Category: Thursday

  • Let Nigeria’s nations speak up!

    Because of the troubling picture of our country at this time, I believe that the nations, or at least the largest nations, of our country, should speak up now. I hope that some will.

    Some force must rise up to try and save this country from self-destructing. Individual eminent Nigerians at home and abroad have shouted and screamed, and some of the most influential persons in the world have stood at our gate, or even come into the house, to sound desperately serious warnings and admonitions. None has made much difference.

    Since independence, we Nigerians have willfully and stubbornly built a superstructure for disaster. Now, we seem determined to reap at last the fruits of that disaster. No serious discussion is taking place concerning the disastrous superstructure. A National Conference recently made some recommendations, but those recommendations hardly feature in the on-going presidential campaigns.

    At the same time, because the superstructure built for Nigeria has raised the stakes of presidential authority irresistibly high, contestants for power and their chief backers seem resolved now to trample down all barriers and to break all legitimate bounds in order to reach the presidency. Violent clashes are being enacted on the campaign trails. Terroristic threats are sounding from many directions. And preparations for mayhem and war are being more or less openly carried out. From some actions that we have seen in the past week, it seems that, when the storm of actions finally comes, even governmental agencies (such as the Nigerian military and police) will be fully engaged in fully partisan, and unlawful, mold against some Nigerians or groups of Nigerians.

    Many leading politicians obviously think that once their side wins the presidential election, all of Nigeria’s trouble will end. But from the way things look these days, such political barons may be grossly deceiving themselves.

    I repeat therefore, let some of the main nations of our country speak up now. They owe the historic debt of speaking out clearly and boldly now. They need to speak up above the cacophony of politicians’ voices.

    Of these nations, I am fairly confident of the desires of one – namely my own Yoruba nation. We Yoruba are strong believers in Nigeria – in a Nigeria that is stable, prosperous and advancing towards greatness in the world. We are united in the strong belief that the only way to achieve such a Nigeria is to abide by principles. We are sure that nothing of great or permanent value can be achieved without seeking strength through reasonable and well-considered principles. We came to these beliefs from our 1000-year history of living in orderly kingdoms and thriving cities and towns. Ends desired and sought by individuals and groups in a polity must bow to the polity’s high principles of stable order, otherwise disorder and chaos will result. Every Yoruba child grows up knowing these things.

    Looking carefully at Nigeria from that perspective, we Yoruba have always been sure about the principle to employ in organizing Nigeria. That principle goes as follows: Because Nigeria is made up of many different nationalities, Nigeria should be organized into a rational federation, according careful respect to the various nationalities. If there is to be order and prosperity, this position is not negotiable. Our most prominent fathers in Nigerian politics in the late 1940s, the group in Egbe Omo Oduduwa, stated the principle very soundly. Then one of their captains, our father Awolowo, wrote books and political statements to make it clearer and clearer throughout his life. There is hardly any prominent Yoruba alive today who has never made at least some little contribution to the statement of this principle. We Yoruba may be spread out into many political parties, yet we are all certain that, for Nigerian peoples to live harmoniously together in one country, and for Nigeria to be stable and successful, Nigeria must be ordered as a reasonable federation.

    Whenever the government of Nigeria has convened any kind of national conference, members of the Yoruba elite, though belonging to different political persuasions, have always come together to produce proposals based on the same principle for presentation at the conference. A leading Yoruba intellectual in the Diaspora once put it simply as follows: “The simple answer to the question “What do the Yoruba want?” is this: The Yoruba want a Nigerian state which respects its multinationalcharacter and gives adequate recognition to the inviolability of its federating nationalities, no matter how small or big, a Nigerian state that promotes equal justice for all its citizens and makes a sacred commitment to the secularity of its character…The Yoruba have always wanted a Nigeria that practices and is committed to the principlesof true federalism”.

    This is the only way to make the peoples of Nigeria live in reasonable harmony together, by giving each people some leeway to manage much of its unique needs and concerns in the Nigerian federation – so that each people will thus be able to make its own kind of contribution to the overall progress and prosperity of Nigeria. This principle is not directed at hurting, and it cannot possibly hurt, any of the peoples of Nigeria. On the contrary, it is a principle that can be very beneficial to every Nigerian people and to Nigeria as a whole.

    At the 2014 National Conference, some of the main details of the Yoruba Position were presented as follows:

    1.          Make Nigeria’s existing six zones into regions – with minor boundary adjustments to make sure that none of the nationalities in Nigeria shall be split up between regions.

    2.          Re-adjust the balance of powers between the federal authority and the regions – so that the regions should have more powers, more resource control and more funding than hitherto to promote and implement development. This would shift the burden of development mostly to the regions while assigning sufficient power and money to the federal government to direct the commanding heights of the Nigerian economy, regulate interstate relations, defend Nigeria, and speak for Nigeria in the world.

    3.          The regions should control the development of their resources, with the federal authority charging taxes thereon. In revenue allocation, more should go the regions than to the federal centre. Revenue generated by a region (such regional business taxes, sales taxes, etc) should belong to the region. Most of the VAT derived from a region should return to the region.

    4.          There should be a federal police, regional and local police. Police functions are, by nature, rooted in their localities.

    In summary, we Yoruba nation want a Nigeria that works – a Nigeria of harmony among peoples, of regional and local virility, of progress in development, and of constantly improving quality of life for all citizens. We Yoruba are not used to living in poverty; we are depressed to be part of a country that is wracked by instability, constant conflicts, terrorism, poverty, hopelessness, and fears. We are displeased that the central issue of a well-structured federation  is not occupying the central place it deserves in the ongoing presidential campaign.

    We hereby state our minimum demand. Let the candidates know that our assessment of their views in this matter will determine how much of our votes they will get.

  • Obasanjo: A chance encounter

    Obasanjo: A chance encounter

    FORMER President Olusegun Obasanjo loves drama. Consider the histrionics of his parting of ways with the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He called a meeting of his ward members, who were singing his praise- T’Obasanjo lawa o se (To Obasanjo is our loyalty) – and dancing excitedly. As soon as he succeeded   in working the crowd into a frenzy, he announced that it was all over. For full effect, Obasanjo asked his ward leader to shred his membership card.

    He launched into a blistering criticism of the Dr Goodluck Jonathan administration, accusing it of running down the economy. In the PDP camp, it was as if an earthquake of the most calamitous proportion had struck. Party chiefs were struggling to regain their breath. Some of them said Obasanjo would not be missed. Others simply went into the kind of sober reflection many thought the party was incapable of indulging in. Baba should have taken it easy, the charitable ones said. The hawks derided him for alleged disloyalty. In fact, the Ogun State chapter, at an emergency press briefing, announced Obasanjo’s expulsion. But it was too late. The arrow had left the bow. The old fox had beaten them in their own game.

    Besides the little he told his former ward members, Obasanjo has not spoken on his sensational exit from the party on which ticket he was president for two terms. How does he see the reactions to his exit? What is the “untold” story of the former President’s action? How will a reporter’s chance encounter with Obasanjo go? Let’s attempt a conjectural rendezvous with the Balogun of Owu. Here we go:

    The reporter greets the former president and introduces himself, calmly. Obasanjo, frowning, looks away. Suddenly, he turns in the reporter’s direction, grabs him by his shirt’s sleeve.

    Mr reporter, oya, two questions only. I won’t take more than that. I have a flight to catch.

    Sir, why are you angry with your party, PDP and…( Obasanjo cuts in sharply).  Hmmm…hmmmm(He clears his throat, raising his right hand).

