Category: Thursday

  • OSUN AND ITS TRADUCERS

    OSUN State Governor Rauf Aregbesola’s administration has been under attack for not paying workers’ salaries. The state is not alone in this financial quagmire. Rivers, Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bauchi, Cross River, Benue, Ekiti, Imo, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kogi, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo, Plateau and Zamfara are also in the same boat. For the helpless workers, the trauma is so much. They deserve praises for their perseverance.  My sympathy. They seem to understand that Ogbeni Rauf has not diverted state funds into his pocket; it is the crash in allocation from the federal purse that has shattered the state’s finances, making it difficult for it to meet its obligations.

    If the workers are showing understanding, not so some politicians and writers. I read one article at the weekend in which the writer said Osun State earned N868b in allocations in four years.  In other words, by the writer’s weird calculation, the state was making N15.7b monthly. It never did. Facts, as they say, are sacred; comments are free. Journalism respects facts; we journalists should.

    Aregbesola explained it all when he told the state’s lawmakers: “The contrasting state of our allocation from the federation account is highlighted by the peak of our allocation of N5b we received in February 2013 against the N466m we just received in April.”

    What the debtor – states are passing through, awful as it is, will soon pass. May God give our leaders the wisdom to find a solution to this national shame.

  • Buhari and corruption in the LGAs

    President Buhari at his inauguration two weeks ago identified some of the enormous challenges facing the nation as ‘insecurity, pervasive corruption, the hitherto unending and seemingly impossible fuel and power shortages’. Others include Boko Haram, the Niger Delta situation, and unemployment especially among young people’.  While admonishing us not to ‘succumb to hopelessness and defeatism’ and insisting ‘We can fix our problems’, he also assured us he was going ‘to tackle them head on’. For Nigerians, who struggled against all impediments erected by PDP to secure their permanent voters card, and waited long hours to ensure their vote counted, ‘hope rises eternal in the human breast’. Their faith in Buhari to make a difference in their lives after 16 years of locust by PDP remains unshakable.

    But the president who vowed the ‘Federal Government under him would not fold its arms and close its eyes to what is going on in the states and local governments, not least the operations of the Local Government Joint Account’ even after admitting the constitutional limits to powers of each of the three tiers of government must realize winning the election is just the beginning of the task ahead. He must be neck deep in politics because democracy is a game of bargaining. To maintain an air of aloofness while PDP surreptitiously took over the leadership of the house is not reassuring.

    Undoubtedly, corruption in the LGAs is just a symptom. The fundamental problem that supports and sustains corruption at all tiers of government is the unwieldy and unviable 36 states and 774 LGAs structure.  The president can do very little except the structure is changed. For this to happen, the president has to be a politician because those who are expected to change it are the same set of people benefiting from what Charles Soludo, the former CBN governor recently described as ‘a dysfunctional unitary system’ often  erroneously referred to as a federal system. Tinkering with the structure as the National Assembly has tried to do in recent times is not the solution. And for President Buhari to assume 36 states and 774 LGAs can be monitored is to assume the president is still being haunted by his military antecedents.

    Monitoring 36 states that survives on handouts from Abuja is an impossible task. Even if the president opts for that unviable option, he will still have to first sponsor a bill to the National Assembly to redefine the relations between the federal government and the states assemblies empowered by the constitution to create LGA and ‘to hold officials of local government accountable for management of financial resources’. The state assemblies unfortunately have often in the name of promoting financial accountability in the LGAs only ensured appropriations are appropriately and legally made from Abuja without institutional arrangement to guarantee judicious disbursement of such resources.

    The federal government on its part has its own demons to face. Holding to 51% of the budget allows the federal government to deploy huge resources in form of patronage to some departments that are better handled by the states. How, for instance, does the president intend to stop leakages in UBE across the country? The government appropriates billions to the Federal Ministry of Agriculture annually even when it does not control land. Instead of first asking the northern states for their preferences, an irresponsible federal government in control of huge resources embarked on building new universities for the northern states even when 50% space in the existing ones are taken up by southerners and students of Middle Belt states. Precisely because the federal government that controls over 51% of our resources and is not accountable to anyone, it is spending over N9.2b to import cooking stoves for rural women ostensibly to fight desert encroachment in a situation where urban dwellers have no access to kerosene. Roads infrastructure, the health sector, agriculture and education etc, that can be better handled by the states are held onto by the federal government because they are veritable source of patronage and corruption.

    Fighting pervasive corruption at LGAs , the states or even at the federal level is an impossible task under the present structure, a product of military adventurers determined to control society using the only method they know – hierarchical control from the top to he bottom. They created states and LGAs without any known objective criteria. The military baked ‘new breed’ politicians that inherited power either as highest paid lawmakers in the world, state governors that never  bothered about how to generate revenues but preside over billions including security vote  they don’t have to account for, and dropouts who earn more than university professors as councilors are determined to sustain the structure. Charles Soludo, a former CBN governor also recently threw a challenge. He wants anyone to give him ‘examples of federal systems in the world where the local governments directly receive statutory allocations from the federal government and with statutory powers to spend as they wish without performance-based criteria attached to such receipts.

    We can also add there is nowhere in the world where the centre creates LGAs for states or regions. It is like climbing the palm tree from the top which is only possible in Nigeria. How can the president fight corruption at LGAs when their creation is in itself fraudulent? Or how does one explain Kano with lower population than Lagos having twice the number of federally funded LGAs than Lagos?

    Local government itself as a ‘veritable agent of local service delivery, mobiliser of community-based human and material resources, organiser of local initiatives in response to wide range of local needs and aspirations, and provider of basic structures and conditions for grassroot participation in the democratic process’ must reflect the local idiosyncrasies of the local communities.

    Until now when in the name of democracy and even- development contingent on sharing of  oil rent, local developmental activities are handed over to social misfits or known rascals, community affairs among many groups in the country were handled mostly by respected members of the community usually on voluntary basis. This was the philosophical basis for the consensus among our founding fathers and the colonial masters that indigenous form of government was to become the basis of self government in order to ensure ‘each group develops at its own pace without interference from others’.

    Buhari as a former military man understands the philosophical base of the current structure which stemmed from military idea of total control and sharing of resources of conquered territories. He has an historic opportunity of not only fulfilling the expectation of those who expect reparations from those who looted our resources and shared among themselves our common patrimony but also of putting an end to our nightmare by working towards removing a structure designed to sustain corruption which was arrogantly imposed on the people by a self-serving ‘army of anything is possible’.

  • Tyranny of the minority

    POLITICIANS can do anything for power; some of them can sell an arm and a leg to achieve their ambition. It is good to be ambitious, but when the ambition becomes inordinate it turns to another thing. This is what we saw play out in the National Assembly on Tuesday during the inauguration of the Senate and House of Representatives following the proclamation of President Muhammadu Buhari in line with Section 64 (3) of the Constitution.

