,’ media blitz.

    Of course, the media team in charge of the project will rant and rave. They will claim that it is impossible to represent every interest in the ongoing media campaign launched by the State in commemoration of Lagos’ 50th anniversary. They will dismiss this as yet another outburst from a journalist with ‘hidden agenda’ against Mr. Ambode. That’s understandable, they need to justify the salaries they earn – whether they deserve it or not.

    However, this writer has no agenda against Ambode. In fact, the incumbent governor attracts applause as he unfurls as a humane and decisive administrator – if only he would sustain the pace at which he seeks to improve infrastructure, security and the economic growth of the state.

    Beneath trifling considerations about the media campaign for the State’s 50th anniversary, ugly truths resonate in shrill notes. Funke Akindele, actress; Fuji artiste, Wasiu Alabi (Pasuma Wonder), hip hop artistes, Bankole Wellington (Banky W) Tuface Idibia and Olamide are celebrated as worthy role models and ambassadors of Lagos State.

    That these characters are celebrated alongside elderly folk of various callings, indicate that the State government nurtures a robust fascination with the youth and a hankering to connect positively with the youth divide. This is impressive even in the face of the underlying ugliness that informed the State government’s choice of subjects for the campaign.

    Akindele, Alabi Pasuma, Banky W, Tuface Idibia and Olamide are artistes and celebrities; like Folorunsho Alakija, Michael Otedola and other elderly subjects used for the campaign, they are widely adjudged to be rich, famous, poster icons for several youths.

    Governor Ambode and his team perpetuate the emphatic message to impressionable youth: “Only celebrity artistes, billionaire businessmen and politicians are recognised as role models by Lagos State. They are the only ones worth celebrating by Lagos.”

    Lest we forget the random pictures of the artisan and market woman used without emphasis in the campaign; the latter will undoubtedly be referenced by apologists of the shoddy and quite shady campaign.

    The use of the random artisan and trader alongside Lagos government’s preferred ambassadors is instructive. The artisan and market woman represent the highly populated divide of have-nots and residents of Lagos suburbs and backwaters. They are of the segment that the State government and politicians perpetually exploit to get votes and win elections via an insidious culture of tokenism and sound bite politics.

    The artistes including Olamide, Banky W, Funke Akindele and Tuface Idibia are of the disposable ‘muscle’ divide; they represent the agents often deployed by the State government and political class to achieve influence with the electorate. The Lagos government, like governments world over, persistently make use of celebrity artistes to influence the electorate and sway votes to advantage. They understand that these artistes enjoy large following among the citizenry hence they persistently tap into and cash in on the power of their celebrity.

    Whether the subjects used in the campaign are worthy role models and true ambassadors of the soul and essence of Lagos is yet another subject fit for future discourse. This brings us to Governor Ambode and his team’s exclusion of journalists and teachers from the campaign. I choose to highlight the State’s exclusion of educators and pressmen from the campaign given the crucial roles they play in the development of the State.

    Journalists and teachers represent the State’s middle class. Their contributions to nationhood are immense: teachers are nurturer of society and journalists are its conscience and custodians of morality. But like policemen and soldiers, among others, they are persistently undervalued and vilified. This explains why retired teachers are never treated well by the State.

    Even in Lagos, retiree teachers are denied their gratuity and many of them still die wretchedly, of hunger and lack. At their death, their family members are made to jump through hoops in order to receive the retirement benefits the deceased were denied in their lifetime.

    We have great teachers; I categorically refer to primary and secondary school teachers in Lagos yet none of them was deemed worthy of celebration as Lagos clocks 50. I hope Ambode’s aides won’t start making noise about how they celebrate the best teachers across the state’s district. This piece condemns the incumbent government’s neglect of the teachers as it celebrates Lagos’ most prized ambassadors, as the State clocks 50.

    That journalists are also neglected however, comes as no surprise. This is the juncture Ambode’s men would scream: ‘Soni Irabor is a journalist. He was included!’ Good for Mr. Irabor. It’s worth celebrating that he was included. But we also have journalists that have won over 10 to 25 local and international awards for media excellence, for stories written about developmental issues affecting Lagos and various parts of the country and even Africa.

    They include Emmanuel Maya, Toyosi Ogunseye, Adekunle Yusuf, Ajibola Hamza, Muyiwa Lucas, Fisayo Soyombo, to mention a few. These journalists are in their youth, like the artistes featured by Ambode’s team but they are deliberately ignored. They are not worth celebrating, according to Governor Ambode and his team.