    Please, stop! Point of correction. I’m not a PDP man. Neither am I a politician. All that stopped on Monday. I’m now a statesman. So, if you’re looking for PDP people you know where to find them. Obasanjo is not one of them; they know themselves.

    Baba,what exactly is the problem? Why did you slam the reconciliation door in such a dramatic manner?

    You see, young man, there was nothing to reconcile. Some people have started destroying Nigeria and I will never be in a party that will destroy Nigeria. Never. Me? I belong to no party; my party is Nigeria. Any person or group of persons, by whatever name they are called, should not be allowed to destroy this country for our children. If you advise them and they see you as an enemy who must be crushed, won’t you leave them? That is what I, Obasanjo, have done and I have no apologies for that.

    President Goodluck Jonathan visited you recently. We all thought you had settled whatever issue you might have had.

    It is true he came. He wanted me to endorse him, to support him. And I said it was too late. All the promises he made, how many of them did he fulfill? No jobs, no light and no security. What message will I be sending out to the world – that we should condone mediocrity? Nobody can use me. That is my message.

    Sir, don’t you think people will see your action as personal and …(he cuts in, frowns and then smiles).

    Tell me, what is personal in asking that the right thing be done? What is personal in asking a man to leave a legacy? What is personal in advising the President and Commander-in-Chief to wake up and retrieve the huge chunk of Nigeria that has been taken over by lunatics? You see, if you have taken up a job, an appointment or whatever…whatever. And you discover that you can no longer cope, that things are crumbling, that people are saying they no longer want you, you know the honourable thing to do; don’t you? Now you say you must carry on in office, haba!

    But, Baba, people have not forgotten your role in the emergence of this administration.

    Yes. I won’t deny that, but let me tell you, young man, you can enthrone a king, you can’t reign for the king. No. When I saw the way they were going, I quickly withdrew. I have a name to protect – internally and externally.

    Sir, Chief Anenih said PDP will not miss you.

    Chief what? (Smiles). Tony Anenih? When you see him, tell him that I won’t miss them all, that I still dey kampe.  We know ourselves. I know him; he knows me. As they say in Benin, ‘me I no dey follow follow anybody in power.’ Whether as a leader or a chairman, I will never try to fix the ‘unfixable’. You’re trying to run away from a man but he pleads that we wait for him at the other side of the river.

    And the party chairman in Ogun said you had been excommunicated from the party.

    Hehhh! Heeey! I dey laugh o!(His face lights up with a boisterous laughter). Excommuniwhat? And who is so called? Chairman my foot. You see, this is part of what we’re saying. I don’t want to talk o. I have said it, if politics will disturb me from contributing my own quota to the future of this country, I quit. No more.

    The other day, I complained about the kind of leadership they had, nobody listened. How can a drug baron and wanted man be my leader? I would rather stay in my house, leaderless.

    Some people believe that since you have access to the President, some of those things you tell him in public could have been said privately. They say you play to the gallery.

    Gallery, which gallery? The other time I wrote a letter; instead of replying, they started looking for motor park touts, saying all manner of jagbajantics as if that is what will solve the problem. Nobody can embarrass me and you can’t intimidate Obasanjo. I said the rate of corruption was too much; have they addressed that? If I counsel you and you fail to listen, what will I do? I will just leave you. Whatever you see, dat na your toro. Look at the foreign reserve. By the time I was leaving office, we had $59.37b. Now, everything don pafuka.  What happened to the power projects? Today, people are spending billions to charter jets and nobody can confront them. Is that how to fight corruption? Boko Haram has become a monster that drinks blood everyday. In a country that has a leader? No. That is unacceptable. But, as I have said, I don’t want to talk. There will still be time to talk.

        But, sir…(Obasanjo’s phone rings and he stands up, goes to a corner to receive the call. Coming back, he begins to dance in light, calculated steps, his face wreathed in smiles).

          Bi ere bi awada, PDP n wo’le lo

         Bi ere bi awada, PDP n wo’le lo

         (Like joke, like joke, PDP is sinking)

    (like joke, like joke, PDP is sinking)

    Sir, what can you say about Nigeria’s future?

    I, look, let me be frank with you. Huuu…hmmm( Obasanjo clears his throat. His face wears a strikingly sensitive countenance). I just hope the man will not go for broke and just say, dammit, that is, a kind of t’oba le ya, ko ya( I don’t give a damn even if it all gets torn), putting this country in a constitutional crisis, the kind of crisis they call ‘one chance’ on Lagos streets. I just hope it won’t get to that stage. I hear they are shopping for somebody to head an interim government. And I said, interim ke; na wa o!

    What’s your comment on the postponement of the elections?

    Distasteful. A student who has studied hard won’t tell the teacher to postpone his exam; no be so? But, you see, like one fellow said on TV the other day, ‘you can postpone the funeral, but you can’t wake up the dead body’.

    The Defence Headquarters issued a statement, condemning your actions and…

    Which defence? I remember the statement you’re talking about. It was an unsigned statement and you journalists fell for it. If the writer was sure of himself, why didn’t he sign it? Are you sure DHQ wrote it? I doubt it. You see, it is part of what we are saying. The other day, they brought the army to declare Buhari’s certificate missing. And I said, ‘how’? This is not the military that I used to know, the military in which I, with several other eminent Nigerians, served. They want to add the military to all those institutions that they have touched and ruined. I trust the boys there, they are wise enough to know that these are not people to trust.

    But, Mr Reporter or whatever you call your name. We agreed on two questions; now you have taken all my time. You can go in peace before I change my mind.

    Thank you sir.

        

      

     

  • Obasanjo vs. Jonathan and PDP

    Last Monday, after several months of bitter war of words, Obasanjo finally dumped the PDP.  He had justified his exit with a Yoruba idiom.  “They said they want to expel me from the PDP…We have been trying to run away from a mad man but he pleads we wait for him at the other side of the river.” That in itself is probably indicative of close affinity between the duos. Obasanjo and PDP are like Siamese twins. Separation is often not advisable. In most cases, one has to die for the other to live. The game of death has started in earnest with Ayo Fayose, a man who ordinarily does not place much value on integrity saying “the former President was a man without honour” and describing his exit as “a good riddance to bad rubbish”. By virtue of EFCC’s outstanding case of Fayose’s alleged mismanagement of N19 billion on failed poultry project before his impeachment in 2006, I think he is better placed to know how PDP’s leading lights convert public funds to personal use. He is therefore eminently qualified to  insist that “Obasanjo shouldn’t just tear his PDP membership card, he should relinquish the ownership of Bell University, Obasanjo Farms, Obasanjo Presidential Library, and other financial benefits he got during his eight years as President.’’

    But an alert and ever calculating Obasanjo knew when to throw in the towel. He has been out-witted by his foxier godson, a grandmaster of political intrigue who has traded him off with the likes of Buruji Kashamu, Ayo Fayose, Jelili Adesiyan, Gbenga Daniel, Musiliu Obanikoro whose antecedents are well known to Nigerians.  He is also conscious of the difficulty of claiming any moral superiority over his associates like Tony Anenih, ‘Mr. Fixer’ of election results; Tom Ikimi, Bode George; Ojo Maduekwe, (fiery campaigner for ‘Abacha for ever’, Jerry Gana (inner circle member of all PDP governments since 1999 who recently donated N5 billion on behalf of his unnamed friends towards Jonathan’s re-election bid}, and Ahmadu Alli who as chairman of PPPRA, presided over an alleged theft of N1.6 trillion by fraudsters otherwise described as fuel importers.