    It was an event many Nigerians had looked forward to because of the acrimony among All Progressives Congress (APC) Senators- and members of House of Representatives (MoHR)-elect on who should be the presiding officers in both chambers. Among the Senators-elect, the choice was between Ahmed Lawan and Bukola Saraki and among the MoHR-elect, it was a straight fight between Femi Gbajabiamila and Yakubu Dogara. The battle for the Senate Presideny and House Speaker was thrown open when Buhari said he had no preferred candidates. Then the party also said it had not zoned the posts to any part of the country.

    Perhaps, it would have been better if the posts were zoned. This would have saved the party the drama witnessed on the floors of both chambers on Tuesday as the Saraki and Dogara loyalists defied it to ensure that their candidates became Senate President and House Speaker. Of all the strange things in the world, the Senate, in connivance with the Saraki group, voted Senator Ike Ekweremadu, a member of the minority Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as Deputy Senate President – an absurdity that never happened in the 16 years PDP was in the majority in the National Assembly.

    By returning Ekweremadu as Deputy Senate President, a post he held for eight years, between 2007 and 2015, the Saraki-led senators not only played bad politics, but also sold their party’s  birthright, so to say, to occupy that post. Even when PDP MoHR courted the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) in 2011 to get Aminu Tambuwal elected as Speaker of the 7th Assembly, they never sold their right to take the seat of Deputy Speaker to ACN and CPC, so why should the reverse be the case for Saraki to become Senate President? With only 12 APC members to PDP’s 45 in the Senate when it was inaugurated, the minority might have picked the Senate Presidency, if it so wished if not for its understanding with the Saraki group.

    Having had their way, the Saraki and Dogara groups now have their party, which has condemned their actions, to contend with, except if they are saying they no longer belong to APC. The Constitution highly esteems parties, especially in the contest for power. No candidate can contest election if he is not fielded by a party; so the party  serves as a platform for contestants to achieve their dreams. The 1999 Constitution specifically states that anyone interested in elective office must be ‘’a member of a political party and sponsored by that party’’. What this means is that all those holding elective offices today whether  as president, governor, senator, MoHR, et al were sponsored by parties.

    They are, therefore, bound by the rules of their parties. They cannot be above their parties; whatever their interests may be, such must be subsumed under the parties’.

    Being the vehicles in which elected officers rode into offices, parties owe it a duty  to oversee their activities because as the saying goes, the party is supreme.

    Before the inauguration of the National Assembly, APC tried to put its house in order by holding a straw poll to pick its candidates for Senate Presidency and House Speakership. Senators Lawan and George Akume emerged Senate President and Deputy Senate President candidates. Gbajabiamila and Mohammed Monguno were elected Speaker and Deputy Speaker candidates. Saraki and Dogara  kicked, insisting that National Assembly members have the sole right to choose those to lead them.

    They may have a point there since that is a settled matter in the Constitution. But should they have gone against their party on which crest they got to power?

    The answer is no. They should not have brought their party to ridicule like that on the floors of both chambers. There is nothing wrong in standing up to your party, but where the party has made a pronouncement on an issue, it should become binding on all members. A true member is known by his willingness to abide by party rules and pronouncements, no matter how bitter they may be  So, it is a clear case of affront for those members to have colluded with their PDP friends to elect  Saraki and Dogara as Senate President and House Speaker in defiance of their party’s directive.

    Is there any joy for the recalcitrant APC senators and  House members;  and their party in what happened on the floors of both chambers on Tuesday? There is nothing to gloat about it because give or take APC is the loser. Sadly, the only beneficiaries are its members who became Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker.

    APC is not hiding its displeasure with these people whose actions it described as unacceptable and the highest level of indiscipline and treachery. ‘’Senator Saraki and Hon. Dogara are not the candidates of the APC and a majority of its National Assembly members-elect for the positions of Senate President and House Speaker.

    ‘’The party is supreme and its interest is superior to that of its individual members.There can be no higher level of treachery, disloyalty and insincerity within any party’’, its spokesman, Alhaji Lai Mohammed said. Where did the Saraki and Dogara groups get the courage to do what they did? Did they do it because they see themselves as untouchables? What do their actions portend for the party? Will the development not also  set other members against the party, if they are allowed to get away with their actions? Were they emboldened by the president’s statement that he would not interfere in the selection of National Assembly leaders and would work with whoever emerges?

    In a statement after Saraki’s and Dogara’s emergence, he reiterated his position, saying he would have wished that the process followed the dictates of the party. To the president, ‘’a constitutional process has somewhat occurred’’ , whether or not the party’s directive was followed. And the president, it appears, is ready to live with it. Where then does this leave the party, which has threatened to sanction the ‘offending’ lawmakers? Should it go ahead and sanction them? Or will it take a cue from Buhari and let sleeping dogs lie?

    What has happened has happened. I pray that APC will handle the fallout of the National Assembly’s inauguration with care to avoid a major internal schism, which could cost it a lot. Otherwise, it will create the impression that it cannot manage its electoral success.

  • President Buhari: Respond to your soul

    When most Nigerians talk about President Muhammadu Buhari, what we talk about most is his strong rejection of public corruption – his very strong anti-corruption credentials. Almost all of us Nigerians are persuaded by now that this man is not just using hatred of corruption as a ruse to attract popular support. He sees public corruption as an intolerable evil and he wants to get rid of it.

    To realize how sincere Buhari is in his hatred of public corruption, we need to know that, though an anti-corruption stance is popular with the masses of ordinary Nigerians, it is very risky at some levels of the leadership of Nigeria. At such levels, Buhari has experienced rejection and hatred ever since he dared in 1983 to sack the huge corruption edifice that our Federal Government was becoming under President Shehu Shagari. There are even some who believe that Buhari committed an unforgivable sin against God by dismantling the Shagari presidency.

    For instance, one of our country’s most revered Islamic scholars, the Sheik Ahmad Gumi, wrote in an open letter to Buhari some months ago that Buhari’s weaknesses as a leader are “compounded further” by his “strict and obsessive rejection of corruption”. Reminding Buhari that the Islamic religion allows the use of public money “to pacify and lure influential people” and that “men are also controlled by money”, Alhaji Gumi warned, “So, if your policy of governance is obsessibly (sic) centred on sealing tight the use of money, you will have great problem with men”.  It says much for the depth of Buhari’s anti-corruption commitment, therefore, that he continues in that commitment, even in the face of such serious opposition by many influential members of the Nigerian elite – most of whom are from his own nationality.