    Nonetheless, the story of Lagos will never be complete without acknowledging the contributions of past and present journalists and teachers. These esteemed segments of the citizenry are however, overlooked and their relevance severely underplayed by the incumbent government, like its predecessors. This is why no teacher and journalist are represented in the State’s 50th anniversary media campaign.

    This loathing for educators and pressmen can hardly be understood even as it continues to unravel. Thanks to teachers, education reflects in Gov. Ambode. Great thanks to Edumare and his teachers, he is gradually becoming a source of pride to Lagos and Nigeria perhaps. Part of the glory should definitely be given to his parents and the governor himself as it requires a great deal of discipline and adherence to norms for a man to evolve like Ambode.

    Once again, it’s worth celebrating that Lagos now has a governor who believes in fostering development at the grassroots. Ambode determinedly institutes development in areas erstwhile neglected by his predecessor, Babatunde Fashola. This no doubt indicates that somewhere within Ambode’s bulk subsists appreciable and inspiring humaneness, foresight and lust for excellence.

    The governor will do well to ensure that retirees and pensioners in the State receive their benefits in the first six months into their retirement. Retired teachers do not get paid in time. They have to wait for several years before they receive their benefits from the state. Many have died without receiving their benefits.

  • Beyond the drama of recovered billions

    Left alone to face his own demons, ex-President Jonathan has gone through severe stress and stains in the past two years. He has had to account for the monumental looting of our national resources during his presidency. Some of our stolen funds, according to EFCC, have been traced to his aides, trusted ministers, governors and even his immediate family members. This development seems to have overshadowed his act of statesmanship in conceding defeat after the 2015 General Election despite Elder Orubebe and other PDP stalwarts’ resolve to pull the edifice down over their heads rather than allow power they had sworn to hold for 60 years slip away. If we forgot Jonathan’s huge sacrifice because of his current travails, some of his sympathisers have reminded us. First was Bishop Matthew Kukah of Sokoto Catholic Archdiocese who reminded us that the nation owes Jonathan some respect for conceding defeat instead of behaving like his other African leaders who would rather turn their nations into a killing field than relinquish power after losing election. A few days ago, Col, Umar Kangiwa, former military governor of Kaduna State who along with embattled. Col. Sambo Dasuki sold Buhari to slippery Babangida during the night of long knives in 1985 also reminded us of Jonathan graceful exit.

    However, majority of Nigerians hold Jonathan responsible for the level of debauchery that took place during his presidency. First it was the $2.2b arms funds said to have been ferried in boxes under the watchful eyes of the current CBN governor, brought in to replace cantankerous and stiff Lamido Sanusi who had just then raised an alarm about missing $20b from NNPC account to the office of Dasuki, Jonathan’s National Security Adviser.

    The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, has since asked Jonathan to explain to Nigerians what he “knew or had reason to know on the apparent diversion and sharing of over $2 billion meant for purchase of arms to fight Boko Haram.”.There was Diezani Alison-Madueke, his minister of petroleum who according to EFCC invested huge sums of money she allegedly pilfered from NNPC on properties in and outside Nigeria.  His closest confidants including t Babangida Aliu, the self-styled chief servant of Niger State that was dragged to court by EFCC two days ago over an alleged theft of N3billion are in various courts trying to defend their honour. Before then, huge sum of funds had been traced to Jonathan’s wife, cousin and other relatives.   Some N1b, $2m and 4m pounds suspected to be stolen funds were seized by EFCC between Buhari’s inauguration in May 2015 and Dec 2016. Following the introduction of government’s whistle blowing  policy, the haulage has been in droves with about  N145 b, $217m  and 2m pounds  raked in between December 2016 and April this year according to SB  Morgen Intelligence.

    But shoeless, ex-President Jonathan, in spite of the haulage of these huge sums of loose is funds is just a symptom of our problem. The rain started beating us long before he became President. All Jonathan, who admitted he was caged by PDP all through his presidency did, was to build on the legacies of his predecessors beginning with General Babangida, the man he described as his ‘father’ and General Obasanjo who he once described as the third greatest influence on his life after God and his biological father. These two leaders should be held responsible for our current nightmare. They presided over systematic sales of our national assets and sharing of a national patrimony, handed over to Balewa, Zik and Awo by the departing colonial masters which they in turn preserved for our children.

    Our nightmare started with IBB who along with his military prefects sold off many of our once viable companies covering hospitality, pharmaceutical beverages and other industries to themselves and their fronts sometimes at less than the cost of land on which they were built. Obasanjo and Atiku under the ill-managed privatization exercise sold off what IBB could not sell off before he was forced by Nigerians and civil society to step aside after he had annulled the most credible election in our nation’s history.  El Rufai, current governor of Kaduna State who presided over BPE at the period , is on record as having told a House of Representatives probe that  what the nation recouped from an investment of over $100b was just a little over $1.5b.