    Obasanjo as the father of PDP also provided an umbrella cover for his PDP family members as they embarked on ‘do or die election’, a euphemism for rigging, the wrecking of the economy through ill-implemented privatization programme, which resulted in the sales of once viable companies such as Nigerian Airways, The Daily Times, Nicon Insurance, banks, Nicon Noga Hilton, PHCN, mostly to PDP members and their fronts at give-away prices according to the House of Representatives report. Obasanjo also presided over the sharing of our national patrimony through an ingenious PDP creation called monetization policy through which physical assets  in Ikoyi, Victoria Island, Port Harcourt Ibadan etc inherited from our colonial masters were sold at give-away prices to privileged members of the ruling elite. As part of the conspiracy to ensure our refineries did not work, cash-strapped PDP men came up with an ingenious creation called Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) to give patronage to party members as fuel importers under the phantom subsidy regime which ended in alleged theft of an estimated N1.6 trillion according to a House probe. We must not forget to add that it was also under Obasanjo as PDP leader we had unresolved political assassinations of prominent PDP members  involved in intraparty feuds and those they invited ‘to come and chop’ like Bola Ige and Sunday Afolabi.

    To cover up all his sins against our nation, Obasanjo has chosen this moment when our nation is under siege by a Boko Haram insurgency that has already killed over 16 million mostly innocent Nigerians while rendering about 1. 6 million homeless in the north-eastern Nigeria and when PDP has brought the nation to its knees through inept leadership and monumental stealing which they claim is not corruption.  He has accused President Jonathan of an attempt to prolong our nightmare by trying to play Laurent Gbagbo – perpetuate himself in office or cause chaos if he loses the rescheduled March 28 presidential election.

    But rather than address the issues, empty and self-serving Jonathan aides are claiming Obasanjo who has governed Nigeria at different periods for about 11 years, an eminent international personality whose opinions count for much outside our shores was out to ‘maliciously impugn the integrity of President Jonathan  for the primary purpose of self-promotion’. They forgot Boko Haram has already stripped the administration of integrity.

    They also claimed “it would be completely senseless, irrational and out of place for Chief Obasanjo, to accuse President Jonathan of plotting to win the rescheduled presidential elections by ‘hook or crook’ even when PDP’s leading lights had said they would do anything to ensure  PDP holds on to power  and in fact projected they would rule for 60  years. The problem is that the spokespersons for a government facing crisis of integrity are themselves facing credibility crisis because of their antecedents.  The medium, as they say, is the message.

    It is also not too long ago, Obasanjo told Nigerians that the president undermined his party governorship candidates in Ondo and Anambra as trade-off for their support for his candidacy in the 2015 election. Ex-Governor Peter Obi of Anambra and Governor Segun Mimiko of Ondo have since dumped their parties to become campaign managers for the president’s re-election bid.

    Besides, the President and PDP are dealing with an Obasanjo who does not hide behind one finger. He crudely told Awo the best man didn’t have to win the 1979 election. He went out of his way to favour Shehu Shagari, daring his Yoruba people who later ensured he lost election even in his ward during the 1999 Presidential election. But he was not ashamed to campaign for Shagari’s ouster after he and his NPN wrecked the economy in four years through profligate consumption and went on to award themselves ‘landslide and sea-slide’ victories in the 1983 elections. Obasanjo literarily chased Babangida and his government and ‘army of anything is possible’ out of office following his fraudulent eight years ‘transition without end’. He installed Umaru Yar’Adua as president by rigging him into office but was not hesitant to tell him to hand over to someone else when he fell ill. And today as the nation is brought to its knees by PDP buccaneers desperately pushing for four more years for Jonathan to enable them continue with massive stealing which they believe only Jonathan can condone, Obasanjo is smart enough to know it is time to dump PDP and identify with beleaguered Nigerians.

    And finally, the much hyped good luck of Jonathan pales in significance when compared with Obasanjo who has been buffeted by good fortune all his life. During the civil war, it was his good fortune to take the glory for the work done by Benjamin Adekunle, the ‘Black Scorpion’. Murtala Muhammed set out the transition programme in 1976, Obasanjo took the glory by becoming the first African military leader to voluntarily hand over to civilian administration. MKO Abiola his Egba kinsman won an election but died in detention defending his mandate while Obasanjo, condemned to death by Abacha came out of prison to wear the crown. As PDP’s President Jonathan and his prosperity prophets set out in this war against an Obasanjo, who  has always had fortune smiling upon him, they must be wary of ‘the ides of March’.

  • Can we still trust the military?

    MY heart aches over what is happening in the military today. Our armed forces, which used to be the envy of their counterparts in sub-Sahara Africa,  have turned to something else. Our military, sorry to say, has become one of anything goes not because it does  not still have thoroughbred professionals in its rank, but because of its top echelon’s new found romance with the nation’s leaders.   I write with a heavy heart because I never thought that a day like this would come in the life of our military.

    What is happening in the military calls for concern. As stakeholders in the Nigerian project, we cannot afford to keep quiet while a few people are toying with one of the institutional fabrics that holds the nation together. We agree that for the military to function well, it must not distance itself from the corridors of power, but such relationship should not turn to that of master-servant. Its top brass must know where to draw the line so that the military does not become the foot soldier of the government of the day. Many believe that this is what is happening today.

    As an institution, the military is bigger than its leaders. It is even bigger than the sovereign leader, the president, who is its Commander-in-Chief (C-i-C)  because presidents come and go, but the military will remain forever. This is what our military leaders should bear in mind at this critical juncture of the nation’s life. Should we destroy the military  in order to help some people to realise their  inordinate ambition of retaining power? The military is there to protect democracy. At least, this is what the armed forces of nations, which appreciate democracy, do. Our military cannot afford to be different in this age and time.

    Despite its claim of impartiality, the truth is the military has not been  neutral in the countdown to the forthcoming general elections. It has been working hand in glove with the government, which fished for excuses in order to postpone the elections from February 14 and 28 to March 28 and April 11. If the military does not know, I think we should let it know  that  the Jonathan administration used it  to get the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to postpone the elections. INEC was set for the elections despite its challenges with the ongoing  distribution of the Permanent Voter’s Cards (PVCs).

    Those seeking polls postponement were initially asking that the elections be shifted because of INEC’s inability to ensure 100% distribution of the cards as if there is anywhere in the world where 100% distribution of voter’s card is achieved before elections.  National Security Adviser (NSA) Sabo Dasuki was among those seeking postponement on that ground. Having lost that argument, he came up with the issue of  insecurity in the Northeast. Insurgency has been part of Northeast since 1999, yet elections were held there in 2011 as noted by President Goodluck Jonathan during his media chat last week. If elections were held as scheduled in the Northeast in 2011, why can’t they hold as scheduled in 2015?

    The NSA does not have an answer to that, but to satisfy his masters, who do not want the elections to hold as scheduled for reasons best known to them, he came up with the insecurity gambit and the military brass fell for it.

    If the military had stood its ground the first in the series of elections would have been held last Saturday. The six-week postponement they got would soon run out and the elections will come and go, but the military’s role  will long be remembered and it may in future become a research topic. Although the military denies its involvement in politics, there is ample evidence that it is  neck deep in it. It was used to malign its former C-i-C, Gen Muhammadu Buhari, who is the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate during the orchestrated noise  over his school certificate. Now, it is being used to also abuse another  former C-i-C, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.