    But strong feelings against corruption never stand by themselves alone; they are messages from certain deeper tempers of the soul. He who is given to passionate rejection of public corruption is expressing, in effect, his belief that all citizens –the strong, the weak, the smart, the dull, the influential, the unknown and obscure, etc – all are entitled to the benefits belonging to their country, and that it is evil for a few powerful and influential citizens to corner off all the benefits for themselves alone. It is because the masses of Northerners (especially the masses of Northern youths) see this spirit in Buhari that they have been heavily supporting him for years – even in spite of his repeated failures in the elections. It is also the reason why, in recent months, large numbers of Nigerians in other parts of Nigeria have stepped out to endorse him too. The northern masses held on doggedly in their support of him, until the masses of other parts of Nigeria came at last to their aid.

    In a foreign country during the 2011 Nigerian presidential election campaign, I participated in a meeting addressed by Nuhu Ribadu’s campaign managers, who had come to urge us to support and help their candidate. I remember remarking in that meeting that there were two northern political leaders whom the masses of South-west voters could easily vote for – one being Ribadu, and the other Buhari; and I added that both had some appeal in the South-west because of their anti-corruption records, which showed that they were concerned about the well-being of the common people. I am not surprised, therefore, that the voters of the South-west have endorsed Buhari so strongly this time around and, thereby, enabled him to win an election at last.

    So, now that Buhari has made it to the presidency, he must respond to the message of his soul. Fighting corruption per se, penalizing some of the corrupt public officials, and recovering as much as possible of stolen public assets, is not unimportant in the prevailing circumstances of our country, but it is not as important as actually spreading the material benefits of Nigeria into the lives of the masses of Nigerians, especially into the lives of our youths who constitute the majority of our total citizenry. Stories already beginning to be told about the enormity of recent public robberies by public officials are almost impossible to believe. It is beginning to seem probable that very many highly placed public officials will end up before criminal courts and in prisons. But President Buhari must see to it that we devote more of our country’s attention to the task of pulling our people out of poverty and bringing some dignity into their lives. Nigeria’s notorious public corruption has meant that most of Nigeria’s public resources, incomes and assets have been regularly stolen and shared by Nigeria’s rulers at federal, state and local government levels, by elected and appointed public officials, by professional civil servants, and by the secret friends, cronies and fronts of all these. Buhari owes his friends – the masses of Nigerians – the duty of bringing this brigandage to an end, and of creating a new culture whereby the resources of Nigeria shall be employed in a resolute and disciplined manner to empower the masses of Nigerians to enrich and dignify their lives and to build and enrich their country. In short, we Nigerians expect Buhari to lead us through a whole revolution.

    How would we achieve this? Let’s see what other Third World countries have done. Japan, starting in the last years of the 19th century, was the first; and within 40 years, Japan had become a technological, industrial and economic world power. When the Korean War ended in 1955, South Korea was far behind Nigeria in development. When, as a Nigerian Senator, I was invited to give a lecture at the Korean Institute of International Affairs in Seoul in 1982 and I had to brush up my knowledge of South Korea, I was staggered to find how much South Korea had surpassed my country in virtually all fields of development. In 1965, Singapore, then a state in the Malaysian Federation, was so terribly poor, so crime-ridden and so politically violent that the Malaysian federal parliament voted to expel Singapore from the federation. By the time I visited Singapore in 1976, the world was already singing the praises of Singapore as “Asia’s Success Model”. Other examples are Brazil, Argentina, China, Israel, etc. The revolutions took only a few decades in each case.

    The secret is investment in the people – education (with emphasis today on science and mathematics); training of the youths in modern job skills and work ethics; training in entrepreneurship; setting up of policy, financial arrangements and other programmes for helping the starting and growth of businesses; emphasis on energy supply; emphasis on product quality and on exports; incentives for attracting foreign investments and businesses, etc. This package has worked in every case.

    In our case, as in other multi-nation countries (such as India), we must empower our state governments to implement the details of the new growth. An attempt at federal execution of the details can only lead to a return to massive corruption. For best effects, our Federal Government should be limited to the commanding heights of our economy (fiscal policy, currency, etc), defence and foreign policy.

    Buhari can lead us to accomplish these things. It is all different from what we are used to. But most Nigerians believe that Buhari is different from the general run of our politicians.

  • The Inauguration and other stories

    THE nation was in festive mood last Friday, which was observed as  public holiday to mark Democracy Day. It was Democracy Day with a difference – it was also Inauguration Day for President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo. Everything went well on the occasion, with dignitaries coming from different parts of the world. It was a day of glory and honour for Nigeria, especially the president. Twenty-nine states also held similar ceremonies for elected and reelected governors.

    But the focus, understandably,  was on Abuja – the seat of government. Being the engine of governance, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) buzzed with activities. Facilities were stretched to meet the needs of the visiting dignitaries. Such events are celebrated worldwide since they are not an everyday thing. They come once in a while. In Nigeria’s case, it is once every four years. A Presidential Inauguration, beyond being celebrated with fanfare, should be an occasion of deep reflection for the leader being sworn.

    When he looks into the faces of those gathered, what does he? What is on his mind? Will he meet the people’s expectations? Will he change the fortune of his country for good? Will the world come to respect his country because of his leadership? How will he be remembered after his tenure? It is a moment of truth for any discerning leader,  who wishes to leave his mark in office. Unfortunately, many leaders look at the  ceremonial side of the inauguration and not the business side of it – governance – which the event is all about.

    Those who know that they are called to serve toe that path right from that event. They chart the path of their government and do all they can to follow it. What is the essence of promising, in your inaugural speech, to fight corruption, only for you to end up embracing the malaise. Inauguration is not all about merrymaking. Where many leaders miss it is when they see their inauguration as a jamboree – an occasion to wine and dine and forget why they sought the people’s mandate in the first place.

    It is about a week now since President Buhari took the oath and promised in his inaugural speech not to let Nigerians down. He spoke like a statesman. ”At home”, he said, ”we face enormous challenges. Insecurity, pervasive corruption, the hitherto unending and seemingly impossible fuel and power shortages are the immediate concerns. We are going to tackle them head on. Nigerians will not regret that they have entrusted national responsibility to us. We must not succumb to hopelessness and defeatism. We can fix our problems.”

    Yes, Mr President, we can fix our problems and Nigerians are eagerly waiting for you to lead the way. By now, after almost one week in the saddle, you must have an idea about the magnitude of our problems. We have heard you speak and your speech gives us hope that very soon all will be well with us again. We know that Rome was not built in a day, so we do not expect you to solve all our problems in the twinkling of an eye. But you know your countrymen too well – they are an impatient lot.

    Already, they have started talking that by now, you should have appointed your key officers, such as, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Chief of Staff (CoS)  and National Security Adviser (NSA). These, they argue, are some of the principal officers that would drive your administration. Without the SGF, especially, nothing can move in government. The SGF is central to the running of government. He has to issue memoranda and generate letters on your behalf for your key appointees. So, for now without the appointment of such a key officer, many things have to wait.

