Category: Thursday

  • Money ruins everyone…everything (1)

    Money changes everything. It changes everyone. Every hour, it turns thousands who could have overcome its darkness into eternal addicts to the base and inane. For the love of a lousy buck, many have died. For the love of the naira, thousands more lose their souls and their lives every day. Man and woman, father and mother, son and daughter, privileged and pauper, are felled in pursuit of money and the good life, even as you read.

    That President Muhammadu Buhari is persistently ridiculed and condemned as a failure even before his second year in office, is a direct consequence of his inability to uphold the corrupt but highly lucrative systemic bazaar of the past. Although Buhari’s leadership suffers the affliction of crooked men and women, his glamourised aversion to corruption and his ongoing anti-corruption inquiry, resonates dangerously to the country’s crooked divide. Too many men and women accustomed to pocketing and spending money that they didn’t earn are suddenly aghast and petrified by their inability to conduct ‘business as usual.’

    That former President Goodluck Jonathan took God for a fool also attests to the plague and degenerate sway of money. Jonathan, in abject desperation for acceptance and goodwill of Nigerian masses, travelled from the presidential villa in Aso Rock, Abuja, to stage a dramatic communion with God, on his knees, before Enoch Adeboye, a respected cleric.

    Cut to another hodgepodge of the ex-president on his knees, before Ayo Oritsejafor and other self-appointed “men of God” in faraway Jerusalem, Israel. Jonathan in flagrant disregard of religious tenets advising that man’s communion with his Creator should be personal and unpretentious, deserted his abode in Abuja to embark on a spiritual jamboree of his self-styled ‘humility’ and communion with God across the country and overseas.

    Predictably, psychologically and materially-impoverished loyalists cum the ex-president’s media aides argued that he simply loved to ‘lead by example’ thus politicizing his “humility” and “love of God” to the fascination and appreciation of all. It is however, unclear by what standards they will prove that heartfelt prayers muttered by the former president on his knees, in the corners of his room, would have been less significant than his theatrical communion with God.

    Were these spiritual shows emblematic of Jonathan’s unpretentious love of God or were they symptomatic of a desperate wish to perpetuate him in power for the attendant fiscal and material perks? Cut to Stella Oduah, aviation minister’s N255 million bullet-proof automobile scandal Sambo Dasuki’s $2.1 billion arms purchase scam and Abdulrasheed Maina, former pension boss’ N21 billion pension fund racket to mention a few, and you have an interesting picture of the Nigerian ruling class’ inexorable lust for money and other material things.

    There is the oft-repeated logic and inclination to blame this persistent malaise on capitalism; however, attractive as such sophistry may resound, the impulse for acquisition, pursuit of gain and money in fact, has nothing to do with capitalism – it is merely a symptom, like perverse capitalism, of the society’s steady descent the slope of the decadent and grotesque.

    Max Weber, the late German economist and social historian would say it has been common to all sorts and conditions of men at all times and in all cultures of the earth but I would say that the Nigerian malaise is brought about by the absence of an enduring moral code.

    This deficit manifests in deficiencies of personal and societal ethics – the consequence of which is the preponderance and regeneration of eejits, tyrants, greedy-guts, fraudsters, narcissists, murderers and bloodhounds of all kinds and of all nature, across the country’s landscape.

    The trials of Nigerians’ moral degeneration as exemplified by the citizenry’s inordinate lust for money, the country’s recurrent tragedies and propensity to self-destruct, reveals an overarching tendency to savour short-term greed and relief over long-term prosperity. Despite a protracted and tumultuous history of impoverishment and bad leadership, Nigerians continue to look for quick fix solutions thus mortgaging the country’s present and future for short-term benefits.

    Through decades of moral perversions and self-inflicted disasters, Nigerians continue to bemoan their tragic fate. While many argue that the country ruins because the youth are too weak and too selfish to spill as much blood as is required to rid the nation of every human and institutional affliction, many more contend that the country’s woes will disappear immediately poverty is eradicated by the ruling class.

    Today, the fear of poverty as the irrepressible lust for money, drives too many to commit gross acts of dishonesty and irresponsibility. Personal greed is pervasive and poverty is endemic. It represents the triumphal punch delivered by the proverbial system against the country’s poor, hopeless masses. Nigeria suffers the consequence of the supremacy of money. Money rules the Nigerian society. It elevates and ennobles the possessor of it; whatever the nature and import of the rich’s membership of the society, as long as he has money to flaunt and throw around, nobody cares what value he adds to and denies the society.

    Thus the pardon and acquittal of several corrupt politicians and deposed bank chiefs; even after insurmountable evidences were marshaled against them by prosecution, they get off too easily with court sentences that were tantamount to a pat on the back. The poor, on the other hand, epitomise more of what is wrong and contemptible with the society. They represent that segment of the society that is easily swayed, viciously condemned and trodden by the power of money.

    The power of money is indeed frightening and overwhelming. Like Okwudiba Nnoli notes, it uplifts and crushes, enhances and debases, exhilarates and disenchants, dignifies and dehumanizes, enlightens and blinds, unites and divides. Under the influence of money, humaneness and the quest for the collective good are ferociously smothered by disruptive and selfish considerations. Materialism is fostered and greed is ennobled in the mad dash for money. Consequently, justice, freedom, equality, dignity and other human rights, are sacrificed on the altar of the perennial rat-race for the accumulation of money.

    More worrisome is the reality of the poor in Nigeria being unquestioningly docile to the power of money. This impoverished lot is hardly impressed by humaneness and promising leadership. To them, these are manifestations of weakness. Their loyalty and sympathies are reserved for tyrants that treat them like dogs on a leash. It is to these latter that they exhibit the greatest obsequiousness and erect the greatest statues.

    While it is true that the poor would often trample maniacally on the despot, who by a poetic twist of fate – be it by class politics or masses revolt – gets stripped of his power and authority, they do so because having lost his strength, the despot becomes relegated to an ignoble spot among the weak and repressed, who are to be loathed and not feared.

    This is emblematic of Gustave Le Bon’s philosophy of ‘The Crowd,’ which was valued not only by Pareto, Freud, Mussolini, and de Gaulle, but even by Horkheimer and Adorno. Le Bon contends that the type of  “hero dear to crowds will always have the semblance of a Caesar. His insignia attracts them, his authority overawes them, and his sword instills them with fear…Should the strength of an authority be intermittent, the crowd, always obedient to its extreme sentiments, passes alternately from anarchy to servitude, and from servitude to anarchy.”

    The Nigerian poor, like Le Bon’s crowd, are incapable of progressive will and thought for any length of time. Like a servile herd, they are incapable of coping with the humdrum and vicissitudes of their lives without a master. Democratic ideas are therefore in profound disagreement with the psychology and experience of the Nigerian poor. It is unsurprising then, that materially and mentally impoverished folk would distrust democracy and its promise of collective good, to covet and pursue the vain and ephemeral perks of sociopolitical harlotry.

  • Increased Chinese loans to Nigeria

    Increased Chinese loans to Nigeria

    During his official visit to China, President Muhammadu Buhari concluded with the Chinese president a $6 billion loan to Nigeria for the construction of the Lagos-Calabar rail project. Nigeria is to provide some N40 billion as counterpart funding for this huge infrastructure project, the largest since the Chinese built in the 70s the Tan-Zam railway, linking Tanzania with Zambia.  It is the largest ever Chinese loan to an African state. Despite some legislative hiccups here in Nigeria over the counterpart funding, the project will almost certainly go ahead. Nigeria needs it badly to provide a coastal railway between Lagos and Calabar with future possible lateral rail connections on the route. The critical importance of this project to Nigeria is so obvious that it should not evoke any controversy. It should go ahead as speedily as possible.