    What is Obasanjo’s offence? He accused the military of plotting tenure elongation for Jonathan by using the insecurity ploy to get INEC to postpone the polls. In an unsigned statement posted on its website, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) said Obasanjo’s unguarded utterances were becoming an embarrassment to the military. The DHQ took Obasanjo to the cleaners, saying : ‘’Much as the military desires to respect the old General and his views, it has become necessary to point out that his conduct…of late has fallen short of the standard of discipline expected of an individual who has had the privilege of service in the military and risen to the status of a general. The behaviour of General (Chief) Obasanjo has been so unbecoming and continues to constitute a serious embarrassment to the military…we feel constrained to remind the old General that the world has moved beyond that parochial and self adulating reasoning and mindset, which he seems stuck to.

    ‘’Indeed, he needs to be told that by virtue of their better training , exposure, education, assessment and environment the military personnel of today are already far beyond his level in their appreciation of democracy and its indispensability for the stable and prosperous society which Nigerians cherish’’. It is, however, curious that nobody signed the statement. It was like the June 23, 1993 statement annulling the June 12 election, which was not signed by the Babangida  administration  because it knew it was embarking on a wrong course of action. If the military knew that it had a strong case it would have signed that statement to prove that its heart is in what it is doing. How are we sure that it was not handed that statement by superior authority and asked to issue the release?

    The military has a lot of self cleansing to do. What does  it make of the revelations of Army Captain Sagir Koli, an Intelligence officer, who was lately of the 32 Artillery Brigade in Akure, the Ondo State capital, on how the military was used to rig the Ekiti State governorship election last June 21?  To borrow DHQ’s words, does that show a military that appreciates democracy and its indispensability for the stable and prosperous society which Nigerians cherish? Is that a military which conduct has not fallen short of expected standard and discipline? Is that a military which behaviour is not unbecoming? Koli was an insider, who knew all that transpired during the Ekiti poll. Because he cannot in good conscience continue to live a lie, he spilled the beans.

    As the captain rightly noted the military has a role to play in the sustenance of democracy. We agree with him totally. This is why the military should not be a party to the killing of democracy with the kind of rigging it purportedly lent support to during the Ekiti election. There is no gainsaying the fact that our democracy is in the military’s hands. If it thrives, it will be to its  glory, but if it fails, it will be to its eternal  shame.

  • If ‘press boys’ were patriots…

    This year, our practiced clasp may gather into a punch, if we let it. This is the year in which we accord our leaders their rights to everlasting madness – that they may see the bite of the frost against their naked butts, as much as they feel it.

    This year, we birth the truth, or learn to silence it, as usual. I could plead that we summon our will to defend the interests of our people and State but that would be tantamount to imploring the pirate to pilfer riotous raindrops from the Pacific, wouldn’t it?

    This year, our practice lumps together, two crucial yet haunting questions into some tiresome rhetoric: (a) As the polls approach, what should our values be? (b) Who should be the beneficiaries of such values? Predictably, we pervert the first to foster an even more insidious perversion of the second, as usual.

    Thus we evade the task of evolving and defining a rigid code of moral values that we could be led by. Hence the appalling immorality, chronic injustice, gross double standards and the insoluble conflicts and contradictions that plague journalism practice in the 21st century as it does the Nigerian society, under all questionable variants of leadership and altruist ethics.

    Observe the indecency of what characteristically, passes for our moral judgement and the consequences today: self-acclaimed democrats and looters who rigged their way to power, political thug-fathers and gangsters who shot their way to power and then, out of it – having amassed their fortune by looting state coffers, are enabled and patronised by us as the next best elements to happen to the Nigerian state. Even so, we ignore the promising aspirant who gives up the pursuit of peace and fulfilment in order to support our dreams of bliss and realisation of it. Such an aspirant is regarded by many of us as a hopeless radical; a tiresome irritant to our democratic process.

    Ultimately, we label wearisome tyrants and desperadoes, beacons of hope, while explaining unspeakable atrocities they commit as their altruistic contributions for the love of the good and the benefit of all. Observe what this leadership and beneficiary criterion does to the life of the average man on the street. The first thing he learns is that morality is his enemy. He has nothing to gain from it as he can only lose in his pursuit of it. And were he to challenge the system by seeking to pursue such ideal or propagating it, self-inflicted loss, agony and the gray, debilitating pall of an incomprehensible citizenship is all that he gets.

    Were he to hope for that proverbial leadership that might occasionally sacrifice itself for his benefit as he endeavours, grudgingly, to attempt likewise in the interest of others, the shortfall will foster ceaseless agony and resentment instead of pleasure and gain.

    If we could endeavour to rise to fulfil the duties characteristic of natives of the Fourth Estate, we could among other things, assure our poor and helpless compatriots that even though citizenship they endure hardly provides them with benefits of nationality and an automatic form of survival, we – that is, natives of the Fourth Estate – could serve as the means to the attainment of our proverbial vista of progress and abundance.

    If we could rise to truly observe our role in Nigeria’s democratic process, we could teach the citizenry to discover among other things, the fraudulence implicit in such politics as our redefinition of President Goodluck Jonathan as a true democrat; an impractical sloth as a brilliant Statesman.

    It’s about time we taught the citizenry to identify the fundamental moral differences between leadership that seeks its effluorescence in rampant corruption, treasury looting, politics of death and institutionalised violence vis-à-vis leadership that has the interests of the poor hapless masses at heart.

    We could teach Nigeria to understand that the evil of such soulless leadership hardly subsists totally, in its bid to perpetuate itself in power eternally but also in what it considers as its interests for doing so; it lies not in its tenacious cling to the reigns of power but in its practice of the science and art of leadership at a sub-human level.

    In the flurry of currency-activated campaigns and shallow-talk, we could shun the envelopes that bind to pay good mind to the issues that matter. We could acknowledge our premises and inclinations for or against every aspirant as the products of our inherent values and evasions and thus understand that the electorate in turn chooses its values by both a conscious and probably more hyper-active subconscious process of thought and acceptance by default.

    This is oft predicated on some form of social osmosis or blind imitation thus the urgent need to educate the electorate to fashion the measures by which the patriot-leader we seek shall emerge. It is the simplest measures that get to count, like the institution of the primacy of rule of law and frank talk.

    Shall we now institute a worthy flagship with platform upon which we would challenge our self-appointed Messiahs, drill them, analyse them and beam as much of their adroitness as their incapacities through the country, across the continent, to the whole wide world.

    So doing, we could teach the nation to support our dreams of bliss and its realisation by no other means but dint of our heartfelt efforts. We could help natives of our failing state to understand that the politics that leadership we loathe and endure seek to perpetuate permits no view of us except as clueless bums and sacrificial lambs, hapless victims and parasites; that it permits no concept of beneficent co-existence with us.

    We could educate the electorate to understand that among other things, the reasons for our dumb acquiescence to cynicism and despair and rebel against them: cynicism, because we neither practice nor accept the incumbent leadership’s debilitating inhumanness and  despair, because we lack the courage and will to reject it.

    We could inspire Nigeria to rebel against such devastating evil by urging the citizenry not to be deceived by promises of unblemished altruism for if anything, the advocates of such altruism are often times and right now, still unable to base their ethics and projections on any dependable philosophy of human existence and politics. For instance, President Jonathan still offers “life-boat” solutions as lifelines from which to derive his philosophy of governance and moral conduct even as he pays lip-service to his much-publicised bid to actualise our most unrealistic fantasies.