    You also talked about security. But Mr President, Boko Haram seems not to have heard you. The group has continued to unleash mayhem in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, which is the epicentre of its dastardly activities. You cannot afford to allow Boko Haram to take you for a ride, just as it did to the Jonathan administration. You situated the Boko Haram problem when you described it as ”a typical example of small fires causing large fires”. We left the Boko Haram insurgency to fester by our inaction. Under your administration, we expect things to change.

    You hit the nail on the head when you noted that ”through official bungling, negligence, complacency or collusion, Boko Haram became a terrifying force, taking tens of thousands of lives and capturing towns and villages covering swathes of Nigerian sovereign territory. Boko Haram is a mindless, godless group that is far away from Islam as one can think of”. Again, you were right on target when you said : ”But, we cannot claim to have defeated Boko Haram without rescuing the Chibok girls and all other innocent persons held hostage by the insurgents”.

    With your meetings with the security chiefs in the last two days, the public’s hope is that soon the girls will be rescued and Boko Haram will become history. Boko Haram will not just disappear from the face of the earth by your say so; it has to be fought to the ground because it has become used to having things its own way. Since your coming, the insurgents have struck about three times now in Maiduguri. They know what they are doing – it is all to test your will.

    The people are waiting to see how you will take on Boko Haram beyond moving the military Command and Control Centre (CCC) from Abuja to Maiduguri. As laudable as the directive is, it cannot on its own  stop the Boko Haram insurgency. The military must continue to pound the insurgents until they give themselves up. In doing this, we will be walking a tightrope because the Chibok girls are in their custody. Boko Haram will surely want to use the girls as chips to get out of trouble. Boko Haram, as you rightly noted, is not only our security challenge. There is robbery; there is kidnapping; there is vandalism of pipelines, cables and other public property.

    Before your inauguration last Friday, getting fuel to buy was war. It still is. Where it is available, it sells for between N120 and N150 where as the official pump price is N87 per litre. The people are groaning, especially low income earners and small business owners. We have never had it this bad with fuel supply not even during the famous June 12 crisis. It is early days yet in your administration, but the people are already wondering what you are doing about the problem. ‘’Is this how we will continue even under the Buhari administration?’’ they wonder.  Electricity supply is worse. Fela was mild in his assessment of the power supply situation years ago compared to what we are experiencing today. According to the legendary musician, ‘’he go light small; he go light gan. If he no go, he go come; If he no come, he go go. These days, he no dey come at all, not to talk of whether he go come small or gan.  Nigerians cannot wait to see an improvement in power supply, which they believe, will lead to the revamping of the economy.

  • Jonathan’s final triumph

    Despite the ill-will of greedy oil importers and marketers, the greatest beneficiaries of Jonathan’s six years presidency, ex-President Jonathan last week made a triumphant entry into the N7bn Otuoke church, erected on his behalf by PDP governors and government contractors, to take care of the spiritual needs of his poverty-stricken villagers who daily battle the vicissitudes of turbulent ocean with paddle canoes, for a thanksgiving. It was there Jonathan, who claimed to have been in chains in the last 16 years, made contrition for all the sins his captors committed in his name against Nigerians. Hours earlier, he had left Abuja in a blaze of glory as a proud ambassador of his Ijaw nation.

    Of Jonathan six years sojourn in Aso Rock seat of power, Friday May 29 was his most glorious day. And his finest hour came with the successful handover of power to Buhari without the violence and mayhem the Niger Delta militants, their sponsors and their battle-weary Yoruba Afenifere septuagenarians sympathizers had threatened to unleash on the nation.  I am sure Jonathan’s predecessors dead or alive must be green with envy watching him receive a red carpet treatment as he was driven for the last time in a presidential limousine, shepherded to the podium by horse-riding men of the Brigade of Guards in their decorated ceremonial uniform. As he stepped into the podium, except for the few wailing chieftains of Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN), oil fraudsters and other economic saboteurs who wished Jonathan to remain in chains, he was hailed even by his political adversaries. Jonathan was celebrated in defeat. No Nigerian leader living or dead has ever had the good fortune of being celebrated even in victory.

    Obasanjo stained his 1979 record of voluntary handover of power to Shehu Shagari by his third term fiasco in 2007. Tafawa Balewa, Aguiyi Ironsi and Murtala Mohammed were brutally murdered by those who once regarded them as benefactors. Yar’Adua succumbed to illness while in office, while Sani Abacha died eating apples. Shagari was deposed for destroying the economy. He spent time under house arrest. Buhari was betrayed in the night of many knives by those who crowned him king. He was incarcerated for three years. Shonekan’s headship of Babangida’s contraption called Interim National Government was declared illegal by the judiciary before Abacha finally eased him out of office. Abdul Salami Abubakar generally regarded as a care taker to ease out of power the remnants of Babangida’s ‘army of anything is possible’ that had by 1993 destroyed our economy and budding industries was merely tolerated.

    Jonathan secured his freedom by conceding defeat to Buhari who had beaten him ‘round and square’ in the March 28 election without first consulting his captors. It was the first unilateral decision he took in six years. As a hostage, his has been a government of ‘delegation by abdication’ during which PDP dealers and wheelers, exploiting his simplicity and artlessness, ravaged and pillaged our land with impunity.   And for that one singular act, even the international community that has always treated Jonathan with disdain, hailed him for his act of sportsmanship. President Buhari equally praised him “for his display of statesmanship in setting a precedent that has now made our people proud to be Nigerians wherever they are”. And with Buhari’s declaration that henceforth, Jonathan’s “act of graciously accepting defeat will become the standard of political conduct in the country”, I am sure Jonathan will be pleased with himself that his electoral defeat in a way was a personal victory.

    And by opting to do the most honourable thing instead of consulting the likes of desperate Elder Orubebe of Abuja INEC collation centre shameless theatrics, weeping and inconsolable Ifeanyi Ubas who wept louder than the bereaved, the caustic tongued Femi Fani-Kayode and his imaginary 24 states won by PDP while voting which later extended to the following day was still half-way, “PDP governors without character” who insisted 16 was greater than 19, Jonathan has besides saving our nation from avoidable turmoil and loss of lives, also saved himself from the fate that has befallen ex-Ivorian leader Laurent Gbagbo, now facing charges of crime against humanity in the Hague as a result of the violence  that engulfed his nation following his refusal to concede defeat.

    Jonathan last minute heroism has probably thrown light on the real Jonathan or ‘the Jonathan Nigerians don’t know’. Last week, he confessed he has never been interested in politics. Speaking during a grand reception in his honour in Yenagoa, last Friday, he had said; “Without Alamieyeseigha, l wouldn’t have been here talking about being a former President. Nobody would have heard about Jonathan without him”. Jonathan never fought for anything. He never lobbied for anything. And he never won any election on his own.

    Obasanjo single-handedly picked him as running mate to Yar’Adua in 2007.  In an era of ‘do or die election’, he procured victory for their joint ticket. Jonathan was not even qualified to contest the 2011 election but following 12 years of PDP massive corruption, his captors settled for  a harmless and ‘shoeless’ Jonathan. Nigerians swallowed the bait by claiming they voted Jonathan and not PDP despite Sonala Olumhense’s warning that if voted into office, Jonathan would sell the nation to PDP.