    In recent years, China’s loans and investments in Nigeria have increased significantly. Before the current $6 billion loan, total Chinese loan to Nigeria was $13.3b, roughly a third of its total loans and investments in Africa. In 2015, President Goodluck Jonathan secured a Chinese loan of $1.5b for infrastructure support, including the development of the aviation sector. Chinese investments in Nigeria and Africa have become even more critical in view of the global recession, the fall in oil prices, and the inability or unwillingness of the G7 states to make fresh investments in infrastructure developments in Africa. For instance, in 2015 President Barack Obama announced a miserly $8b as the total US foreign direct investment in Africa. Over the years cumulative G7 investments in Nigeria and Africa have fallen sharply, partly due to disappointment with African states in the management of their economies, particularly over the prevailing corruption on a massive scale in these African states, as well as internal pressures in the G7 countries for greater internal social development. There is growing turmoil in most of the advanced industrial countries that makes foreign investment less attractive and a distraction from facing their own domestic severe economic challenges. The home front has become a priority for them.

    In this situation, China is better placed to take up this slack in foreign investment in Africa. It is the second global largest economy and has the largest reserves of US dollars. It is investing massively in Europe, Asia and the Americas, including the US where it is buying up blue-chip companies. Though its economy has slowed down to only seven per cent this year, it is still the fastest growing economy in the world. China’s interest in Africa, particularly Nigeria, should be viewed largely on economic terms. It is not wholly benevolent. China will in future need new and large commercial markets, which only Africa can provide. Increasingly, China’s exports will face restrictions in Europe and the US, currently its biggest markets. It will have to look for new markets in Africa where the population projection is that in the next two or three decades, Africa’s total population could be close to two billion. It is this huge market that China is eyeing. The Chinese have a reputation for long range planning, in decades, well ahead of their economic and industrial rivals.

    Until recently, Nigeria has been rather slow in seeking closer economic relations with China. As Amb. Olu Sanu, a former Nigerian Ambassador to China, observed in his recently published biography, Nigeria was really not serious about promoting economic relations with China, until recently. From 1972, when Gen. Yakubu Gowon first visited China as head of state, virtually every Nigerian head of state, including the late Gen. Sani Abacha, has paid an official visit to China, to ask for Chinese technical and financial assistance. When granted by the Chinese, who were eager to promote economic relations with Nigeria, these offers have not been duly taken up by the Nigerian authorities.

    For most of the time the military were in power in Nigeria, they were suspicious of the Chinese spreading their socialist doctrines to Nigeria. Such suspicions no longer exist. Nigeria recognised China in 1973 and supported its admission to the UN, thus ending China’s international isolation. In addition, the periodic oil boom made offers of Chinese financial assistance somewhat less attractive. Now, the situation has changed. China is still a one party communist dictatorship, but its economy is becoming increasingly diverse, freer and capitalist in structure. China is no longer interested in spreading its socialist doctrines to any country, particularly in Africa.

    Nigeria’s economic and financial situation has changed drastically. Its estimated growth rate this year will be only two per cent, a drastic fall from its 2014 growth rate of nearly seven per cent. Without the injection of fresh foreign capital, its future economic growth prospects are dismal. New jobs, on a massive scale, are badly needed to contain and reduce possible social tensions that may tear the nation apart. It is in this light that the $6b Chinese loan for the Lagos-Calabar rail lines should be viewed. The project will create new jobs. The Chinese are already involved in the development of railways in Nigeria. They handled the refurbishment of the Lagos-Kano line, as well as the fast train from Kaduna to Abuja. They have an impressive global reputation and record in the business of railway development. Even in Europe, Chinese expertise in this respect is highly valued and respected.

    Of course, Nigeria should be concerned about its growing trade imbalance with China. Chinese exports to Nigeria represent some 80 per cent of its total trade with Nigeria. This is an awful trade gap that Nigeria should seek to address. Nigeria must also find ways of blocking Chinese exports to Nigeria of cheap and fake products, such as textiles, plastics and drugs. It is obvious that Nigeria, with the connivance of our own traders, is being used as a dumping ground for cheap Chinese products. It is up to Nigeria to take proactive measures within the ITO provisions to reduce this huge trade imbalance. It should take advantage of the Chinese ‘benevolent trade policy’ to reduce the trade imbalance between the two countries. Under this policy, the Chinese are obliged to buy up our surplus export commodities, as it is doing in Tanzania in respect of coffee and tobacco. The problem is that Nigeria has little or no agricultural surpluses that the Chinese can buy up.

  • Cost of not disowning Saraki

    Again, let us remind ourselves how we got to this sorry pass. For ease of administration, the framers of our constitution expect the ruling party with a majority to produce the Senate President and deputy.  But Saraki after cutting a deal which ceded the deputy senate presidency to the opposition, capitalized on the absence of 51 of his elected APC colleagues to be adopted Senate President by 49 PDP senators and eight APC senators. Itse Sagay described Saraki’s coup as ‘a victory for impunity, a victory for fraud and a victory for political desperation and indiscipline”, while Auwalu Yadudu, former Dean of a Faculty of Law, Bayero University Kano dismissed it as ‘lies in the face of democratic ideals’ since Saraki’s emergence stemmed from ‘a flawed election by a fraction of yet-to-be-constituted Senate.

    With the unwavering support of 51 betrayed APC senators, this column had suggested APC should wield the big stick by disowning Saraki for his perfidy. But the party decided to play the ostrich and by default gave Saraki time to cut further deals with some marketable commodities driven only by greed in the Senate.  With power of patronage obtained albeit immorally, Saraki soon had 82 ‘like minds senators’ who shared his world-view in his pocket. But last week, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, the National Chairman of APC was reported to have foreclosed the possibility of the party losing the senate presidency to the opposition but was also quick to add ‘sometimes, for change to take place, there is price you have to pay. So losing the position may be sacrifice for change.” Unfortunately what Oyegun is now trying to do is locking the stable door long after the horse had escaped. The party lost the control of the Senate the moment Saraki, the veteran dealer sold the deputy senate seat to the opposition.

    APC decided to play the ostrich long after Saraki, who was haunted out of PDP over haggling over sharing of loot (He was the whistle blower in the N1.6trillion fuel scam involving some PDP leading lights and their children who in turn identified a company in which Saraki had an interest as beneficiary) had made a choice of returning to his vomit. It was obvious to discerning Nigerians except APC leadership that Saraki’s strategy was to adorn APC toga of change while working feverishly to undermine the party’s anti-corruption war with the connivance of defeated PDP national wreckers. Had APC wielded the big stick, Saraki would have been fighting his current battle with CCT not as the third most powerful figure in APC government but as part of discredited PDP that looted Nigeria through NNPC, PPPRA, privatization and monetization policies. Saraki would have been in the midst of his unpatriotic PDP members who shared $2.1 loan meant to buy arms to fight insurgency that has killed over 18,000 innocent Nigerians and rendered about two million others refugees in their own country.