    For all our vaunted ability to challenge the worst of tyrants and speak truth to power, we are yet to get the hang of it, although we love to beat our chests that we do. If we do really, then we would have enlightened the electorate to identify the candidate whose politics deserve our mandate and patronage. If we do, we would have alerted the electorate to those expectations and demands we are meant to enshrine and perpetuate in the flurry of political campaigns primed wholly to befuddle and entertain.

    It is time we affect such dauntless courage, professionalism and understanding of our socio-politics, that we may in good time teach the nation to explore the politics and soul of at least one candidate in order to trust him.

  • Eliminating mass poverty, unemployment  (II)

    Eliminating mass poverty, unemployment (II)

    Measurement of Poverty and Unemployment

    Statistical information in Nigeria about income, employment and unemployment is very inadequate. This deficiency cannot be remedied quickly, as the necessary work is both complex and costly. But this deficiency should not be considered a pre-condition for action designed to alleviate the most serious conditions of poverty. Often, available but unused statistical information may be used for policy purposes at comparatively little cost. The important thing is to identify the extremely poor sections of the society, and seek to alleviate their miserable conditions. In Nigeria, as well as in other developing countries, the economic gains of the 1970s have been virtually wiped out by massive foreign debts, declining national income, and growth rates. The problems of mass poverty are massive, growing and urgent. These problems require urgent attack despite our present economic difficulties. Radical courses are needed. We must formulate and implement policies that seek to move our poverty-reduction and employment goals from the periphery towards the centre of our development plans. We must become as concerned with income and output distribution as with income and output generation. We must adopt programmes with direct benefits for the very poor.

    Development Planning

      The urgency of finding solutions to our acute problems has been recognised at all levels of our country. But this should not create the illusion that much can be gained by us through rhetoric, or by appeals to nationalism or patriotism. Important as these are, they are not a substitute for plan discipline, or for the dangerous notion that industrialisation need no longer serve as a vehicle for useful technological transfer and, or, adaptation. Any such notion is a pure fallacy. Despite our present economic difficulties, our long-term objective must be to assist the industrial sector of the economy to recover from its present slump, so that the present level of unemployment may be reduced by the creation of jobs in the industrial sector. Our ongoing planning efforts should guide development activities and allocate resources to those sectors of the economy that have a multiplier effect on the economy, particularly for the purpose of generating employment. In addition, to our efforts to carry out economic reforms should include a close examination of the functioning of the existing market mechanisms which have tended to distort the economic structure in Nigeria.

    The Process of Industrialisation

     It is imperative that we continue to regard industrialisation as an essential part of our development strategy and a vital component of our development strategy to counter poverty and unemployment, as industrialisation will, in the long run, play a most important role in the economic growth and social transformation of our country. This is not to suggest that we should pay less attention to the agricultural sector of our economy. Far from it, for a vibrant agricultural sector is itself a pre-condition for a viable and strong industry. But industry is the most dynamic sector of the economy, where productivity usually increases at the highest rates. It can make a very important contribution to the development of other sectors of the economy, particularly agriculture, but also transport and services. Industrial production requires skill and organisation; therefore, its expansion promotes desirable work habits. We need, therefore, to keep our national investment rate in industry sufficiently high so as to promote employment.

    One important qualification is that we need to make our industries more labour-intensive, and more cost effective. Our industrial policy should be closely linked with policies that are not only aimed at output expansion, but employment generation. Hence, the importance of small-scale and rural-based industries. Many types of simple equipment and machinery can be manufactured in small and medium-sized enterprises, using local materials and labour-intensive techniques. In addition, we need to take a closer look at the structure of incentives and tariffs which tend, on the whole, to favour capital intensive and consumer-oriented industries. This is one of the key factors militating against the use of local raw materials.

    Agricultural and Rural Policies

     As we have pointed out, our stagnant agriculture is an inherent weakness of the Nigerian economy. Until recently, Nigeria was spending on food imports the staggering sum of N2billion, or 25 per cent of its GNP. Even with the recent reforms, a sizeable chunk of our foreign exchange is still being spent on the procurement of food imports. Yet, the population growth rate is such that by the end of the century, Nigeria’s population, now estimated at 100 million, will be close to 150 million, or more; thus imposing a further strain on an economy that appears to be so totally dependent on external sources even for its food supplies. A vigorous agricultural expansion is clearly needed to give impetus to economic growth, to relieve food shortages, to combat malnutrition, to curb inflation, and to alleviate pressure on the balance of payments. Indeed, the objective of a prosperous rural sector needs to be at the centre of our strategy against mass poverty. To ensure the continuation of the present agricultural momentum in Nigeria, however, considerable changes in agricultural policies are required.

      First, we need to review the provisions of the Land Use Decree, so as to facilitate acquisition of land for farming. Land remains one of the major constraints to agricultural expansion in Nigeria. Many local and foreign companies that would like to go into agriculture on a big scale are faced with the practical difficulty of getting land at prices they can afford. Many of the state governments regard the quest for agricultural land as an opportunity to charge exorbitant fees that are totally unrelated to the actual value of the land being sought. In addition, great care should be taken not to adopt policies that may be detrimental to the small scale farmers. Experience in several countries, such as Zimbabwe and Kenya, with more successful agricultural sectors than Nigeria, has shown that output per acre in many important food and cash crops is usually higher on small holdings than on large farms. In addition, small scale cultivation can not only lead to greater production, but also to more rural employment and better distribution of income. But much more important to a successful agricultural policy are the provision of extensive services, and the application of the results of the research institutes, particularly with regard to the development and distribution of high yielding crop varieties. It is a matter for regret that the government decided recently to reduce the subsidy on fertilisers by another 10 per cent. The financial gains accruing to the government as a result of this measure in no way compensates for the inevitable loss of momentum. This measure is bound to have a deleterious effect on the small scale farmer, who remains the back-bone of the agricultural sector.

       As in industry, there is a growing tendency in Nigeria today to favour mechanisation in the agricultural sector. While mechanical equipment have valid uses in agriculture in meeting the cycle of sowing and harvesting, we should be careful to avoid a situation that could lead to the under-utilisation of abundant labour in the rural areas due to a preference for mechanical equipment. It is also important to treat our agricultural policy as part of our rural development programme, which should encompass many activities besides farming. Complimentary employment possibilities may be found in a number of agro-industrial activities. These ancillary activities which should include handicrafts should give a spur to the modernisation of the rural sector, and thereby help to bridge the gap separating it from the urban sector. The creation of job opportunities in farming and in ancillary activities in the rural areas should continue to be supported by the provision of credit on favourable terms, the provision of extension services, the improvement of transportation, the construction of feeder roads, the expansion of marketing facilities, and the provision of training and management advice.

     

    Conclusion

      It is evident from the remarks that I have made that I see the whole question of increased productivity more in terms of man than goods. I believe that the best measure of productivity is the extent to which jobs are created, and basic human needs met. To conceive of, or define productivity in terms merely of output of goods is, in my judgment extremely narrow. As the late renowned economist once said, ‘development is about people, not the output of goods’. Thank you for your attention.

  • Hiding behind a finger

    It was a long day not only for Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman Prof Attahiru Jega and his team, but also for Nigerians. Throughout Saturday, the nation waited on Jega as he held series of meetings on whether the February 14 and 28  general elections should hold as scheduled. Even before he came out around 11pm to address reporters, who had waited all day in INEC’s press centre, the grapevine had been abuzz with what he wanted to say.

    Since information travels at the speed of light these days, many were already talking about the postponement on social media. So, Jega only came to confirm what people already knew – the shift of the elections to March 28 and April 11. Watching Jega that night as he spoke, I felt for him. Here was a man of principle faced with a dire situation. He and his commission had done everything in readiness for the elections. They were set to go despite the hiccups in the distribution of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs), which some initially  wanted to use to force its hands to postpone the elections.