    As president, Jonathan never showed any passion for the job. He was really never in charge. After publicly telling Nigerians of a cabal of economic saboteurs made up of fuel importers working against the interest of the nation, he was mandated by those who put him in chains to announce the increase of fuel pump price of fuel by 300% claiming the nation’s economy would collapse without visiting such a hardship on the people who had just given him a landslide victory.  A house probe later revealed Nigerians were paying for the sins of some of his captors and their children involved in the theft of about N1.7 trillion fuel subsidy scam.

    From then on, Jonathan’s administration became a government of ‘delegation by abdication’. Okonjo-Iweala ran the economy alone. She was intolerant of any form of criticism. Not too long ago, Professor Soludo, the former CBN governor was forced to point out in the piece entitled, ‘Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and the missing trillions’, that “Our public finance, under Okonjo-Iweala is haemorrhaging to the point that estimated over N30tn is missing, or stolen, or unaccounted for, or simply mismanaged”.

    Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, besides presiding over massive theft in NNPC where $20b was said to be unaccounted for, and the N1.7 fuel subsidy scam, she was also alleged to have expended N10b on aircraft leasing for official duties.

    Justice Minister Bello Adoke worked for Jonathan’s captors rather than for Nigerians. Only one of those accused of contributing to the collapse of the banking sector was successfully prosecuted according to Lamido Sanusi who was illegally removed for asking NNPC to be more transparent. Not much success was achieved among those involved in the fuel subsidy scam. With Bello Adoke as Attorney General and Minister of Justice, an indicted villain got a presidential amnesty while innocent justice Isa Salami was given the boot for ruling against PDP vote riggers. Adoke presided over the controversial bloc, OPL 245, and the payment of $1.1 billion meant for   Malabu Oil to Mr. Dan Etete. Abba Moro the Minister of Interior, Stella Oduah as minister for Aviation and Chinedu Nebo as minister for power and many others ran their various ministries like personal concerns.

    These then were the representatives of those who put Jonathan in chains. They were the public face of those who contributed N21b  in one day in breach of the constitution to support his candidacy, those who  encouraged him to dare Obasanjo by reneging  on his undertaking to do only one term, the bank fraudsters, fuel subsidy scammers, Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria who insisted night is day, that Jonathan has fought insurgency to a halt, that the new Niger bridge yet to take off is a reality, that petrol and kerosene are available at controlled price and that power generation at less than 2000MW down from 4500MW has improved.

    Jonathan’s triumph over those who held him in chains for 16 years was not just a personal victory but also a victory for our nation.

  • Let us begin

    The journey of a thousand years begins with the first step, so let us begin the journey of the Buhari presidency. I think it was President Muhammadu  Buhari who  himself said to the cheering crowd who went to rejoice with him  on his electoral victory  that you want change now change has come! It has come indeed. The Jonathan crowd like Egyptians have disappeared hopefully never to be seen again in the corridors of power. Some of them will try to come back but Nigerians are wiser than they used to be. The total collapse of the state the last week of Jonathan in power showed us clearly  how close we were to total meltdown of the state. It was frightening to say the least. In  Ibadan where I live, we witnessed total paralysis .

    There was no fuel, no light and to diesel to power the generator, the mobile phones stopped working because there was no diesel for the power they needed, banks shut down because their computers broke down, the ATM machines were not working  so  we could not get money and I could not pump water from my dug-out well in the absence of municipal water supply . Hospitals could not function and the civil service was and  is still on strike because members claimed they have not been paid for six months. In some places, desperate young people took to brigandage and robbery. I had to ask myself whether life was worth living and also if it was not time to check out of the country.

    But where will I go in my evening years? In all my years of living in this country, I had never seen this kind of hopelessness. The interesting thing was that I was not angry. Even if I was, who will I direct my anger against? Everybody around me was abusing the outgoing government and head of state but I felt our problem goes beyond this out gone administration. I see it as a systemic problem and to solve it will require fundamental approach to governance. But are will really prepared to face the problem squarely and if necessary bite the bullet?

    I do not expect any radical changes in this regime  because honestly speaking, the time is too short and there is so much damage to the country and our individual and collective psyches that palliative measures are what we can take now while radical measures may have to wait for perhaps the next two years. We need to make the systems work first, take care of our immediate needs of security, jobs, salaries, electricity, water, roads, hospitals, schools, municipal and urban cleanliness.  As a university teacher, I sympathize  with many of my colleagues in state universities who have not been paid for months  and as a father I am sad that children in closed down universities are roaming around and some are getting killed in accidents driving their parents cars around without permission and with youthful exuberance. These are simple things in most countries but not in this overpopulated country of ours. Not all these things belong in the province of the federal government or what a president should ordinarily be concerned with. But their absence poses existential challenge to our people and therefore to the president. If there are institutions or people that are charged with the duties required to make things work and they are derelict in the performance of such functions they are to perform, then somebody must call their attention to it . There may be need for strong-arm tactics to force some people to behave properly or to obey the dictates of their assignment. Anybody not working for the corporate good of this country must be challenged and forced to do what is right. This is the essence of being in a national community which confers rights on us as citizens. If we all believe in the good of this country, then we should work towards its attainment because it is by this that we as individuals can fully realize our full potentialities. A situation in which individuals turn themselves into local governments providing themselves water by digging boreholes, electricity by having generators, security by having our houses wired with live electricity and surrounding our homes with tall fences and killer guard dogs and maiguard is in the long run not sustainable . Our efforts as individuals are futile because they are selfish and not based on the general good of our people.

    Take for example the state of education in this country. It is the norm that everybody who can afford it and those who can not have boycotted sending their children and wards to government or public primary, secondary and tertiary institutions. Their preference is private institutions where there is discipline and apparently more dedication and certainty of duration of years of study. Yet people like me went to public schools and we are not the worse for it. If we are serious about reform we should focus on primary and secondary education and if we get it right, it will have positive result on tertiary institutions with vast opportunities for improvement all round. I am not against private institutions but it should not be at the expense of public institutions going to the dogs so to say. I do not know any country in the world where primary and secondary education are mainly in the hands of private  business people as it seems Nigeria is destined to experience. This is just an example of all that is wrong in Nigeria.

    I was amused when I read what Professor Nebo our erstwhile minister of power said as an excuse for his failure as minister. He went on to advice Buhari to use force to put  down those vandalizing gas pipelines and also to compel oil companies to cooperate in the area of gas supplies. Why did he not tell Jonathan whom he served for about three years this simple truth? Has he just recovered his voice or was he simply afraid to speak truth to power? The time those who serve in government are able to stand and be counted is when we will be getting near finding solutions for our myriad of problems.