    APC is therefore responsible for the nation’s current nightmare. Most Nigerians knew a Saraki/Ekweremadu Senate as an offshoot of David Mark/Ekweremadu Senate that looked the other way while their PDP members stole the country blind would continue business as usual. Predictably, the Senate remains a senate of shame while the House remains house of deals. An institution whose essence besides making laws, and amending budget or repealing public policy is to guarantee freedom and prevent tyranny is intolerant of dissent even among its ranks. While Saraki supporters insist the call on him to account for deals he made some 12 years earlier is an attack on the Senate as an institution, Marafa who disagreed claiming “What is happening in the CCT is personal to Saraki and has nothing to do with his position as the Senate President’ was recommended for suspension Senator Anyawu-led committee.

    The 2016 Budget was submitted to the House in December last year, Audu Ogbeh, the agriculture minister and his team early this week discovered 386 “strange” projects worth N12.6billion reportedly inserted by the National Assembly in the ministry’s budget proposals. That was not before the House had reduced ministry’s budget proposals fromN40, 918 billion to N31.618 billion to accommodate their own constituency projects which for years served only as conduit pipes. The Minister of Transport raised an alarm about the cancellation of the Lagos – Calabar rail project. We now know it was partly to accommodate Dogara’s N3b constituency projects as well Abdulmumin Jibrin, Chairman, House Committee on Appropriation’s constituency projects such as provision of tricycles, town halls, classrooms, solar street lights, and pedestrian bridges. This is the mindset of those who adopt ethnic balancing to impoverish the north by pretending to fight for the north. This was what informed Nuhu Ribadu’s (former EFCC chairman) sad conclusion that ‘the 19 northern state governors and the 414 local governments have nothing to show for the N8.3 trillion that accrued to them between 1999 and 2010.’

    Sadly in both Houses controlled by APC, it is business as usual.  Ex-governors as senators are drawing N1.2m pension along with their undisclosed huge salaries that rank as one of the highest in the world and greedy lawmakers after obtaining car loans, went ahead in spite of Buhari’s call for caution to buy 108 exotic cars at a cost of N35.1m a unit at a time about 25 states of the federation cannot pay the minimum wage of N18, 000. In return for their pains, we have  a  National Grazing Reserve Bill which will establish a National Grazing Reserve Commission (NGRC) using federal government fund to acquire farm lands from the 36 states of the federation for private cattle farmers, perhaps as compensation  for the killing of thousands of innocent Nigerian farmers by Fulani herdsmen already declared by the UN as one of the deadliest  terrorist groups in the world  with nothing being said about their victims;  the Senate Committee on Ethics, Privileges  and Public Petition headed  by an Anyawu, notorious only for following Saraki to  Code of Conduct Tribunal, summoning the chairman of the Code of Conduct Tribunal, Danladi Umar who had just ruled that Saraki’s trial for alleged falsification of assets will run on daily basis, over a petition against his assistant. And there is also an on-going self-serving attempt by the two houses  to amend the Code of Conduct  Bureau  Tribunal Act and Administration of Criminal Justice Act, all aimed at sabotaging President Buhari’s anti-corruption war.

    But Nigerians who performed their own patriotic duty of voting out inept and corrupt PDP government are holding Buhari and APC responsible for their nightmare. If Saraki had been disowned after demonstrating he cannot be a trusted ally in the battle for change, disillusioned  Nigerians would have been reassured that the current raging battle is between forces of darkness  that  shared our national patrimony  and mortgaged the future of our children and forces of  light trying to usher in the much desired change. But APC cannot afford to fail those who have internalized its message of hope.  The party must reinvent itself by publicly disowning Saraki and his fellow travellers in the Senate of shame and in the House of deals. Impoverished Nigerian victims of PDP’s 16 years crime against our nation are tenaciously holding on to Jega’s Permanent Voters Cards, (PVC), and a veritable weapon against greedy and self-serving corrupt politicians.

  • Nigeria: Way out

    Almost exactly two years ago, while a National Assembly was meeting in Lagos, I did a general survey of my country’s affairs and, in utter dismay, wrote my article for that day – under an earlier name for this column. Early this morning, I read that article again, and I am shocked that it is still a good statement about my country’s life – that essentially, nothing has changed or is changing. Yes, President Buhari is hitting at public corruption, but no real success is being reported from that fight, and most other things remain unchanged. This past week, a Nigerian wrote a widely publicised article under the ominous title “Buhari might be the Last President of Nigeria”. Yes, a lot of us Nigerians are worrying, and I am therefore reproducing today that article of mine of two years ago. I particularly want President Buhari to see it. Here it goes:

    “These days, I am often profoundly puzzled whenever I look at Nigeria. From all significant indications, Nigeria is gradually deconstructing. Commonly, what held together fairly well only yesterday is today markedly disintegrating.

    And the most troubling part of it all is that nobody – no Nigerian of note – seems to be aware or care. The politicians go about their nebulous games of politics with their usual crookedness and vicious manipulations while the country they lead or hope to lead crumbles inexorably.

    Nigeria is disintegrating. Our very best ploys at self-deception have become too fragile to hide that fact. This past Monday, July 14, TV stations worldwide carried scenes in which Boko Haram hoodlums mocked the “Bring Back Our Girls” demonstrations. Watching that sickening satyr, no self-respecting person would wish to be counted among Nigerians. A friend who watched the news in faraway California grabbed his telephone and called me and asked, “Listen, is there no government left in your country?”

    No, there is nothing substantial left in Nigeria. Except of course the royalties and rents from the oil of the Niger Delta. Those fees are now the totality of what we call Nigeria. If they were to disappear, or even seriously diminish, Nigeria would vanish almost immediately. Participation in politics, all of governance, service on the judiciary, the police, the other regulatory agencies, and most of what we call business  – all are underpinned and motivated by the sharing of bounties and grafts from the oil revenues. A real country no longer exists here.

    About three months ago, we were elated when our president inaugurated a National Conference. Many of us hoped that a National Conference would sort out many of our deadlocks and tangles. It is not happening. Nothing so constructive is possible in Nigeria. After bruising its path through some decisions that seemed fairly valuable, the conference has now capped everything with an overwhelmingly disastrous decision – namely, the decision to increase the number of states in the Nigerian federation from 36 to 54. Yes, 54 states!

    For years now, there has been no doubt that having as many as 36 states has been hurting our country. It resulted in small weak states that the federal establishment has easily been able to roll over and subdue states incapable of developing their resources or resisting poverty among their citizens. This has distorted our federation, increased poverty among our people, and generated widening insecurity and conflicts. In spite of these experiences, our National Conference has now decided to increase the number of states. And we all know why. Most of the persons gathered in the conference are politicians or aspiring politicians whose only serious desire is to create more opportunities for themselves to become state governors, deputy governors, commissioners, advisers, contractors, etc. It is about creating more outlets for sharing the oil money. Nigeria’s well-being is not a consideration – because, of course, Nigeria and the citizens of Nigeria do not exist as far as most of our politicians are concerned.

    Naturally, a lot of informed Nigerians are speaking out – and most of them are proposing that the mirage called Nigeria be terminated, in the interest of all concerned. Among such statements by prominent Nigerians, I am looking at a few right now.