    Mind you, it is not that INEC has not been distributing the cards; it has been doing so even though it could still improve on its system to make things less cumbersome. It could ensure that its personnel are at the collection centres, such as polling units (PUs), wards and local government areas, as scheduled so that eligible voters will not be left stranded. Because really, many  went to their PUs, wards and local governments severally without meeting INEC personnel on ground.

    But in many places where INEC officials turned up early for the exercise, the owners were not there to collect their cards. What do we make of that? Do we blame INEC if the owners decide not to collect the cards? With the extension of the exercise to March 8, the collection of PVC would, hopefully,  have long been dealt with before the March 28 presidential and National Assembly elections. Those who had other agenda wanted to hide under the collection of PVCs to scuttle the ongoing transition programme.

    It all started as a huge joke when some people began to fly the kite for either  the postponement of the elections or an interim government. The reason, according to them, being INEC’s unpreparedness. The commission has said it repeatedly that it is ready for the elections. Jega has been unequivocal on his stand that INEC is prepared for the polls notwithstanding the PVC challenge. His assurances seem not to cut ice with the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which has a different motive.

    Although the party is openly  saying that it is prepared for the elections,  it is acting otherwise behind the scene. It is in cahoots with some parties, which only exist on paper, some politicians, priests and former militants to stop the elections. The question then is why is PDP working covertly against holding the elections? Political pundits argue that it is against the holding of the elections because it has no answer to the Buhari challenge. In the political market today, the stock of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate, Gen Muhammadu Buhar, is soaring.

    The pundits believe that if the  elections hold today, Buhari will carry the day. It is to avoid its ignominious defeat at the polls that PDP is buying time through the postponement of the elections. “Why will you postpone the elections at the 11th hour despite all the assurances given by the electoral body that it is ready for the exercise?” they wonder, adding : ‘’There is more to it than meets the eye’’. Elsewhere,  governments  move elections forward and not backward once they are sure of sweeping the polls.  Indeed, it is curious that the elections are being postponed now. Left to Jega, the exercise would have gone on until the military threw the issue of security into the mix.

    Insecurity was the latter day excuse, which the National Security Adviser (NSA), Col Sabo Dasuki, and the military chiefs gave for seeking the postponement of the elections for six weeks. But before looking at the genuineness or otherwise  of this excuse, let us examine what Dasuki said at Chatham House in London last January 22, while campaigning for postponement : ‘’They still have about 30 million cards to distribute. We look at the possibility of shifting this thing (election) and doing it when everybody  has the card because it doesn’t cost you anything.

    ‘’It is still within the law and it is safer for all of us. So, that is what we are encouraging. INEC keeps assuring us that everybody will have his card but I doubt it…there is nothing wrong in delaying it to ensure that everybody who ought to vote gets that card to vote…if you can’t vote without your PVC, what sense does it make to vote three months early when 30 million cards are still with INEC? That is my position’’. As we said in this space two weeks ago, in such a situation, the government should have come to INEC’s aid to ensure a quicker distribution of the PVCs in such a way that it would not affect the election dates. It could have declared public holidays to hasten the process, if it actually wanted the elections to hold as scheduled.

    Since it had its own agenda, it
    was better to hide under in
    security to force INEC to postpone the elections. When did it dawn on the NSA that the prevailing insecurity in the Northeast could affect the holding of the elections? Was it after his alleged shoddy distribution of PVCs by INEC failed to fly? Now that they have had their way, we wait to see how they will  conquer Boko Haram within six weeks as they have boasted. If it is that easy to finish off Boko Haram, why hasn’t the military done so since? What have they been waiting for these past six years? Boko Haram became a thorn in the nation’s flesh in 2009 shortly after the killing of its leader, Mohammed Yusuf, and since then the military has not found an answer to this problem.

    Painfully, the Boko Haram insurgency  has spread from Maiduguri, the Borno State capital to Yobe,  Adamawa and Gombe states, without the security agencies rising to the occasion. Now, the NSA, the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh, Chief of Army Staff Lt Gen Kenneth Minimah, Chief of Naval Staff Vice Admiral Usman Jibrin, Chief of Air Staff Air Marshal Olusola Amosun and Inspector-General of Police Suleiman Abba want us to believe that, at last, they have found the antidote to the Boko Haram insurgency and that it comes at a price – postponement of the much awaited general  elections.

    That, with due apologies to Zebrudaya, is  ‘’fa…faa… faaa…foul’’.  In 61  days, it will be one year since Boko Haram insurgents kidnapped over 200  Chibok schoolgirls. What have our security chiefs done in this past year to bring back our girls? Nothing, but they are quick to use the ploy of insecurity to get the general elections postponed. Tell me, if in six years, they cannot flush out Boko Haram, is it in six weeks they will perform that magic?

  • Like Babangida, like Jonathan

    Babangida is my father”, President Jonathan recently told reporters after a courtesy call on the ex-military dictator. He, by that declaration, traded off his estranged godfather, ex-President Obasanjo who he now says “is nothing but a motor park tout” for an evil genius and an acclaimed Maradona of Nigerian politics. The truth of the matter is that Babangida and Jonathan have so many parallels that will shock Nigerians. Babangida attained power through act of subterfuge on a night of many knives.  Jonathan adopted the same strategy betraying the spirit and the letter of PDP constitution and its rotational policy.  Sambo Dasuki, one of Babangida, Abacha and Gusau’s foot-soldiers during their coup against Buhari, became Babangida’s ADC (aide-de-camp). By strange coincidence, Dasuki, is today the National Security Adviser to President Jonathan who is contesting against General Muhammadu Buhari in an election now derailed by what many Nigerians regarded as Dasuki’s spurious security report.

    And still on similarities between father and son; Babangida embarked on a ‘transition without end’ immediately after a successful coup and went on to dribble Nigerians for eight years.  Jonathan’s first concern on attaining power in 2011 was to float the idea of a six-year presidency. Now after six years of failed presidency, he wants another four years.  And Just as Babangida had Arthur Nzeribe’s Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), Jonathan’s Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN) that would rather have him adopted than face election. And just as Babangida relied on “Nigerian Army of anything is possible’’ now ably represented in PDP to torment Nigeria for eight years, Jonathan is today using a politicized military to increase our nightmare.

    Similarly, Babangida institutionalized corruption, but Jonathan, surrounded by indicted party officials and ex-governors who stole in billions and trillions has improved on his ‘father’s legacy.  While Babangida destroyed the economy resulting in the devaluation of naira, he was awarded the Fellowship of Nigeria Economic Society, (the authoritative body of Nigerian scholars on Nigerian economy and social problems) as ‘a visionary in the management of our economy’. Now Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Finance Minister and former World Bank celebrated officer, has praised the president for his bold economic strides especially with the rebasing that has now established our economy as the biggest in Africa. This is in spite of millions of Nigerian unemployed university graduates roaming the streets and the exchange rate which was $1-85 in 1999 but now $1-N210.

    While the above parallels may be lost on Nigerians and the innocent 18 year-olds President Jonathan has tried to cultivate, the assault on Nigerians last Saturday by President Jonathan should be a source of concern. From the diary of events, it is apparent that postponement of the election was a panic measure by a government facing an imminent defeat hoping to buy time for more sinister strategies and desperate measures just as Babangida did back in 1993.