    President Muhammadu Buhari has a full plate and as the saying goes, he has to start from the beginning. I was delighted that his first trip outside the country as president is to Chad and Niger.  And perhaps Cameroon later on perhaps in one fell swoop. He is taking the security challenge facing the nation as first priority. I also like his statement that the headquarters of the army itself may temporarily be in the North East of Nigeria presumably in Maiduguri. I will suggest he follows this by posting senior officers of the National Intelligence Agency (N.I.A) as ambassadors to the these three countries so that they can be providing government with good intelligence reports about movement of insurgents in the border areas.

    The mercenaries from South Africa brought by the last regime have to be withdrawn. If we need fighting support, we should ask our traditional friends to assist. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty this should be inculcated to our people in the North of Nigeria and the whole country as a whole; defence is too important to be left to the armed forces alone. We as citizens should be ready to provide information and to make whatever sacrifices will be necessary to rid our country of anarchists. There was a time in this country when we contributed financially to the liberation of Southern Africa.

    Charity needs to begin at home. If needs be, we should again be called upon to contribute financially to the defence of the realm. We should also call on friendly countries especially our friends in the West to assist in whatever way they can and we must kit our armed forces well and supply them with most lethal and modern weapons and ensure that they are trained regularly. If we need support in this regard, we must never be shy to ask in this increasingly interdependent world. Everybody knows that terrorism knows no borders when humanity suffers somewhere, man suffers everywhere. There is so much tremendous goodwill for our newly elected president and we must not fritter it away or refuse to strike when the iron is hot. In spite of the current situation of near bankruptcy and the impecuniosity of the moment, we must put on our thinking caps and put the right people at the helm of affairs while still oblivious of whatever political debts owed and ethnic configuration we have to bear in mind.

  • Review of Nigeria’s foreign policy

    Review of Nigeria’s foreign policy

    (Nigeria should forge new relationships outside Africa)

    As he settles down to urgent business, President Muhammadu Buhari has a lot to worry about on domestic affairs. But he has very little to worry about on Nigeria’s foreign policy, which did not feature at all in the presidential election. It was hardly mentioned by the two principal candidates, Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan. The electorate were more interested in ‘bread and butter’ issues than in foreign policy. There are no major foreign policy crises or issues ahead of President Buhari except, perhaps, Nigeria’s quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and some consular problems. He should therefore concentrate his attention more on the dire domestic situation he has inherited from the Jonathan PDP Federal Government. The main focus of the new Buhari APC Federal Government should, therefore, be on how to tackle these crucial domestic issues on which the success of his government depends.

    However, foreign policy issues cannot be totally ignored by the new Buhari APC Federal Government, as Nigerians expect their country to play a more important and distinct role in world affairs. There have been some strong criticisms of Nigeria’s foreign policy before and during the Jonathan PDP Federal Government. Basically, the main criticism of Nigeria’s foreign policy is that it is lacking in bite. It is argued that Nigeria is punching below its real weight, and that Nigeria’s role in the world, particularly in Africa, has declined considerably in recent years. Critics of our foreign policy argue that as the largest economy in Africa, Nigeria should play a more important and decisive role in world affairs, particularly in Africa.

    There is some validity in these criticisms. But these critics tend to ignore both the unstable domestic condition of the country and the significant changes in the international system, particularly the emergence and the implications for Nigeria of a multi polar world, with new regional and powerful players, such as the BRICS. Until now, Nigeria’s foreign policy was concentrated on Africa. It considers itself the natural leader of black Africa. But many African states, particularly South Africa, now openly challenge Nigeria’s claim to being the leader of Africa. The francophone African states also continue to rely on France for their internal and external security. This trend diminishes the potential for Nigeria’s leadership role in Africa. Nigeria is now in search of a new role in Africa and in international affairs. This situation calls for a review of its foreign policy so as to take full account of changes in the international system. While this development should not lead Nigeria to abandon its leadership role in Africa, it should begin to look beyond Africa in forging new political and economic relationships. Much more importantly, the country should be made to understand that a more assertive foreign policy can only be based on a strong economy and domestic stability, not on mere wishful thinking.

     

    Regional Analysis

    Asia

    This search for a new role for Nigeria in world affairs should involve a region by region review of its foreign policy with a view to redefining its national interests and foreign policy objectives. The main focus of this review should be on its bilateral relations with certain regional economic and military powers that have emerged in recent years. In Asia, the dominant economic and military powers are China and India. China is the second largest economy in the world after the US. It is believed it will overtake the US in the next two decades. It has the largest horde of foreign reserves in the world, and it is forging new economic relationships with Africa. It is the country of the future. Nigeria should seek to expand its existing economic ties with China.

    The same situation applies to India, now the third largest economy in the world. Unlike the western powers, these two countries do not have a past colonial record in Africa. Their interest in Africa is mainly commercial, not strategic. They only seek new markets and access to Africa’s rich natural resources, particularly its oil. It is crucial for Nigeria to strengthen its economic ties with these two countries to our mutual benefit. Early in the life of the new APC Federal Government, the President should go on a trade mission to these two countries to promote direct investments by them in Nigeria.

     

    The US and the EU

    Nigeria still has strong economic and political ties with the western powers, particularly the US and the EU. These ties should be maintained and improved upon. Together, these countries account for over 60 per cent of direct foreign investment in Nigeria. But their share of Nigeria’s foreign trade has been falling steadily over the years. The US no longer buys Nigeria’s crude oil. But it offers through its AGOA programme the largest foreign market to non-oil exports from Nigeria. Besides, the US has strong military and strategic ties with Nigeria. It has provided some military assistance to Nigeria in its counter terrorism war. Recently, there have been some minor strains between the two countries caused by the decision of the PDP Federal Government to review the existing defence agreement for the training of the Nigerian military by the US Defence Department. The President should move quickly to restore frayed relations with the Obama administration, which fell out completely with the Jonathan administration over massive public corruption in Nigeria. So far, President Obama has not deemed it fit to pay an official visit to Nigeria. He has visited Kenya, Ghana, South Africa and Tanzania.

    In the EU, Nigeria’s focus should be on Germany, the strongest economy in the EU, and on France, mainly for strategic considerations. Nigeria’s foreign trade with both Germany and France has  remained stable in recent years. There has been a lot of foreign investments in Nigeria from these two countries in the fields of communications and manufacturing.

    With regard to the UK, relations with Nigeria have been normal. But the old traditional Commonwealth ties with Britain have grown weaker over the years. The UK is now an EU country, and while it is important to maintain good economic ties with her, the UK no longer has the economic clout to offer Nigeria any significant assistance. Its overall aid to Africa has been falling in recent years. It is still struggling to get out of an economic recession. The British Conservative Prime Minister, David Cameron, has not shown any real interest in Africa. He has not yet visited Nigeria.