    President Jonathan was programmed by those who imposed him on the nation to continue with the legacies of his predecessors. Unfortunately there was little left to sell or share by the time he got into office. Tormented and harassed by those he claimed caged him, he came up with his crooked, logic that ‘stealing of government funds is not corruption’.  From then on, Jonathan was unrestrained. The huge earnings from the oil sector which dwarfed the total accruable to the nation between 1999 and 2010 ended up in the pockets of politicians and their fronts. Jonathan did not forget his family members. Only this week, it was revealed that the sum of $43.4million haul made from the Osborne Towers, Ikoyi, was part of the $289 million allegedly withdrawn from the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) Company’s accounts then headed by Jonathan’s kinsman.

    While aggrieved Nigerians most of whom live below $2 a day have the luxury of engaging in the drama about alleged stolen billions traced to peoples’ homes, abandoned at airports or bureau de changes offices, or buried in cemeteries, Buhari and his APC were given a mandate to resolve our economic crisis and our crisis of nationhood through politics and not through the judiciary which we all know has remained the scourge of the nation since independence.

    And here, no one is asking Buhari and APC to invent the wheel. Faced with similar crisis a few years ago, Russia under Putin chose politics over judiciary. Like many other nations did before him, he refused to engage in a battle with the enemies of his nation who subscribed to the rule of the jungle, using rule of law. He was however fair to those who had turned Russia into a candidate for western aids. Those who shared Russian national patrimony through dubious privatisation programme under drunken Yeltsin and who had failed to keep to the terms of sales were forced to cede the confiscated assets to the state. We have more than enough evidence that our nation was short-changed during the ill-implemented privatization programme. We know many of the new investors embarked on asset stripping while some others have gone ahead to sell the confiscated national assets to foreigners. These are some of the reasons why our graduates roam the street while we import the labour of other societies in form of fake products including drugs. Recovered billions can change this narrative.

    Those who brought our nation to its knees did so by exploiting political power. This was why we gave President Buhari and his APC political power to resolve our economic crisis and our crisis of nationhood through restructuring. They have spent two years unable to appreciate the value of political power at their disposal. In less than two years, they will have to face the electorate to account for their stewardship. Drama about recovered billions will be an appendix.

  • Grabbing current crisis to take right decision

    A whirlwind of mostly negative emotions is sweeping over Nigeria. While a dwindling few still see some hope in the Buhari war against corruption, most have given up on it. Daily garish stories of discovery of tomes of cash stolen from Nigeria’s treasury, and of huge super-expensive houses abandoned and denied by their owners, generate fleeting excitement and no more. Hardly anybody still believes that the recovered money and properties are being returned to Nigeria’s coffers and not to the pockets of some favoured individuals in today’s high echelons of power. Beyond the fanfare and the hoopla, no culprit gets penalized. In many cases, we are aware that looters of public wealth are successfully wielding their influences and connections to negotiate their crimes out of existence. In short, the war against corruption, once the flagship of the Buhari presidency, has lost almost all credibility among Nigerians.

    But that is only a symptom. The root and stem of the disaster exist in the fact that the Buhari government operates essentially in the dark. Even the most uninformed Nigerians know that the power of their federal executive government is being exercised from some dark room by a hidden unelected “cabal” of Buhari’s close clansmen, while the elected president himself, sick, is hidden away in some other dark room where, according to stories in the media, even his own wife is not regularly allowed access to him. Even though we pray, and should pray, for the Buhari whom most of us once admired, the truth of the condition of our country is not lost on us. In terms of governance with integrity and dignity, Nigeria has been slipping steadily downwards since 1960; today, Nigeria has reached the absolute bottom. Nigeria’s brand of governance is now no more than a comic opera – a comic opera that makes people across the world laugh.

    Chaos, poverty and conflicts are the inevitable outcomes of poor governance. The first thing that Buhari and his clansmen did in government was to disband the political party that brought Buhari to the presidency and that won the majority of the National Assembly. It has been escalating chaos since then. The National Assembly has disintegrated into a medley, engaged in an almost childlike game of ego shows, without any desire to understand and grapple with the real needs of the country. And between the executive and the legislature, an inexplicable and shameful war rages perpetually. In the midst of it all, we seem to be breeding the barons that will lead as war-lords in our country’s near future.