    For instance, until last week when the president’s game of subterfuge finally unfolded, he had pretended his relationship with INEC was anchored on ‘delegation by abdication’. He and his party pretended all was well with INEC.  In fact, it was the opposition that was in the forefront of ensuring voters gets their PVCs. It was the opposition that passed a resolution at the Lower House to the effect that the electorate be allowed to use their temporary voters card if INEC failed, and it was the opposition that declared public holidays in the states they controlled to enable voters collect their PVCs .The President remained unruffled. In fact, he in early January still assured Nigerians of his commitment to the election and mandated INEC to ensure all eligible voters receive their PVCs before the election. INEC was working round the clock to achieve that objective when the President’s National Security Adviser  went to Chatham House London, to give what he described as a personal advice – that INEC  postpones the election to enable  all eligible voters collect their PVCs.

    The international community that has been treating President Jonathan and his PDP like a bull in a China shop immediately saw through government ploy. They knew it was the hand of Jacob but the voice of Esau. They advised Jonathan against shifting the election date and President Obama went further by sending John Kerry, his secretary of state to prevail on President Jonathan not to tamper with the electoral process.  President Jonathan like Babangida back in 1993 assured President Obama of his commitment to February 14.  But curiously, on February 4, the NSA wrote a letter, not to the President but to INEC chairman telling him the obvious – 14 of the country’s 774 LGAs are unsafe for the conduct of the election. But long before the NSA’s game of deceit, Nigerians as well as stakeholders from the besieged North-east knew that as a fact. On February 5, the president, still hiding behind one finger, invited his security chiefs to brief the Council of State about the security situation in the North-east. The body rightly washed its hand clean asking INEC to go on with its job after due consultation with stakeholders.

    Doyin Okupe was at this stage forced to spill the beans. According to him, the security chiefs “cannot guarantee the security of electoral materials, INEC staff and the voting population in areas currently engulfed by the war against insurgency.”  Besides “with the arrival of new effective combatant equipment and machinery, the situation in the affected states will be brought under such reasonable control that will guarantee safety of the electoral process  …at a no distant future”, he concluded avoiding mentioning six weeks. Mike Omeri, the Director-General of National Orientation Agency followed with a press conference. He was in possession of a security report that pointed to the possibility of some women infiltrating queues on the voting day to detonate bombs hidden in their Niqabs. Then came Edwin Clark, Alex Ekwueme, Walter Ofonagoro, Femi Okunrounmu, Chukwuemeka Ezeife and others, all rabid supporters of Jonathan’s re-election under the aegis of Southern Nigerian Peoples Assembly, SNPA calling for “the postponement of the February 14 presidential election, the sack and arrest of the Chairman of INEC, Attahiru Jega to allow for the re-constitution, repositioning and reprocessing of INEC to discharge its responsibility of conducting an impartial election.”

    Their grouse: Jega allegedly directed the release of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) to Emirs, District Heads and top politicians in the north.

    Even if this were true, how can one entrust such roles to people like Chief Edwin Clark under whose watchful eyes, successive governors of the Delta states diverted about 70% of their states allocations for personal use or Dr Alex Ekwueme who saw nothing and heard nothing when some past Anambra State governors expended their state allocations in servicing godfathers or when Ngige was kidnapped in broad day light by aggrieved godfather?

    Desperate times are here again; Panic has set in. It is like Babangida’s era all over again with oil bunkerers and militants responsible for the loss of 500,000 barrels of crude oil a day, fuel subsidy thieves responsible for the theft of N1.6 trillion, banking sector fraudsters responsible for the collapse of the sector, and the stock exchange market back in 2009 and shameless elders assaulting our sensibilities on television. And putting pepper in our eyes, President Jonathan says he is acting in good faith.

  • Nigeria: Wages of sin

    The wages of sin is death”, says the Great Book. Empirically, we know that death is always preceded by some sort of weakness. Sin sets on a process of progressive weakening which ultimately ends in death.

    All of nature and all of history, as they concern us Nigerians, combined to give us a country that was meant and endowed to be prosperous and great in the world. Though the human agents, the British, who carved out that country and gave it initial structure, were manipulative, crooked and wicked in much of what they did, our country, as it sprang into tentative being at independence was nevertheless a potentially mighty entity eager and rearing to fulfill its awesome destiny among the countries of the earth. But then the power of sin set in – the power of unrestrained human will, the urge and resolve of some in the house to grab and engross what belongs to the whole household and to deprive the rest. As in all cases where sin strikes out to act, the urge to grab and engross and deprive others was needless. Sharing in order and mutual respect, our chances of prospering together were huge. But by thus setting in motion a process of orgiastic scrambling and wrangling, we have bruised every member of the household, generated a barbarous culture, and mindlessly pushed our country onto the path of sickness and death. Today, the sickness has advanced so far that the question uppermost on most of our minds is whether it is possible at all for our country to exist much longer.

    These days, we are all living in horror as we watch our country going through the dance of death – with every single index of national strength pulverized and decaying.  Greed, avarice and graft rule supreme over all institutions, all duty performances, and all inter-personal dealings. Hardly any Nigerian public official, high or low, offers any service to the public these days without first demanding bribes. Nigeria teaches and acculturates its citizens to despise truly productive enterprise, and to give their intellect and passion to hustling for shares from the bounties stolen from the national wealth.

    Security is the first benefit of citizenship of a country, but in the Nigeria of greed and graft, security has disappeared. The average Nigerian, if criminally abused or robbed, can no longer be sure whether it is safe to seek help from the police and the legal system. If the miscreant bribes the police and court officials enough (as is now the norm), the victim who seeks help from the law-enforcement agencies will only get himself into bigger trouble – and may need a lot of money to dig himself out.

    We are constantly hearing stories of military officers stealing weapons from the nation’s armouries for sale to criminals and terrorists, of funds meant for running military operations being criminally shared by military commanders, and of high military officers building or buying multi-billion naira estates. In the circumstance, the Nigerian military has lost all professionalism and all efficiency, with the result that we Nigerians feel helpless before the rampages of a rag-tag hoodlum gang like Boko Haram. From reports and experience, most Nigerians know that Nigeria’s secret service is a beehive of corruption within which even the most junior officers can quickly amass fortunes – from their contacts with public resources and with members of the public. This past week, each of these agencies of public safety (the police, the military and the secret service) scored a first in degradation and corruption in the history of human governance. Each of them, operating as if they are private entities by themselves and for themselves, and not publicly owned agencies, wrote letters to the nation’s electoral servants to say that they will not be available to give Nigerians security in the nationally scheduled, and all-important, act of voting to elect a new government – letters that, in a proper country, should qualify for charges of treason.

    The electoral commission, ludicrously called “Independent National Electoral Commission”, is well known and deeply despised by all Nigerians for what it is – a stink-pot of corruption and betrayal, an ever ready tool of bandits in power for distorting and stultifying the will of Nigerians at elections. This past week, some eminent Nigerians led by a former Vice-President of Nigeria (Alex Ekweme) hauled staggering accusations against INEC, to the effect that INEC has been engaged in a huge plot to rig the forth-coming presidential election. And, as of the time that these allegations were being aired, certain incredible materials were also circulating in Nigeria and abroad alleging a plot by some highly placed public officials and law-enforcement commanders to rig a recent election in one Nigerian state. Of course, given the sordid history of the electoral commission since independence, no Nigerian is seriously surprised or bothered by these allegations. These are the sorts of things that INEC has always done. Of course too, no authority in Nigeria (presidency, or Attorney General, or police) is expected to step forward to investigate these horrendously criminal allegations. For Nigeria, governance belongs in the mud pond of corruption and crimes.