    Some days ago, one of our most prominent citizens, former vice-chancellor of one of our leading universities, Professor Ango Abdullahi, granted a public interview. From his chosen angle in Nigeria’s political life, Professor Abdullahi has been undoubtedly one of our most successful politicians. But, in the bruising tensions and conflicts of the politics of a Nigeria that has no core of values, no generally accepted game rules, and no commonly shared goal, he is becoming exasperated. It is therefore not surprising that even he is now saying that he would gladly accept the breaking up of Nigeria – in fact, that the Hausa-Fulani leadership of the Arewa North would gladly subscribe to the dissolution of Nigeria, if that is what others wish.

    As things stand today, there is not much doubt about what Nigerians wish. If Nigerians were asked  today about their wish concerning Nigeria’s future, most are likely to agree that the failed experiment of Nigeria should now be given up peacefully, and that the brutalized and suffering peoples of Nigeria should be given a chance to re-discover hope for themselves in smaller countries of their own. We have come that far.

    I also have before me a piece written by another Nigerian intellectual who writes: “It is high time we dissolved this big beast called a country”.  He adds that Chief Awolowo and his contemporaries in the 1950s “believed a big, strong and prosperous Nigeria like the emerging United States would take its rightful place on the world stage and be the pride of Africa and the black world. Instead, ever since, Nigeria has stubbornly refused to be anything other than a global disgrace. Now is the time to split the country…We want a good-bye-to-all referendum now.  And the National Conference sitting in Abuja should make itself useful by setting a date for one.  Enough is enough”.

    However, there are two big questions that people keep asking about our parting. One concerns the sharing of the huge oil revenues; and the other concerns the fact that large numbers of citizens now live beyond their ethnic homelands. Professor Abdullahi touches upon the first, and his position is that the oil does not belong to any one section of Nigeria, but to Nigeria as a whole. Significant Northern leaders have said repeatedly that it was Nigerian money that developed the Delta oil industry, and that they will go to war rather than lose the oil.

    The bottom line being suggested to the oil situation, therefore, is that if we are to be able to part peacefully, we must find a generally acceptable solution to the sharing of the oil revenues. Two years ago, a Nigerian scientist resident in the United States offered a constructive solution to this problem. His proposal is that Nigeria’s parting settlement should include a clause providing for continued sharing of the oil revenues among the new countries for an agreed number of years (five or 10 years) after the parting. Each new country would thus have an assured amount of oil revenue for a number of years as it strives to take off. For the implementation of this, an international commission, participated in by the United Nations, will be charged with the revenue receiving and sharing, for the agreed number of years. Among the pluses of this arrangement, it will bring peace to the Niger Delta oil industry – peace that it has lacked for decades.

    For the second question, the solution would have to be a cast-iron agreement and guarantee for the protection of non-indigene folks where they choose to remain in any new countries.  According to countless intellectuals who have explored this subject, no non-Yoruba folks have any reason to fear in a new Yoruba country. That is at least one plus for the future. Hopefully, other new countries will follow suit.

  • Okonjo-Iweala’s satanic verse

    Okonjo-Iweala’s satanic verse

    In a national broadcast to mark the forgiveness of Nigeria’s debt by the Paris Club in 2005, former President Olusegun Obasanjo made some remarks, which I have since held on to. In closing the broadcast, he said: “How about the future? We must learn from the past. We must all show collective responsibility to prevent a return to the past. We must all commit ourselves to protecting, rather than squandering the future of our children. We must all agree not to remove the solid blocks on which our nation stands by accumulating debts that we cannot pay. May God never let us go through this painful path again’’.

    The statement ended with a prayer, which I know that many of  us would have said amen to. Even with that amen, are we sure that our country is not reeling under another debt overhang today? I will draw heavily from the text of Obasanjo’s broadcast in writing this article. It is over 11 years since the Obasanjo administration got us the $18 billion debt relief. Obasanjo left office in 2007 and since his exit, we have had two other administrations – the late Yar’Adua’s and the Jonathan’s. The late President Umoru Yar’Adua, as we all know did not have the time to attend to affairs of state because of his health, so he may not have gone on a borrowing spree that will harm the country.

    But the same cannot be said of his successor, former President Goodluck Jonathan, who was in office for almost six years before his loss in the last election to President Muhammadu Buhari. A key figure in the Obasanjo and Jonathan administrations was Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the renowned economist, who left the World Bank to serve her country. Okonjo-Iweala played a key role in the negotiations that led to the writing off of our debt. And Obasanjo acknowledged her role in his broadcast by describing her as ‘’a woman of indomitable character and courage’’.

    If I know Obasanjo well, he will not think twice today before withdrawing that accolade. Why? It is the same Okonjo-Iweala that should have led the campaign for savings in the wake of the debt relief in which she played a central role that did otherwise under Jonathan. In the opening of the June 30, 2005 broadcast, Obasanjo enjoined us to savour the cheery news of the debt forgiveness ‘’and draw bitter lessons from the profligacy of the past’’. Did Okonjo-Iweala, the architect of the debt relief, draw such lessons? The answer is no. Speaking on ‘’Inequality, growth and resilience’’ at the George Washington University in the United States (US) last Thursday, she said our country is in dire straits today because her boss, Jonathan, lacked the political will to save!

    Under Obasanjo, she said the nation saved $22 billion, which came in handy during the 2008/2009 global meltdown. Obasanjo, she said, was able to save because he had the political will to do so. ‘’This time around, and this is key now, you need not only to have the instrument but you need the political will. In my second time as finance minister, from 2011 to 2015, we had the instrument, we had the means, we had done it before, but zero political will. So, we were not able to save when we should have. That is why you find that Nigeria is now in the situation it is in, along with so many other countries”, Okonjo-Iweala said.

    In one word, Jonathan failed the nation when we needed his leadership most. It is not that the money was not there; the money was there because oil was selling like hot cake then – between $120 and $140 per barrel – and there were no problems whatsoever with production. It was Okonjo-Iweala’s duty to ensure that we saved for the rainy day because life goes up and down like a yo-yo. The oil that was selling for $140 per barrel when she was in government is today hovering between $38 and $40 per barrel. If I were Okonjo-Iweala, I will cover my face in shame. She should not be seen or heard talking at all because it was her duty to get the then president to save for the rainy day.

    She was a super-minister – the minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy – all roled into one. What was she coordinating if she could not get Jonathan to do what was expected of him? To reduce what happened then to Jonathan’s lack of political will shows that she did not appreciate the enormity of her responsibility as a super-minister. The issue is Okonjo-Iweala should admit that she failed as finance minister. Their administration, as she noted in her US lecture, put us in the mess we are in today because of its ineptitude. She worsened her case by trying to explain it away later that governors were the problem. Were the governors our president or Jonathan? Why didn’t governors stop Obasanjo from saving when he was president?

    I return to the Obasanjo broadcast again because what Okonjo-Iweala did relates to what he warned the nation against 11 years ago. ‘’We can identify bad governance, abuse of office and power, criminal corruption, mismanagement and waste, misplaced priorities, fiscal indiscipline, weak control…These all took place in this country, before our very eyes, and at times in active complicity with many of us…We often forget that stolen and wasted funds were money meant for growth and development especially education, health, roads, water, electricity and other social services’’.

    Okonjo-Iweala saw evil being perpetrated against her country and she kept quiet instead of raising an alarm. Of what benefit is her statement today that we could not save for the rainy day because of our former president’s lack of political will? Her statement cannot remedy the situation; so she should keep what she knows to herself and not add to our problems. She and her cohort have done their worse. I just hope that we will not be infected by the Okonjo-Iweala disease of keeping quiet when we should speak out when things are going wrong.