    The poverty has been growing in our lives relentlessly – even though our country is one of the most endowed countries on earth. Nigerians rank among the poorest in the world in access to electricity, water, transportation, dependable public administration, entrepreneurial incentive, and business support services. Nigeria’s GDP is contracting. Nigeria’s foreign reserves are being wiped out. Direct foreign investment is declining. Businesses are closing up or relocating to other countries. Nigeria’s oil production declines off and on, and it is very difficult, off and on, to get buyers for Nigeria’s oil. Jobs are being lost day by day. The inflation rate is rising relentlessly. The Naira is in shambles. The prices of food and other essentials are daily rising beyond the capability of masses of Nigerians. More than 70% of Nigerians are said officially to be living in “absolute poverty”. Destitution and street begging are skyrocketing.

    Much of these economic disasters are sustained by the loss of economic development initiatives in the regions, states, and localities of Nigeria. Because of decades of relentlessly concentrating all of Nigeria’s power and resource control in the hands of the Federal Government, regional, state and local initiatives have more or less perished, and deep-seated feelings of helplessness reign, in all parts of Nigeria.

    The conflicts are growing everywhere. In the South-east, we have the protest demonstrations by youths of the Igbo nation – in the name of “Biafra”, demonstrations pitching masses of resolute youths against law enforcement operatives, and leading to many deaths. In various influential quarters all over the world, the Biafra cause is attracting attention and gathering sympathy.

    We have the stubborn youth revolt in the North-east, which has chosen Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism as its banner. In spite of frequent optimistic reports from the Nigerian military since Buhari’s presidency began, Boko Haram remains a big problem. Its support base in parts of the North-east does not appear to be seriously eroding – and that is because youth unemployment, hopeless poverty, and Kanuri nationalism are motivating and strengthening it.

    We have the old revolt in the South-south, with its many terrorist organizations. Since the advent of the Buhari presidency, the terrorist groups in the South-south have returned powerfully to business – because Buhari continues the regime of total federal power and resource control, ignores all advice and demands for the restructuring of our federation, and believes that the use of federal power and federal bribes will crush the South-south insurgency. After some weeks of respite, those boys are now threatening to return to the war.

    We may forget (but we must not forget) recent agitations from the Arewa North. In 2014, large numbers of mostly educated youths belonging to the Arewa Youth Development Forum held demonstrations during which they decried the poverty in the North and the “discrimination” by the Federal Government against the North. Speaking through their Chairman, Aliyu Usman, they issued a call “on all Northerners to rise and support agitations for a peaceful dissolution of this union called Nigeria”. They then warned all southerners resident in the North “to relocate to their respective states to make room for Northerners who would be returning home”. Nor have those voices been isolated voices. This past week, those youths were heard again.  And even eminent citizens (such as Prof. Ango Abdullahi, spokeseman for the Arewa Elders Council) have said almost exactly what these youths have said. Recently, the august statesman, Maitama Sule, called for a revolution. And the Emir of Kano, one of the most informed Nigerians about the Nigerian economy, has been warning seriously concerning the horrific poverty in the North.

    And we must not forget the several “self-determination” groups among the Yoruba nation of the South-west. Heavily educated, heavily equipped with advanced ideas, these youths are potentially the most potent weapon of change in Nigeria. If, or when, they launch out, Nigeria cannot easily contain them. They are suffering in desperate poverty right now, or fleeing abroad in droves, but they are likely to stop and fight back at home someday – and that may be soon.

    Most immediately devastating right now, we have the Fulani terrorism, which we choose to call Fulani herdsmen’s attacks on farmers across most of Nigeria. Countless Nigerians are daily dying violently from this terror. The federal government and federal security agencies are putting up no credible defence of Nigerians, and the government of most states, intimidated by the federal establishment, are reeling in doubt and impotence while their people are being killed. In self-defence, most non-Fulani Nigerian communities are becoming dangerously radicalized and militarized.

    In totality, we are heading towards something big – something big and terrible. If we let it come, it is likely to wreck a lot of what we all hold dear, take the lives of a lot of our dear ones, and shake Africa to its foundations.

    Should we wait for it to come? My answer is No – and I am sure that most Nigerians would agree with that answer. There is news that the federal government intends to call some kind of national conference specifically on the issue of Fulani terrorism. I hope they do that. And I hope that when the conference convenes, it will seize the freedom to consider all aspects of the Nigerian crisis that has now reached dangerous heights – all aspects including whether we really want to continue to live together as one country, and if the answer happens to be Yes, then a thorough establishment of the conditions and rules for our remaining as one country. God knows we have reached such a point. Better to part peacefully than to implode in rivers of blood.