     

    Latin America

    The three dominant economies in Latin America are Brazil, Mexico and Argentina. But with the exception of Brazil, which has some limited foreign direct investments in Nigeria, none of the others are in a position to offer Nigeria any significant economic assistance. Nonetheless, we should seek to forge strong political ties with all three countries.

     

    The Middle East

    Nigeria has no real strategic interests in the Middle East. It should steer a middle course in the ongoing conflicts in the region, except that it should support the idea of a two states’ solution in resolving the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The wider conflict in the region should be completely avoided. On the issue of the Iran nuclear programme, Nigeria should support the ongoing negotiations between Iran and the Western powers.

     

    Ties with multilateral financial institutions

    For the foreseeable future, Nigeria will need foreign capital and investments in its still fragile economy. Already, it is looking to the World Bank and the IMF as sources of funding for its woeful infrastructure. We should maintain good relations with the two multilateral financial institutions while rejecting advice from them that is not in our long term economic interests. However, we should pay more attention to the AfDB (the African Development Bank) as a possible additional source of future borrowing for infrastructure development, particularly now that Dr. Adesina, the outgoing Minister of Agriculture, has been elected the new President of the bank.

     

    Funding of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

    The poor funding of the Foreign Ministry requires urgent attention. Nigeria now has 115 diplomatic missions abroad. This is too large in view of our limited and dwindling financial resources. With Nigeria’s foreign reserves virtually depleted and total revenue reduced by 50 per cent, it is clear that we cannot continue to maintain such a large number of diplomatic missions abroad. We have missions in some countries, such as Thailand and North Korea where we have no real economic or strategic interests. The use of foreign postings as a form of political patronage should be abandoned as it is too costly. Foreign policy cannot be run on a shoe string. Lack of adequate funding of our missions will continue to have a negative impact on their overall effectiveness and efficiency. The number of our diplomatic missions should be reduced immediately to 100, and thereafter to not more than 80.

  • President Buhari: Respond to your soul

    When most Nigerians talk about President Muhammadu Buhari, what we talk about most is his strong rejection of public corruption – his very strong anti-corruption credentials. Almost all of us Nigerians are persuaded by now that this man is not just using hatred of corruption as a ruse to attract popular support. He sees public corruption as an intolerable evil and he wants to get rid of it.

    To realize how sincere Buhari is in his hatred of public corruption, we need to know that, though an anti-corruption stance is popular with the masses of ordinary Nigerians, it is very risky at some levels of the leadership of Nigeria. At such levels, Buhari has experienced rejection and hatred ever since he dared in 1983 to sack the huge corruption edifice that our Federal Government was becoming under President Shehu Shagari. There are even some who believe that Buhari committed an unforgivable sin against God by dismantling the Shagari presidency.

    For instance, one of our country’s most revered Islamic scholars, the Sheik Ahmad Gumi, wrote in an open letter to Buhari some months ago that Buhari’s weaknesses as a leader are “compounded further” by his “strict and obsessive rejection of corruption”. Reminding Buhari that the Islamic religion allows the use of public money “to pacify and lure influential people” and that “men are also controlled by money”, Alhaji Gumi warned, “So, if your policy of governance is obsessibly (sic) centred on sealing tight the use of money, you will have great problem with men”.  It says much for the depth of Buhari’s anti-corruption commitment, therefore, that he continues in that commitment, even in the face of such serious opposition by many influential members of the Nigerian elite – most of whom are from his own nationality.

    But strong feelings against corruption never stand by themselves alone; they are messages from certain deeper tempers of the soul. He who is given to passionate rejection of public corruption is expressing, in effect, his belief that all citizens –the strong, the weak, the smart, the dull, the influential, the unknown and obscure, etc – all are entitled to the benefits belonging to their country, and that it is evil for a few powerful and influential citizens to corner off all the benefits for themselves alone. It is because the masses of Northerners (especially the masses of Northern youths) see this spirit in Buhari that they have been heavily supporting him for years – even in spite of his repeated failures in the elections. It is also the reason why, in recent months, large numbers of Nigerians in other parts of Nigeria have stepped out to endorse him too. The northern masses held on doggedly in their support of him, until the masses of other parts of Nigeria came at last to their aid.

    In a foreign country during the 2011 Nigerian presidential election campaign, I participated in a meeting addressed by Nuhu Ribadu’s campaign managers, who had come to urge us to support and help their candidate. I remember remarking in that meeting that there were two northern political leaders whom the masses of South-west voters could easily vote for – one being Ribadu, and the other Buhari; and I added that both had some appeal in the South-west because of their anti-corruption records, which showed that they were concerned about the well-being of the common people. I am not surprised, therefore, that the voters of the South-west have endorsed Buhari so strongly this time around and, thereby, enabled him to win an election at last.

    So, now that Buhari has made it to the presidency, he must respond to the message of his soul. Fighting corruption per se, penalizing some of the corrupt public officials, and recovering as much as possible of stolen public assets, is not unimportant in the prevailing circumstances of our country, but it is not as important as actually spreading the material benefits of Nigeria into the lives of the masses of Nigerians, especially into the lives of our youths who constitute the majority of our total citizenry. Stories already beginning to be told about the enormity of recent public robberies by public officials are almost impossible to believe. It is beginning to seem probable that very many highly placed public officials will end up before criminal courts and in prisons. But President Buhari must see to it that we devote more of our country’s attention to the task of pulling our people out of poverty and bringing some dignity into their lives. Nigeria’s notorious public corruption has meant that most of Nigeria’s public resources, incomes and assets have been regularly stolen and shared by Nigeria’s rulers at federal, state and local government levels, by elected and appointed public officials, by professional civil servants, and by the secret friends, cronies and fronts of all these. Buhari owes his friends – the masses of Nigerians – the duty of bringing this brigandage to an end, and of creating a new culture whereby the resources of Nigeria shall be employed in a resolute and disciplined manner to empower the masses of Nigerians to enrich and dignify their lives and to build and enrich their country. In short, we Nigerians expect Buhari to lead us through a whole revolution.

    How would we achieve this? Let’s see what other Third World countries have done. Japan, starting in the last years of the 19th century, was the first; and within 40 years, Japan had become a technological, industrial and economic world power. When the Korean War ended in 1955, South Korea was far behind Nigeria in development. When, as a Nigerian Senator, I was invited to give a lecture at the Korean Institute of International Affairs in Seoul in 1982 and I had to brush up my knowledge of South Korea, I was staggered to find how much South Korea had surpassed my country in virtually all fields of development. In 1965, Singapore, then a state in the Malaysian Federation, was so terribly poor, so crime-ridden and so politically violent that the Malaysian federal parliament voted to expel Singapore from the federation. By the time I visited Singapore in 1976, the world was already singing the praises of Singapore as “Asia’s Success Model”. Other examples are Brazil, Argentina, China, Israel, etc. The revolutions took only a few decades in each case.