    As Obasanjo said in his broadcast:  “We pray to God that we get beyond this debilitation and develop a collective conscience that is anchored on transparency, accountability, probity, value-for-money and due process’’. For Nigeria, may it yet be morning on creation day.

     

  • Gender discrimination and marginalisation in politics – 3

    A country that marginalizes half of her population has definitely shot itself in the foot and cannot run as fast as other healthy nations. This is particularly unfortunate for a backward country where all hands should be on deck. There is no scientific evidence to suggest that women are less cerebrally endowed than men are. This means denying women equal rights and opportunity denies our government the full pool from which it makes its recruitment. Without the right calibre of people manning the strategic centres of our life, there can be no development and without development there can hardly be political and economic stability. Therefore, we must borrow a leaf from such countries like the Scandinavia, Germany, France and Great Britain, where there is no longer a debate on woman’s role in the political and economic life of a country. Even the only superpower which likes to see itself as exceptional country may soon have a female head of state next January 2017.

    The question to ask is whether the marginalisation of women has been responsible for our apparent and seeming instability in Nigeria and consequent underdevelopment. The answer is NO. Our instability arises until recently from monopolization of power by the military and marginalisation of the entire civil society, which includes women. Our instability also arises from regional political imbalance, inequitable distribution of resources and national wealth, rampant corruption, youth unemployment, brigandage arising from joblessness, absence of rule of law, social disequilibrium, arrested political and economic development, confusion as to the system and mode of government, marriage of modern and ancient political system without a clear cut direction and evolution of a Nigeria system. While the problem of gender discrimination is a serious issue, it is not the most important factor making for instability and underdevelopment. It is nevertheless a serious issue and it must be tackled along with other issues. Associated with gender discrimination is the issue of sexual harassment, which is usually laughed off the court in Nigeria. But this is not a laughing matter. No country that wants to be taken seriously would condone the offence of sexual harassment, which is endemic in Nigeria. Because of the poverty of our people and the scarcity of jobs, female workers put up with indescribable humiliation in the hands of over-sexed men with unusually active libido. The abduction of underage women and converting them to Muslims or sex slaves is another vicious kind of sexual harassment.

    Now that we are in a democratic era, each of the two main political parties must begin to formulate policies especially directed at female and children issues. Politicians because they have had little chance at political leadership have not demonstrated forceful leadership in this regard. It is hoped that the current political dispensation would take more interest in women issues and women empowerment. It may be necessary to embark on affirmative action to allocate a certain parentage of seats to women in the various legislatures and cabinets. Political parties in their own interest must allow and encourage women to hold party political offices as well. Perhaps there is need for a constitutional device to force men to share power with women. The question of franchise has been legally and constitutionally settled. And there is no democracy anywhere in the world where people are forced to vote but in our own situation where quite a large number of our women-folk live in purdah, special and indigenous devices must be fashioned out to ensure the confidentiality of the franchise. Under no circumstance must it be permissible for men to dictate to their wives who to vote for. With modern communication, it ought to be possible for political parties looking for votes to reach the most distant recess of the purdah. There is a general knowledge that when a nation educates its women-folk, that nation is educating the entire society because of the fundamental and important role women play in child bearing and rearing and continuing and preserving human society.

    If our goal is to build a vibrant democratic society, then all people must be brought on board, and if we must move at a very rapid rate in order to catch up with the civilized world, then the question of women mobilization is just too important to be trifled with. Without stability there can be no development, with more than half of our population operating at the fringe of our political life, we cannot be said to be politically stable. Stability is not the same as the peace of the grave where society is terrorized into acquiescence or to silence. While women may not be in a position to terrorize society or to overthrow governments, their power lies in the influence, which they have over their male children and also their husbands. We must recognise this influence as power and we must deliberately educate this segment of our society who will always have this power. But above all, women power must not come vicariously through their sons and husbands, women must have access to power on their own merit. The only way to ensure this is by deliberately making our political environment women friendly. This we can do through affirmative action and through legislation. We must also proceed with deliberate speed in educating the female-child. Education has always been a liberating force as well as a training process and medium. With education most of the disabilities of women will overtime disappear. Economic empowerment will follow, and with this will come political participation. With women empowerment will come more voice and brain to confront other fundamental disabilities of our nation. Unity is strength; the more united a country is the better, unity goes beyond overcoming the primordial ties of ethnicity. Nowadays, gender unity is increasingly attracting the attention that it deserves. It may even be more fruitful and more intellectually rewarding if we move away from pre-occupation with ethnic and regional politics and really face the socio-economic issue for our times. What better people to look at the issues of begging, in the midst of plenty, starvation, unclean environment, inadequate health facilities, than women. Examples of countries like Russia, where more than 60% of the doctors are women or the United States, where most of the people who do social work are women, point to the tendency of women to be more suitable in building what President Bush called a “gentler kinder” and more humane society. Our women need to be challenged and our society must embrace the credo of “careers open to talents” and women certainly have talents.

  • Death will be that undiscovered country…

    Death will be that undiscovered country that we shall all visit. In that country, everybody will be stripped of titles and accumulated wealth. Nobody will be referred to as “Your Excellency,” “OON, CON, GCON” “Africa’s richest billionaire” and so on. In that country, the truth of our follies and the septic belly of our idiocies shall become even more pronounced and visible to all. Those of us, the billionaires particularly, who send so-called “prayerfully powerful” Alfas on holy pilgrimage to Mecca to seek for Allah’s forgiveness and infinite mercies on their behalf shall realize that they had simply been foolish. No amount of prayers-by-proxy, sacrifices and so on, shall move Almighty Allah to forgive them and grant them eternal peace and paradise if their handiwork is tantamount to evil.

    They will all die eventually. It wouldn’t matter if they are buried in Victoria Court Cemetery or Atan Cemetery; it wouldn’t matter if their remains are unrecoverable in the event of their demise in a ghastly accident or assassination. Immediately they pass on, they shall begin to pay for their handiwork like the rest of us. They shan’t escape the trials of the grave.

    No priest, highfaluting ceremony of absolution from ‘original sin,” redemption and so on shall ennoble the Christians among us with the “infinite grace” of Almighty God if they remain evil at heart. If they like, let them build as many gigantic Churches and temples as they like, let their offerings and tithe tower beyond the rafters and sky-high, it won’t make them pious before God.

    No priest or Alfa can intercede with God on our behalf. We shall all die: President, governor, first lady, special advisers, ministers, accountant, journalist, activist, dibias, babalawos and so on. And even our tiniest depravity shall be summoned to witness against us.

    Those who profess to be godly live like they answer to some blind, stupid, and partial god. Almighty Allah is not stupid, silly or blind. Jehovah is neither partial nor handicapped by greed for worship houses, outlandish sacrifices and exaggerated humility. Chineke, Eledumare is surely no perverted wimp that we could corrupt by wile and insincere tokens of sacrifice and worship.

    He will judge us all according to our handiwork. In the face of such imminent reality, it’s amusing to see the ruling class administer our lives like they are answerable to no one. It’s even more bizarre to see our youth lend themselves as willing tools to the antics and designs of the ruling class. Many a self-styled professor of truth and champion of the masses’ rights have become junkyard dog and dunghill mongrel for the same ruling class they used to criticize.