  • Softly, softly on Sanusi 11

    The question of the role of traditional rulers in Nigeria has come up again following the government of Kano setting up a probe into the finances of the Kano Emirate Council. I have had occasion to give a lecture on the position of traditional rulers in Nigeria with special emphasis on Yorubaland. In the lecture, I suggested or rather asserted that no Nigerian government can do what the Indian government did in 1947 and survive it.

    When India became independent and became a republic, it abolished the role and power of the Maharajahs but allowed them to keep their palaces and the huge financial resources at their command. Many of their descendants have remained stupendously rich and still command the adulation of many of the descendants of their previous subjects. The Indian government was able to do this because of the advanced old civilizations of India and the level of education and literacy in the country.

    The case in Nigeria is different. We of course have a heritage of old civilizations but without the literacy needed for social mobilization. Our people see our traditional rulers as the authentic government they can relate to. The modern government is very distant from them and does not have the legitimacy and cultural attraction symbolized by the traditional rulers. Thus we are a republic of thousands of kings which in itself is an anomaly and a contradiction. But it works.

    Traditional rulers in Hausaland, Yorubaland, Jukunland and Benin belong to a different typology separate from those of largely acephalous and segmentary polities where people are traders during the day and rulers in the evening. Rulers in the latter are modern creations and are miserable mimics of serious institutions.

    The position of Sarkin Kano goes back at least to the 14th century or even earlier following the evolution of kingship institutions after the arrival of Bayijiddah in Daura in the 9th century from where the major seven states of Zazzau, Kano, Katsina, Rano, Zamfara, Gobir, and   Kebbi sprang. There were dynastic changes in Hausaland in the 19th century following the Islamic revolution associated with Uthman bin Muhammad bin Uthman bin Salih also known as Uthman dan Fodiye. From around 1804, the Fulani dynasty has ruled Kano in an unbroken chain of rulers from the same family and lineage. In other words for about 213 years, the dynasty in Kano, despite up and downs has remained a permanent feature of the politics of the emirate starting from before the coming of the British and now when politicians of doubtful character and legitimacy are throwing their weight around and attempting to harass a ruler who has become the tribune of the people.

    When the British came to Nigeria, they were so impressed by the level of administration in Kano particularly the Beit el-Mal (Native treasury) that they virtually left the system unchanged only removing whatever was repugnant to civilized standards and not against human conscience especially in the mode of punishment of criminals. The salary of the emir of Kano was not only higher than that of the Sultan of Sokoto but that of Governor-General Sir Fredrick Lugard because Kano was the richest emirate. Emirs were paid from the one-third of poll taxes and jangali cattle taxes collected from each emirate while the British colonial government kept two-thirds of the taxes. In other words, the emirs of Kano have always belonged to a unique class. This uniqueness attracted love and hatred from fellow rulers. It was in this circumstance that Sarkin Kano Muhammadu Sanusi 1 got into trouble with Sir Ahmadu Bello, the premier of northern Nigeria and a prince of Sokoto who chaffed under what he regarded as the arrogance of the emir of Kano. Reasons of financial impropriety were cooked up to depose a popular ruler and replaced by one of his brothers.

    The present Kano government of Ganduje must not allow history to repeat itself. Kano cannot afford the pain of political disequilibrium and disturbance that will ensue if it tampered with the sanctity of the Kano throne. The position of the emir is not only political but spiritual and the current emir apart from being an economist solid in the tradition of western scholarship is at the same time an Islamic scholar. He comes from a long tradition of scholarship embedded in well-known Kano activism heavily influenced by modernist tijaniyyah Tariqa. The emir’s father, the late Ciroman Kano,  Alhaji Aminu Sanusi, one time ambassador of Nigeria to China, high commissioner to Canada etc. and former permanent secretary of foreign affairs ministry was a highly regarded man who walked out and away from his job at the ministry rather than kowtow to domineering military overlord in the late 1970s. I knew him personally and he had asked me if I could do a biography of his famous father Sarkin Muhammadu Sanusi. We were talking about this before his sudden death. I can say without any hesitation that what is about to commence in Kano is a witch hunt. This much was said by Alhaji Mahe Bashar Walin Kano who tore into pieces the cooked up figures of imaginary expenditure by the Kano emirate.