    The secret is investment in the people – education (with emphasis today on science and mathematics); training of the youths in modern job skills and work ethics; training in entrepreneurship; setting up of policy, financial arrangements and other programmes for helping the starting and growth of businesses; emphasis on energy supply; emphasis on product quality and on exports; incentives for attracting foreign investments and businesses, etc. This package has worked in every case.

    In our case, as in other multi-nation countries (such as India), we must empower our state governments to implement the details of the new growth. An attempt at federal execution of the details can only lead to a return to massive corruption. For best effects, our Federal Government should be limited to the commanding heights of our economy (fiscal policy, currency, etc), defence and foreign policy.

    Buhari can lead us to accomplish these things. It is all different from what we are used to. But most Nigerians believe that Buhari is different from the general run of our politicians.

  • Beasts of ‘Naija’

    From the depths, their screams are getting louder, our fathers will cry hoarse. It is too far down below, they will never get heard. Our mothers are singing. But their requiem confounds wit. Why do they sing in tongues? Echoes of their buried narratives assail us like ghosts of the recalcitrant Abiku. Perhaps our fathers cry because they do not understand our chosen path; our mothers sing of bruised hymens and motherhood’s labour lost. But they do so from six-feet under, and their wails are barely a din far above their forgotten tombstones; even on the busy sidewalks of our history.

    Our forbears may weep in vain; we that are deaf to reason and wisdom of the ancients will not budge. This leadership task confounds us, this citizenship brief too. But who cares? Nothing really matters, as long as we are “Proudly Naija.” Proudly Naija: our amoral equivalent of ‘Decadence is the new cool’ and ‘Corrupt cut is the easiest.’

    The most prescient portrait of the Nigerian character and our ultimate fate as a nation shamefully played out in the last few days. It plays out even as you read; the persistent fuel scarcity and outrageous hike in pump price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), reveals our murderous obsessions, violent impulses, moral bankruptcy, our hubris and inevitable self-destruction.

    The tiresome avarice and predatory lust that drove proprietorships of filling stations nationwide to hike fuel price from N87 to N500 per litre recalls very sadly to mind, that violence of the wild that holds motionless for endless hours, the kidnapper in his lair, the assassin in his ambuscade and the public officer in his plunderous perch – this violence belongs primarily to the predator while it hunts its prey.

    In the last few days, it manifested in uncontrollable spasms that saw us brutalise the helpless and enable our worst. As the fuel scarcity persisted, Nigeria gradually sputtered to a standstill, businesses shut down, banks cut short their work hours to midday, families starved – particularly those whose livelihoods depended on daily use of PMS- and the queues got longer like photographs of civil death in our homegrown dystopia.

    It became clearer at some level that Nigeria was gradually hitting rock bottom, many of us groaned that we were damned—just as some of us know that our citizenship culture founded on a national enterprise that survives on  corporate greed, limitless exploitation and the continued extraction of crude oil is doomed.

    For a few days, the possibility of Nigeria’s survival—like our tottering democracy—glowered in our faces like a mirage, the hallucination of an incurable fantasist desperately trying to substantiate his delusions of nationhood. The most frightening facets of the horror story unfolded in our filling stations and spilled over to our streets and neighbourhood mini-marts, utility service providers and  grocery stores. As fuel station managers hoarded fuel and closed shop in desperate bid to make a killing by selling it at outrageous prices to helpless motorists and folk whose survival depended on it, the neighbour next door on whom several families and businesses depended for supply of certain crucial products like cooking gas, kerosene, engine oil and so on, joyously inflated prices of the essential products, to the chagrin and discomfort of patrons in need.

    Consider for instance, the case of a notable pastor and gas dealer in Agege; the family promptly closed shop and hoarded gas for two days even as neighbours and friends thronged their doorstep pleading with them to resume business and sell gas to them. Of course, they did after effecting a hike in price of the product. The ‘godly’ family dispassionately sold gas to friends and neighbours at N6, 000 per gas bottle. That was an astonishing hike from the product’s initial N3, 000 price before the fuel scarcity. Friends and neighbours of the family grumbled under their breath as they paid for the product; those that couldn’t recoiled to seek kerosene, accusing the pastor and his family for their ‘lack of sensitivity,’ ‘amorality’ and fraudulent claims to godliness. Of course, pastor and wife responded in kind, claiming that they were duty bound to separate business from holiness. “Na holiness we go chop?” said the pastor. The latter, a Lagos State civil servant erstwhile paraded himself as a noble businessman and compassionate ‘man of God.’

    There is little difference between the family’s bestiality and the savagery of the ruling class and fuel station managers who accentuated the scarcity by hoarding fuel in order to sell it at N500 a litre. The pastor and his family for instance, received no fresh delivery of gas during the period; they simply hoarded what they had in stock, and sold it at double the cost. While their variously savage peers may advance arguments to support their monstrosity citing certain dreadful norms of commerce and industry, it need be told and understood that it is desperate, savage acts like theirs that ruins nations and enable the perpetual dominance of the haves over the have-nots.

    What is happening in Nigeria is a precursor to a dreadful war between the country’s elites and the impoverished, a war caused by diminishing resources, chronic unemployment and underemployment, overpopulation, declining crop yields caused by climate change, and rising food prices; capital and operating costs belie hope and prosperity for industry. The unfolding doom has nuances, put precisely, it has a thousand meanings.

    A recent Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) report generated ripples over its summations on Nigeria. No thanks to the Economist magazine’s sister publication, the Nigerian newborn may arrive knowing he has come where the sun dies everlastingly for the bliss of the fig. The EIU report ranks Nigeria 80th out of 80 countries assessed in its ‘Where-to-be-born’ index.

    The 2014 Human Development Index (HDI) report ranked Nigeria amongst countries with low development index at 153 out of 186 countries that were ranked. Life expectancy in the country is placed at 52 years old while other health indicators reveal that only 1.9 per cent of the nation’s budget is expended on health; 68.0 per cent of Nigerians are stated to be living below $1.25 daily while adult illiteracy rate for adult (both sexes) is 61.3 per cent.

    ”As the population is growing, the resources that we all depend on, the food, energy, water, is declining. The demand for these resources will rise exponentially by the year 2030, with the world needing about 50 per cent more food, 45 per cent more energy and 30 per cent more water.

    “In Nigeria, there is the issue of youth and employment; 70 per cent of the 80 million youths in Nigeria are either unemployed or underemployed. We are all witness to what happened recently during the immigration recruitment exercise and this is simply because 80 per cent of the Nigerian youth are unemployed,” she said.

    This will inevitably lead to a class war as the deprivation of the working class will eventually morph into violence. In the background, a severe and scarier grotesqueness emerges; it is the acquiescence of presumably humane folk to the bemusement of prosperity. This blunts the sense, inflates the ego and inspires disdain for the less privileged. It is the affliction of the ruling class, fuel station managers and the gas-dealing pastor and his family.