    Talk is cheap really and Nigerians love to talk a good game. That is why everyone: literate, semi-literate and illiterate, display flawless capacities to decipher and summarize the political and socio-economic problems afflicting Nigeria, just for the fun of it or the benefit of applause.

    Besides a few good men and real heroes who have staked their lives and personal comfort to protest the gross ineptitude and bestiality of the ruling class and the society at large, most of us have accepted to remain acquiescent. When we are criticized for being unacceptably docile, we respond that there is infinite wisdom in choosing our battles wisely and keeping our mouths shut.

    Nonetheless, we continue to mount the soapbox in our living rooms, around our dinner tables and in the ubiquitous ‘beer parlours’ criticizing our leaders, casting blames and justifying our pathetic and apologetic existence.

    The tragedy subsists in our customary lamentation about the state of the Nigerian nation; every time our conscience is roused with a damning report, as it is still customary of us, more racist politicians and activists suggest that we split and go our separate ways touting it as the only solution to our league of extraordinary problems.

    There is no wisdom in secession unless it serves to eliminate the same bogeys that make Nigeria a living hell for us. Secession, I maintain, is the fruit of ‘reason’ that we need to be wary of and I will continue to say this hoping every prospective muscle – that is, the youth – by which the separatists hope to achieve their dreams of dissolution, would listen and learn to let the secessionists risk their skins and their lineages to actualize their platitudes.

    Let every political godfather, public office hopeful and so on send their sons and wives and daughters on to the streets to wield cutlasses, guns and bombs. Let the ruling class recall their children from their Ivy League schools and exclusive mansions abroad to march on the streets and hack to death perceived oppositions to their political ambitions. Let every youth from humble background and the breadlines mobilize instead to collectively seek an end to the ruling class’ reign of terror.

    Violence and bloodshed is never the answer. Secession is never the answer to our woes.

    The biggest misconception about separation, insurgence, self-determination or whatever the separatists choose to call it is that it could be peaceful and that the end result would be a conscientious and citizenry-centred dispensation.

    It’s all dirty, greedy politics. The separatists want the youth to fly the flags of their dream nations, they want everybody to brandish a bumper sticker that bellows, “Death to the Federal Republic of Nigeria!” They call anyone that’s anti-war and anti-secession, “pacifist,” “traitor” or whatever colourful adjective suits their rage. Then they promise the youth a prosperous future and better fate under their dream nation. Consequently, youth that ought to know better buy into such farce and they all begin to dream and talk of the great uprising that would set them free from the living hell Nigeria has become.

    Even when we see through the promises of the separatists, we choose to ignore it for the love of paltry inducements and instant gratification. It’s about time the Nigerian youth started postponing immediate gratification and endure hard sacrifices spurred by conviction that the future can be better than the past.

    But we face a far more difficult problem at our moment in history. What do you promise youth who have been told they can have anything they want, who are repeatedly urged to seek the best of all possible circumstances without shedding sweat for it? How do you tell them that “the good times,” as they have known them or heard of them, will definitely come back?

    The Nigerian youth needs a new vision to help them deal with reality, a promising story of the future that helps them let go of the pains and disappointments of the past. We need a grand vision of possibilities that Nigerians may pursue and dream on: the country’s rich socio-cultural and political tradition, the right of all citizens to larger lives. Such dreams should never be about getting richer than the guy next door or accumulating obscene wealth for applause and to show off but the right to live life more fully and engage more expansively, the elemental possibilities of human existence.

    Sophistry and deceit are the springboards from which our civilization evolves. Add mediocrity, mindlessness and greed and you have a perfect representation of the contemporary youth. We were wrong to think it a matter of years and decades that we would improve in citizenship and tact. We forget that true citizenship essentially translates to being an emissary of truth, hope, superior culture and progress to the benefits of the literate and unschooled.

    It should above all be the appendage of that fine adjustment between reality and the growing knowledge of life – an adjustment which discovers the secret of civilization and the solution to its seemingly intractable problems. Insanely, to this end, we apply bigotry in politics and religion. Thus by every manner of faith we commit the worst of inhuman transgressions – like terrorism and mass murder, inordinate lust for wealth and acclaim.

  • PMB: Ponder on the words of Atiku Abubakar

    Many Nigerians did not read, and most do not remember, the memo which former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar sent to the 2014 National Conference. That is a pity. I have re-read it, and I must urge all lovers of this country to read it. Coming from one of the most eminent personalities from Northern Nigeria, it deserves to be ranked as one of the most important, one of the most patriotic, documents in Nigeria’s recent history.

    In particular, President Buhari, whom we elected on his promise of CHANGE, should read this document carefully and thoughtfully, and then respond to it. He has stolidly refused to respond to the countless calls on him to consider some agenda for restructuring our federation. He cannot now continue to do so without risking the loss of his credibility. That does not mean that we do not appreciate his fight against corruption; but it does mean that his anti-corruption fight does not, and cannot, touch the roots of Nigeria’s failings as a country.  Any claim to be making change without attending to the need for properly restructuring this federation of many nations is flatly unconvincing. We who support Buhari care very much about his evolving image and heritage.

    The following are the significant sections of the Atiku memorandum. The words are entirely his – with only minor touching to save space or to highlight sections.

     

    “What We Can Agree On

    A major reason why Nigeria is not working is the way we have structured our country and governance, especially since the emergence of military rule in 1966. We can agree that the federal government is too big, too rich, and too strong relative to the federating states. We can agree that there is too much centralisation of resources and concentration of power at the federal level.

    Nigerians would not have been calling for a National Conference, sovereign or not, if we were meeting our people’s basic needs, including food, shelter, education, security, energy, and transportation infrastructure, if we were putting the country on the right path and every segment of the country feels equitably treated. And we would unlikely see people describing as a mistake the amalgamation of the northern and southern parts of Nigeria 100 years ago.

     

    Unitary Federalism

    Therefore, many of our challenges are governance issues which can be tackled by a serious government committed to uplifting our people. To me then, the National Conference should design a political and governmental system that empowers local authorities and gives them greater autonomy to address peculiar local issues, and enhances accountability, while contributing to the general good of the country.  Such a robust federal system would reduce the tensions that are built into our current over-centralised system.  While the relationships among Nigeria’s ethnic and religious groups are important, the National Conference cannot expect to create a federating structure that coheres with our ethnic identities.  Those identities are not only numerous but cross-cutting as well.

    Although our regional arrangement in the First Republic was not perfect – and did have its tensions – it certainly made for more local autonomy and better quality governance than what we have today. Our current structure, which can best be described as “unitary federalism” (a contradiction in terms), was created under our military regimes in the context of rising ethnic tensions and violence, an unfortunate civil war and the sudden rise in revenues from crude oil rents.

    As more power was concentrated in the centre, the federal government appropriated more resources and expanded its responsibilities. All of these were done in the name of promoting national unity. And the process was relatively easy as the unified command structure of the military ensured little opposition. Military governors/administrators in the states could not defend greater autonomy for their states against their commanders from the nation’s capital: they were merely on military posting.