    The reason for what is about to begin in Kano is because of the unease among the northern political elite that the Kano monarch had accused of pauperizing the talakawa over the years by not pursuing policies of education particularly of the girl-child in the north. The emir is worried about the yawning gap in western education between the north and the south and consequent instability currently and in the future if these problems are not addressed frontally. Even the Sultan of Sokoto, another forward looking ruler has said the same thing. The only difference between them is a matter of style and their military and civilian backgrounds. Removing traditional rulers or humiliating them has consequences. We remember the removal of Kabiyesi Adeyemi , the Alaafin of Oyo in 1954 by the Action Group government of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the deposition of  Sarkin Kano Muhammadu Sanusi by Sir Ahmadu Bello’s NPC government ,the Olowo of Owo by the military government of Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, the reduction of the salaries of the Odemo of Isara to one penny a year by the Akintola NNDP government, and  the removal of Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki during Sani Abacha’s thieving regime. This buffeting of traditional rulership has not eroded their importance and usefulness. This is why politicians always seek their support in peace time but most especially in times of crisis. It is surprising that at the time of insurgency in the north, any politician will be planning to undermine traditional institutions. Emir Muhammadu Sanusi has been proved right before. We can see this in the humongous sums of money being literally unearthed in many parts of Nigeria. When he said as governor of the central bank $20 billion were unaccounted for. The Goodluck Jonathan regime fired him as governor of the central bank. But who is laughing last now? If his voice in the wilderness will not arouse the conscience of our northern rulers, I will advise the emir to temporize a little, keep his peace until in the fullness of time his advice will become the received wisdom in the polity. The emir should understand the politics of realpolitik. In the past, Yoruba rulers were Kabiyesi that is someone whose wish is law; they were also vice regal of God on earth just as Muslim rulers in their domain were Amir al muminin  but times have changed and the emir would have to navigate the treacherous labyrinth of political relationships in a peripheral region of Nigeria

  • A golden weapon

    A golden weapon

    Of all the Muhammadu Buhari administration’s policies, none has been as popular – and effective, I dare say – as whistle-blowing.

    Not even the crippling of the infernal Boko Haram machine has matched whistle-blowing on the scale of popularity. Nor the Treasury Single Account (TSA) that has hauled into the public treasury funds that would have gone into private pockets.

    Where is Julian Paul Assange, the Australian computer programmer and WikiLeaks chief? Edward Snowden? Come over. The game is on here.

    Consider the sheer amount of cash that has been recovered. Mind-boggling. The $43.6m the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) found in Osborne Towers, Ikoyi, Lagos; the $9.8m former Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) boss Andrew Yakubu stashed away in a Kaduna slum; the N449m found in a Lagos bureau de change; the N250m dumped in a Lagos market; and the N49m abandoned at the Kaduna Airport. And much more.

    If anybody is still in doubt of the efficacy of this policy, the government has dismissed such doubts. The policy, it has announced with great confidence, will be extended to weapons recovery to reduce violent crimes. After that, I am told by a fellow who claims to know the thinking in the bureaucracy, it will be extended to prostitution, gambling, drug abuse and other ailments that trouble our society.

    No symposium or seminar is complete these days without young  participants, declaring that they would like to become whistle-blowers. All of a sudden, it is no longer fashionable to dream of becoming a lawyer, a doctor, a pilot, a soldier and a footballer.

    Why?

    The golden policy cedes five per cent of recovered to the whistle-blower. Imagine five per cent of $43.6m, probably tax-free.  A considerable fortune, recession or no recession, and without working up a sweat.

    Just before the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) came out to claim that the Ikoyi cash belongs to it, a neighbour of an uncle of mine had briefed an ogbologbo lawyer(apologies to former President Olusegun Obasanjo) to file on his behalf a writ compelling the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to release the haul to him,  to enter an unreserved apology, and to desist from further invading his privacy.

    The learned attorney reminded the petitioner that it was an open secret that the mountain of cash was found in a luxury apartment in an elegant mansion in Ikoyi – the home of the rich and the powerful. “When did you become one of them?” the lawyer asked him.   The fellow then reluctantly dropped the idea.

    Even the Senate (yes, the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria) threatened to intervene in the matter if the EFCC would not speedily name the owner of the cash. The plan was to summon the leadership of the Commission to bring to the hallowed chamber all the documents relevant to the matter.

    Many have sneered at this legislative oversight being contemplated. Which EFCC, the one headed by Ibrahim Magu whom senators refused to clear for chairman? Is a senator planning to claim the cash?  Is a public hearing, one of those dramatic inquisitions, on the way? Or a town hall meeting?

    Before the Senate could carry out its threat, the Presidency sprang up to some action. It announced the suspension of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir David Lawal, over the Presidential Initiative on the North East (PINE) contracts and NIA boss Ayo Oke, who had said that the cash was kept in the flat at the Osborne Towers for safety.