    Finally, over this massive mud pond of corruption and crimes reigns the official whom we “elect” as president of our country. He is commander-in-chief, patron and rewarder of all processes of the corruption. That is the way the mess was designed and nurtured – constitutionally, politically and morally. In all essence, it is not fair to blame any particular president for these ills. I once said in this column that I agree with President Jonathan’s statement that he is not the source or cause of Nigeria’s mess. But it is fair to say that he came, he saw the mess, and he revelled in it – revelled in it more than any president before him. Of course, I would agree with the overwhelming majority of Nigerians at home and abroad that President Jonathan does not deserve to have one more term as our president, but I would not saddle him with the historic responsibility of plunging our country into the mud in which it is now gasping for breath.

    This sad story of Nigeria has a powerful lesson: If you belong to a household, don’t proceed to break down the moral fence protecting it – no matter your incentives and possible gains for feeling like doing so. The people who started at independence to disrupt and distort the fragile balance of Nigeria’s politics could never have imagined that the consequences of what they were starting then would ever be as bad as today. Today, nobody, no group, is benefiting from the horrors that have been concocted. All of us Nigerians, as individuals and nationalities, are losers –losers in prospect, losers in hope, and losers in image among the peoples of the earth. If Nigeria does finally drown in the mess which we have created, we Nigerians of the generations since 1960 to now will go down in the annals of human history as the incompetents and moral dwarfs who were handed a country with all the possibilities of greatness and who made only a mess of it. It is not a good load to bear in history.

     

  • B/Haram and Nigeria’s neighbors; failure of foreign policy?

    Scholars of international relations have always considered peace on the borders of any  country crucial in understanding that country’s relations with the outside world. In this sense, it is almost a truism that the most secure border is the undefended border. Good examples of secure borders are the USA/Canadian and Shengen borders in Europe. The sign of insecurity is when borders are heavily fortified. The removal of borders between or among a group of countries is a manifestation of peace and economic equilibrium. When there is unequal economic development, removal of borders will lead to push-pull  movement in which people will move in large numbers to developed and economically buoyant neighboring countries in search of economic sustenance.

    The greatest development in the politics of the world since 1945 is the attempt at European economic integration as a possible prelude to full political union. This happened  in a Europe where between 1870 and 1945, the two countries in the heart of that continent namely France and Germany fought three wars, the last two plunging the world into military cataclysm that led to the death of close to 50 million souls not counting those who died as a result of disease and collateral damage. This is why the advent of the European Economic Community (EEC) and  its metamorphosis into the European Union has not only been studied critically all over the world, it has also provided an example to follow in other regions of the world  particularly in the Americas. South East Asia, Central Asia the Pacific Rim and Africa. The ECOWAS experiment did not just come from the moon, it was well rooted in historical antecedence.

    Coming nearer home, we have been seized with the question of relations among neighbors in Africa. We cannot build any economic edifice among neighboring countries unless we first establish if there is some kind of entente cordiale between two countries and among others involved in economic integration. For Nigeria, the most important country in West Africa, charity must begin on our borders. I think it was Professor Ibrahim Agboola Gambari who first used an inelegant phraseology to describe this idea as co-prosperity area. It is inelegant in the sense that it  brings back the feeling of a powerful country overrunning its neighbors as was done by Japan during the events leading to the Second World War. I have been involved with others in studying our relations with our neighbors for some decades and I have written quite extensively on this. I remember writing on Nigeria-Equatorial Guinea relations and Nigeria-Cameroun  relations  in the 1970s as purely academic exercise without necessarily thinking of policy implications. But somehow, I have had to advice government based on what initially looked like pure academic exercise. This has been a case of relevance of research in solving problems. I remember suggesting to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs  the idea of posting its most senior and knowledgeable diplomats to the capitals of our neighbors rather than to distant places like WashingtonMoscow, New York, London, Berlin, Paris, Brussels and Beijing, important as these places may be. The home front which peace on our borders implies is more important than the glamour of world capital cities. Their economic importance can be handled by well-trained commercial and economic experts in these missions. Of course ambassadors Hamzat Ahmadu and Akporode Clark were once posted to Yaunde and Niamey but these were not strictly based on the kind of policy shift I had in mind.

    Relations with all our neighbors namely, Benin, Niger, Tchad, Cameroun, Equatorial Guinea, and São Tomé and Principe are important and as we have now found out with the Boko Haram insurgency, a matter of life or death for our country. If our policy towards Tchad for example had been based on sound knowledge and operated by an influential envoy in Ndjamena, we would have had reports on the gathering storm because it is clear that Boko Haram had initially its  rear base of operation in Tchad. This is not surprising to me. Borno shares a common border and history with its neighbors across the frontier in the Wadai and Kanem districts of Tchad.

    In the long history of Kanem-Borno dating back around 800 A.D, that is the 9th century when Sayf bin dhi Yazan founded the Sayfawa dynasty, the area has witnessed political eruptions necessitating transfer of its capitals from Njimi in the 12century to N’gazargamu in the 15th century. Borno also witnessed  the invasion of the kingdom by the Fulani jihadists necessitating dynastic change from the Sayfawa to the Kanemis in 1810 to preserve the independence of the kingdom before it was again invaded by an Arab conquistador named Rabih Fadlallah who occupied the place between 1894 and 1897 before the British and the French drove him out and shared his territory into what was then called British and French Borno. Tchad itself had  never from colonial times till now been stable and had never been under civil admnistration under French colonial  rule it was simply referred to as Territoire militaire du Tchad.  It has continued to be governed by soldiers with consequent instability necessitating Nigeria’s military intervention in the country inthe 1980s. In the absence of jobs, Chadians have always been ready to offer their services legally or illegally as fighters rather than starve  at home in their inhospitable environment.

    In  other words, what is happening now is history repeating itself. The joint military operation has now become necessary because Nigeria has failed to protect its own territory through lack of military preparedness and diplomatic manoeuvering that should have anticipated events if we had secured our borders.

    I was in Maiduguri in 1983 when Chadians invaded Borno. Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, GOC Third Division of the Nigerian Army – yes the same Buhari – rushed the 23rd Armored Brigade commanded by Joshua Dogonyaro to Baga and Doro on Lake Chad and drove the Chadian rebels out of Nigeria. This is why a person like Buhari must find the present situation galling and almost humiliating. It is too late to wish that we can solve our problems ourselves and the setting up of an AU force of 7500 soldiers may be totally unnecessary if the present operations involving the Cameroun, Niger, Tchad and ourselves can be coordinated well under the rubric of the Lake Chad Commission.

    We must learn a bitter lesson from this Boko Haram insurgency which started from local grievances but has now snowballed into an international crisis drawing in Cameroun, Niger and principally Tchad and Libya as a distant source of weapons since the collapse of the Col. Khadaffi’s regime in which we foolishly supported the invasion of an African country by NATO.  Perhaps I need to say that Libya is not strange to Borno because there is a large section of Maiduguri called FEZZARI originally settled by people from The Fezzan in southern Libya.

    The lesson in all this is the appreciation of the nexus between foreign and domestic politics and the need for military preparedness even in time of peace, knowing that eternal vigilance is the price for liberty. Poor governance at home has its reverberation abroad. One hopes the Chadian army now fighting the Boko Haram would not be tempted in getting involved in the politics of territorial expansion and exerting political pressure on an apparent militarily exposed Nigeria. The news we have is that Chadians are already involved apparently in clandestine administration of conquered  Nigerian territories.