     

    How to Fix Nigeria

    Therefore, fixing Nigeria, to me, will require reversing decades of over-centralisation of power and over-concentration of resources at the centre. That is, it requires federal retreat or a degree of retrenchment of the federal government. The features will include:

     

    1. Fiscal federalism (which allows the component states to keep their resources but allows the federal government taxing powers)
    2. Devolution of powers to states and local governments (e.g. state and local control of education, health, roads and other infrastructure)

    iii. State and local police to augment the federal police (with clearly defined roles and jurisdictions)

    1. Independence of key democratic institutions, security and anti-corruption agencies.

     

    Facts & Realities

    We need to eschew emotions and knee-jerk reactions and examine these issues critically.  As is to be expected, interests have been formed and entrenched so that calls for devolution and decentralisation (mostly from the south) have been met with very strident opposition (mostly from the north). It is as though the over-centralisation of power and concentration of resources in the federal government benefit the north more than the south. Nothing can be further from the truth. In my view, and the evidence is there for all to see, the excessive dominance of the federal government has been detrimental to the development aspirations of all sections of this country.  It is precisely why we now rely almost exclusively on oil revenues, which come mainly from a small section of the country. It is what has, by extension, killed our agriculture, local control of schools, and promoted corruption that has eroded the quality of our public and even private institutions.

    I come from the north, and I can tell you that government’s reliance on oil revenues has virtually destroyed the economy of the north, and no part of Nigeria has been left unaffected.  I readily acknowledge the role of oil revenues in expanding our infrastructure such as schools, roads and irrigation facilities. However, were oil prices to suddenly drop significantly, the country, every part of the country, will be in even more serious trouble than we are today.

    Yet this is a country which, while I was growing up, had federating units that were able to send their children to school, build roads, universities, ports, factories, farm settlements, etc.  I had all my formal education in northern Nigeria and it was the Native Authority and regional government that funded it, even paid me to go to school. Three of the first generation universities, UNN, ABU and OAU were built by the then regional governments.

    We must stop assuming that anyone calling for the restructuring of our federation is working for the breakup of the country.  And the notion that over-centralisation and an excessively powerful centre is equivalent to national unity is false.  If anything, it has made our unity more fragile and our government more unstable.  We must renegotiate our union in order to make it stronger.  Greater autonomy, power and resources for states and local authorities will unleash our people’s creative energies and spur more development. It will help with improving security. It will help give the federating units and the local governments greater freedom and flexibility to address local issues, priorities and peculiarities. It will promote healthy rivalries among the federating units and local authorities. It will help make us richer and stronger as a nation.

    Let us consider restructuring our federation on the basis of the current six geo-political zones as regions and the states as provinces.

    Let us look at our First Republic Constitution for guidance.  It is a constitution that resulted from hard bargaining among our leaders then, leaders whom no one would accuse of lacking in patriotism or developmental zeal.  Let us look at our history, for example the history of our education management and social provisioning in the First Republic and compare that with the current situation. Let us also look at other working federations around the world such as the United States, Canada, and India.  What we will learn from them is that states or provinces and local municipalities have greater autonomy over their resources, development choices, and wage structures, among other things. There is no reason for the governor of Lagos State to earn the same salary as the Governor of Kogi State or for a teacher in Mubi to earn the same salary as the one in Abuja or Port Harcourt, given the widely varying costs of living, productivity and revenue generating capacities across the country.

    In a nutshell, the national conference should produce proposals that enable us have a smaller, leaner federal government with reduced responsibilities, a tax-focused revenue base, and a true federal system with greater autonomy for the component states and localities to control their revenues and their development”.

  • Tales from the fuel queues

    Tales from the fuel queues

    How that the fuel queues are shrinking and the black marketers as well as their filling station collaborators are returning home to wait for the next harvest, it is fit and proper to relive the season of anguish and anger. Who knows, those fellows who visit such hardship upon us may be touched and choose not to trouble the land this way any more. Who knows.

    As the fuel stress eases, nature has coincidentally chosen to be merciful. The rains seem to be here – so is the rainy day, again coincidentally –  after a long, harsh break occasioned by an unusual heat wave worsened by a collapsed electricity system which, we are told, succumbed to vandalism that drained the plants of gas. The long years of neglect by rapacious adventurers and marauders posing as leaders have finally come to torment us all. Pity.

    It is cool now. Plants have found their flush – fresh, lush and flowery once again, their sheer greenery exciting the mind and bewitching the eyes. The cool breeze hits the body in a refreshing lullaby that only mother nature is capable of working.

    Oh! If man could learn a little from nature and enrich humanity with some kindness. Pardon my digression.

    No matter how bad a situation is, it will have some redeeming feature. And so it is with this latest encounter with the fuel scarcity demon. Long after we had forgotten that the mother of former Minister of Finance and Co-ordinating Minister for the Economy Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was kidnapped, the secret behind the crime has been revealed.

    Thousands of kilometres away from the crazy queues that partly symbolise the anger of the subsidy lords, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala has told the French newspaper Le Monde of her experience in the fight against corruption. She said sharply: “Nigeria subsidises fuel. About $67billion that it costs. We found that $1.5billion was fraudulent. … I told the President that we would stop paying. What happened? They kidnapped my mother, 83 years. During the first three days, their only demand was my resignation. I was supposed to go on television and announce my resignation.”

    “This was one of the worst moments of my life. Can you imagine what happens in your head if you have to be responsible for the death of your mother? I will not go into details but you must understand that in a country like this… in the fight against corruption, we must be prepared to pay a personal price.

    “My father asked me not to resign. The president asked me not to resign. At the end, everyone began looking for her, and the kidnappers released her.”

    What a revelation!

    Instead of appreciating the former minister for this prized information, which an analyst has rated in the class of the Panama Papers, many have been lashing her for not going the whole hog. They have been asking:  Is Madam telling the truth? Why was it difficult to stop the daylight robbery that the fuel subsidy had become? Who were the men and women behind this criminal mask? How much was paid for the old woman’s freedom? Was that why we couldn’t stop the subsidy and the sharks held the nation to ransom? Did we taxpayers eventually pick this fraudulent bill for our minister’s mum to be released?  C’mon Ma, tell us the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

    Those are the fair and objective observers. There are others who challenged Mrs Okonjo –Iweala to answer the age-long question of what became of the $2.1billion Excess Crude Account cash which Edo State Governor Adams Oshiomhole said was unaccounted for. In fairness to Madam, she once said that the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) was aware that the money had been spent. Even then, she was quickly reminded that FAAC was a mere assemblage of finance commissioners created for administrative convenience and not a constitutional body, which can elbow aside the National Economic Council (NEC).

    By December 2012, the ECA had a balance of over $10 billion. By May, 2015, the balance had gone down to $2.07 billion. Crude oil was between $100 and $108 between 2011 and 2014 when the budgets had a benchmark of $77 and $79. Why was the account not fattened by the excess?

    This is among the numerous questions they are asking Mrs Okonjo-Iweala to answer.

    President Muhammadu Buhari has accused the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) of not saving for the rainy day. They ran the country as if it was Hollywood and movie stars, living a Champagne life of opulence and obscene luxury while the people starved.

    Mrs Okonjo-Iweala disagreed. She spoke of how governors did not allow the Dr Goodluck Jonathan administration to save for the rainy day. Her first tour of duty, she said, saw the establishment of a stabilisation mechanism and opening of an account for surplus oil earnings of $22billion.