    Lately, some cheeky fellows, whose claim to being frontline estate surveyors, valuers and  property managers is as reliable as the Lagos weather, have been  erecting  billboards announcing that they had safe houses to let or lease. Such houses, they said, are available in any part of the country. The thinking, according to an Abuja sociologist who is researching into the wave of recoveries, is that the banks may soon become obsolete as more and more people will seek to hide their cash in the so-called safe houses.   There is now a wave of investments in such facilities.

    There will be no Bank Verification Number (BVN) issues. A depositor will not be required to state his or her personal details. No deposit slips. No cheques. No guarantors. And no withdrawal and deposit limits. No hidden charges whatsoever.

    But there are, despite the safety record of the safe house, those who have little confidence in the system. They now bury their cash in cemeteries. We were let into this secret the other day by no less a personality than the Minister of Information, Alhaji Lai Mohammed.

    Ah, if only the dead could talk! I can bet some would have risen in fury to smack and hack down these strange funeral corteges. “Isn’t this the cash you could have poured into building good hospitals and paying doctors to stop them from going on strike and thus keep us alive?   Why bring it all here now? Do we spend dollars here? Don’t you have no fear, no shame, and no respect?  Why come here to disturb  our peace?

    The ranks of  whistle-blowers is swelling by the day, I can report with confidence.  They now include elders, unpaid pensioners and angry civil servants, also unpaid.  And they  have decided to regulate the trade, albeit discreetly.

    They have asked a lawyer to register at the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC)  the National Association of Chartered Whistle-blowers of Nigeria, hereinafter referred to as NACWON, for short. A notice has appeared in a national newspaper announcing the plan to register the organisation. Whoever has an objection should raise it within seven days or keep quiet forever. Members will be permitted to add after their names the title of “Fellow, NACWON”.

    In academic circles, a frontline scholar has told me, talks are going on about how universities can parlay the success of whistle-blowing into making their graduates job-creators and not job-hunters. They are busy drawing up courses that will lead to a Bachelor of Science degree in whistle-blowing.

    Trust Nigerians. Like so many other serious matters of national security and survival, the whistle-blowing policy has been the subject of insensitive jokes. There is one in which an angry woman scorns her FIFA-graded referee husband for not coming home with a fortune. “Which kin yeye whistle you dey blow for all these years? Your mates who don’t even wear any uniforms and are not running all over the place to catch some boys fighting over a ball are making billions just by blowing correct whistles,” she yelled at the confused man.

    Another spoke of how a trader boarded  a flight for China to get a customised whistle. He took the decision after all the major markets had run out of whistles. He was in Geri Kasuwa (Kaduna), Ariaria International Market (Aba), Balogun (Lagos) and others.

    There is also “a manual for whistle-blowers who want to be successful”. It lists the steps to take: “Locate where Ghana-must-go bags are sold. Identify anyone buying two or more bags. Follow the person discreetly. If he goes to a high class neighbourhood, you are on your way to being a millionaire. Hang around the neighbourhood and watch the movement of the bags. You can then blow your whistle.”

    “You can also hang around cemeteries to look out for what is being buried. It could be pound sterling, yen or dollar or all and more.”

    “Apply to be either a cook or a driver or a house help to a big man, a legislator or a Customs chief or any senior government official or a top military officer. If you land such a job with a governor, you are already a millionaire. Just shine ya eye.

    “Slip into any place where a septic tank is being dug and find out what is going into the pit. Ditto for overhead tanks installation.”

    “If you do not succeed after trying these methods, blame it all on the old woman in your village.”

    Is whistle-blowing new? No. The problem is that we have all neglected our responsibility. Now that we get paid to squeal on suspected thieves, everyone wants a piece of the action. Should financial reward be the tonic for civic responsibility?

  • The cop who loves power

    Their relationship has never been cordial and it is all the fault of the police. Despite the press doing everything to make things work between them, the police have never returned the gesture. Because of their phobia for the press, the police hate to see reporters’ faces. At public functions, they shoo reporters and photographers away like hen. On some occasions, they beat them black and blue for allegedly breaking protocol.

    It seems it is a global phenomenon, but that of Nigeria surpasses all. It appears that playing God is part of police job. Their job is to prevent crime, but they take delight in preventing reporters from doing their job. But when did reporting become a crime? Whether under military or democratic rule, the press has always been at the mercy of the police and other security agencies. It was so bad under the military which came up with decrees to cripple the press. There was Decree 4 under the Buhari junta under which Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson were jailed for reporting the truth in 1984.

    Eleven years earlier, a reporter, Minere Amakiri, was giving 24 strokes of the cane and his head shaved by then Commander Alfred Diete-Spiff, then governor of Rivers State, for his report on a teachers’ strike, which fell on the governor’s birthday. You can see how the press has been treated over the years. It has not fared better under democratic government. Under the Jonathan administration, Ubale Musa of Radio Deutsche Welle, was expelled from the Presidential Villa, Abuja, for asking visiting Chadian President Idris Deby a question on the Boko Haram menace. Tell me, what is a reporter’s job if not to ask questions? We thought we had seen the last of such irrational actions until what happened again at the Villa on Monday.

    What his predecessor, the late Gordon Obua, Chief Security Officer (CSO) to former President Goodluck Jonathan,  did to Musa, President Muhammadu Buhari’s CSO, Bashir Abubakar, has done to Olalekan Adetayo of The PUNCH. Abubakar asked that Adetayo be marched out of the Villa and never to return. He took the action without recourse to his principal or the president’s media aides. That is the way they treat the press. He did not even consider it appropriate to sound out his colleagues before taking his ill-advised decision. He was simply power sottish and decided to show off. Abubakar has stirred up the hornet’s nest and he will surely be bitten. He has started what he cannot finish. He should ask those before him how they ended up after such rash decisions.

    What did Adetayo do to warrant his expulsion? According to reports, the CSO was aggrieved by the Sunday PUNCH, April 23 lead story which touched on the president’s health. He was also not happy with the reporter’s Saturday, April 22 article titled : ‘’Seat of power’s event centres going into extinction’’. I do not know how our security agents think. They see themselves as more patriotic than other Nigerians because they serve in the security agencies. They forget that patriotism is not defined by the job you do but by what you do to lift your country. A policeman is not patriotic because he has the power to stop a reporter who he considers a ‘security threat’ from doing his job at the Villa or any other place for that matter.

    Who defines what is national security where there is an apparent threat? Is it the police officer who is in charge of security in the Presidency? Or should it be the court? National security is a nebulous term which could be used and is used by overzealous security operatives to deprive people of their rights and freedom. Though Abubakar did not say so, his action spoke louder than words. By his action, he implied that Adetayo had breached national security with his reports. According to Adetayo’s account of his meeting with the CSO, Abubakar said the reports portrayed the president as incapacitated. He then reportedly added the clincher : the reports had to do with the politics of 2019. Oh, my God, what is the business of a cop with power politics?

    By that statement, the public should know where Abubakar is coming from. He did not do what he did because Adetayo committed any offence, he did it because he thought he was protecting the political interest of his principal. He was afraid that the reports could convey the impression that the president may not be fit to seek reelection in 2019. What is his business with that? His is to protect the president and not to be interested in his eligibility or otherwise of seeking reelection. If the president decides not to run in 2019, will that stop Abubakar from being a policeman? His excessive show of power does not portray him as a good officer. Officers do not behave like that. Abubakar did not think deeply before he expelled Adetayo from the Villa. It seemed he had been waiting for an opportunity to do just that.

    But, he would not get away with it. Adetayo will see his back at the Villa eventually and that is not a curse. Did the late Obua not expel Musa from the Villa? Is Musa not back at the Villa today? So shall Adetayo return. It is heartening to see the president’s media aides  weighing into the matter and promising an amicable resolution of the case. ‘’We were not consulted in the media office by the CSO before he expelled The PUNCH reporter. President Buhari is committed to press freedom. An amicable solution would be found to The PUNCH reporter’s matter. President Buhari does not intend to muzzle the media in anyway’’, Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity Femi Adesina wrote on his Twitter handle. The earlier the matter is resolved the better so that these security men can be put in their place.

     

    Se-ru-ba-won

    The name conjures fear. It is the Yoruba word for creating fear in people. This was the nickname of former Osun State Governor Isiaka Adetunji Adeleke, who died on Sunday. Since his death, Ede, his hometown, has known no peace because of his supporters’ belief that he was poisoned. The late Adeleke was a charismatic politician; a grassroots person, who felt at home with the mighty and the low. The hoi polloi loved him because he was close to them. He did not consider it beneath him to wine and dine with them. He always touched base with them. At the naming of their children, he was there; at their freedom, he was there; at their graduation, he was there; at their housewarming, he was there. You name the event, he was always there to tell his people that he was for them and they for him. His death has shown how popular he was with the people. His death sparked violence because his people found it hard to believe that Serubawon could die just like that hours  after some of them interacted with him at a party on Saturday. What killed Adeleke? Did he die of natural cause? Or was he poisoned as alleged by his supporters? To lay the matter to rest, the Osun State Government and the Adeleke family should make public his autopsy report. My heart goes out to his family. May he find rest in the Lord’s bosom.