    “In 2008 when prices fell from $148 to $38 a barrel, no one heard of Nigeria because the country was able to tap into this fund. And that, I am very proud of. When I returned in 2011, there remained only $4billion on this account while the price of oil was very high. I tried again to put money aside. The president agreed, but the governors did not accept. I suffered a lot of attacks from them and now that the country would really need this account, these same people accuse me of not having saved.”

    Poor woman. How could they have forgotten those lofty schemes that political opponents dismissed as scams? The SURE – P, You Win I win and the icing on the cake, Rebasing – the one that catapulted Nigeria’s economy from the depth of mystery to which its former managers had dumped it to the peak of affluence, the best in Africa. All by the mere ingenuity of our dearest minister who just adjusted the figures and put us where we rightly belong economically. Doesn’t she deserve a trophy?

    At a point the fuel problem bred some tragedies. An expectant woman was delivered of her baby as she walked for hours. In Lagos, a Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) officer shot dead two persons at a filling station. One, an 18-year-old boy, was accused of hawking fuel, a charge he vehemently denied. Unsatisfied by his pleas to allow him go, the officer fired a shot that killed the boy, simply identified as Ikechukwu.

    As the poor boy fell, the officer and her colleagues fled the scene, shooting into the air. Three people were injured.

    The situation also witnessed a massive exhibition of the fecundity of the Nigerian mind. Laughter became the fuel of life. A fellow recalled: “After Buhari won the presidential election, people started to trek for him. We thought they were insane. We never knew they saw the future; they were being prophetic. Now, everybody is trekking. Now it’s mass trekking for Buhari.”

    The sarcasm was as biting as the situation it was meant to illuminate. The fellow adds a Pentecostal clincher: “Not to worry, the children of Israel trekked to the Promised Land from Egypt. Be of good cheer, fellow Nigerians. Tell your neighbour, ‘I will get there before you’.”

    The story is told of a man who goes to a filling station throbbing with people. Some, fagged out and dozing, have their heads on their steering wheels. Others have their power generators, mostly the tiny ones derisively called I better pass my neighbour, on their bare heads. There are also those holding jerry cans of various sizes – all waiting for the long-awaited sales to begin.

    Suddenly a voice rings out: “They have started o! They have started o!”. As the fellow runs across the road, still screaming “they have started o”, many leave the queue and start running, some also crying “they have started o”. A few kilometres away from the filling station, a motorist and one of the first to run after the screaming man catches up with him, grabs him by the collar of his shirt and asks: “What have they started?” The fellow replies: “El Classico. Barca versus Real Madrid.”

    Of all the rib-ticklers on the Nigerian situation, including a man’s Facebook announcement that he has bought a horse to finally settle the fuel problem, none is as striking as this, part of which appeared on this page a long time ago.

    “Some former leaders died and went to hell. The British leader asks the devil to allow him make a phone call to London to know the welfare of his people. He spends five minutes. Satan bills him $5000.The United States leader makes his call for eight minutes and Satan bills him $8000. The Nigerian leader calls Abuja and spends two hours. He is briefed about the fuel trouble, Boko Haram, kidnapping, budget brouhaha and the anti-corruption war.

    “After his call, he asks Satan, ‘How much is my bill?’ Satan replies: ‘Your bill is $1.’

    Surprised, the Nigerian leader says: ‘How come my own call is cheaper than the other two leaders’? I stayed longest on the phone.’

    Satan, smiling, replies: “What’s the difference? Calling hell from hell is not expensive; it’s a local call.”

  • Gender discrimination and marginalisation in politics-2

    This kind of choice should never have been allowed in the first instance if the state were aware and alive to its responsibilities. Education should be a right and not privilege. The resources to take care of the education of all of our children are there if properly managed and husbanded. In the best of times, female education should be at par with that of their male counterpart. In the public universities for example, the ratio is about 40:60 in favour of men. This is however the reverse in most private universities. This means that parity is within sight. If and when we have almost the same number of women and men vying for the same positions, inequality would not disappear because employers of labour would continue to view materially the loss of labour and corporate earning which leave, with or without pay, associated with child bearing entails. But these are issues, which are being tackled in more advanced economies where men too are being given paternity leave just like the maternity leave for the women.

    Discrimination in the job market will never be completely eliminated but it can at least be made illegal but since nobody has ever forced the issue, we still do not know what the opinions of our courts are. It is in the realm of politics that the situation is very serious. Women in Nigeria hardly show any interest in politics. They just want to be left alone to go on with their lives, and take care of their families. Educated women and the majority of their male counterparts actually view politics as a “dirty game”, which is largely played by lawyers and other self employed professionals. And because of the usual violence and thuggery associated with partisan politics, women and self-respecting men shy away from it. There is also the problem of finance. Politics in recent times have become a preserve of the plutocrats. One cannot be a successful politician in Nigeria unless one is well heeled or one has backers who are ready to finance one’s political career as an investment. In this way, one compromises one’s independence and the seed of corruption is sown. Women generally do not seem cut out for this kind of life.

    There is also the question of what an aspiring woman politician is to do with a husband who is apathetic or hostile to political participation. The general impression of a woman politician in the minds of Nigerians is that of somebody who is either out of control or out of her station. Nigerian male politicians prefer holding caucus meetings in the nights to the disadvantage of self-respecting women. We know of course that the families of women politicians all over the world have to forfeit their hold, expectations, demands and usual familial relationship with their wives or daughters. It is not easy in a rather conservative African society as ours for this to be done without somebody paying the price. That price is usually paid by women and their children, because the man is usually not inhibited in entering into new liaison with other “homely” and “wifely” partner. These cultural obstacles are immense and difficult to overcome them. We have a national aspiration to be in the league of important and civilized countries of the world. We must therefore march in tandem with the best. It is not a matter of religion anymore.

    We have had women serving at the highest levels of government everywhere except Africa. Golda Meier in Israel, the Bandaranaikes – mother and daughter in Sri Lanka, Indira Ghandi in India, Begum Hussaina Mujibur Rahman in Bangladesh, Tansu Ciller in Turkey, Magaret Thatcher in Great Britain, Magot Brundlandt in Norway, Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan, Megawati Sukarnoputra in Indonesia, the biggest Islamic country in the world. Other female presidents or Prime Ministers include Edith Cresson (France), Yingluck Shinawatra (Thailand), President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (Argentina), Michelle Bachlet (Chile) and Dilma Vana Rouseff (Brazil). Religious and male chauvinists have and are being confounded everywhere. It is not a question of whether it will be salutary for women to participate and to take the commanding heights in governance; it is a question of equity, fairness and justice.

    One cannot identify a pattern, norm or paradigm in countries with women heads of government. But what is discernible is that women tend to be more authoritarian when they are heads of government than men perhaps because they have to assert themselves more than it is necessary for men to do. Mrs Margaret Thatcher used to say she was the ‘only man’ in her cabinet. The level of corruption is not less than when men are in power. From empirical data, there is hardly any difference in the way women or men behave in power. Perhaps the only trait one can isolate is that women in power seem to feel like men and to put other women at a distance. Whatever the shortcoming of women in power, the absence of the feminine touch wherever they are barred from participation is definitely a loss to the polity and society at large. Since the Beijing conference on women empowerment, the United Nations and the collective voice of the world have stood behind women self-realization in every facet of our human existence. It therefore behoves us to ensure that our women-folk have access to political power as their men counterparts. As a resource, man or woman is the ultimate factor in human development.